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with 1 Some people write from France that
M Thiers and his party wish to reduce Lou s
" i'jusufe con^rv en Louis
PhilKppe wishes for nothing better than just
to govern like the President of the_ United
States in spite of parliamentary majorities;
whereas M. Thiers & Co. think he ought to
reicm without ruling, and give up the helm to
responsible ministers, who shall go out when
ever there is a majority against them in the
Chamber of Deputies. Louis Plnihppe would
give his whole civil list for the privilege of
keeping a Woodbury in office for three years,
against obstinate majorities, and at last bring
ing the Legislature down upon its knees be
fore his throne. Thus, indeed, would he be
“every inch a king. .
As t0 the slang about “federal-republican’
party, it is too despicable a fallacy to be worth
replying -to. Don’t talk to me of Mr. Van
Buren’s professions—look to the record. 1 o
gay nothing of the Missouri Question and the
Tariff of’28, let him put his finger upon any
expenditure of public money, for local pur
poses, that he has, either directly or indirectly
opposed. Look at the yeas and nays. See
how his friends vote on the Cumberland Road
and Harbor bills, -&c. It is time these old
scare-crows were taken dawn—they are worn
out—and it is indecent to treat the people as
if they were still m their nursery.
I must apologise, gentlemen, for the length
to which this scrawl is run out, and beg you
to receive the assurance of the distinguished
consideration with which I have the honor to
be,
Your obliged and obedient servant,
.H. S. LEG ARE.
To Messrs. Hugh Mercer, &c.
-CommiUtee -of Invitation.
LETTER FROM GOV. KINNEY OF ILLINOIS.
Mockt Pleasant, (III.) July 10, 1840.
Dr. A. G. Henry, Chairman of the Whig Central Com
mittee of Illinois.
Dear Sir : Your letter of the 6th ultimo
which you have done me the honor to address
to me on the part of the Central Committee
lias this moment come to hand and 1 regret
that I am indisposed (having been confined to
my room for three weeks with a fever) that I
shall he compelled, in part to answer your sev
eral inquiries by referring to a portion of my
recent publications, which, 1 think, will fully
answer your first interrogatory.
You ask me, if, in yielding my support to
General Harrison for the Presidency, I have
deserted any of the democratic principles
which I have heretofore advocated ? I answer
unhesitatingly that I have not. And, as an
evidence of it, 1 beg leave to refer you to my
letter addressed to the lion. A. W. ■: ynder, at
his request; which letter was published in the
Madisonian, Backwoodsman, State Register,
and other papers ; and 1 would thank the edi
tors of those papers to republish the letter, as
it will show the People what my views were
upon the Sub-Treasury scheme many years
ago. Iu the letter refered to, I expressed my
decided opposition t<> the present ruinous sub-
Treasury system, which is now looked upon
as a threatening storm, which will desolate and
lay waste our trade and commerce, and bring
our people to poverty ami want.
I still continue to advocate the original
principles which General Jackson avowed,
and which Mr. Van Buren promised to carry
out; and, in view of which promise, I warm
ly supported his election to the Presidency.—
But Mr. Van Buren has himself abandoned
those original raeasuies of General Jackson by
thrice urging upon the people tl>e sub-Trea-
sury system, which the people, through their
immediate Represectatives, have thrice reject
ed. When lie first (recommended the adop
tion of the present sub-Treasury system he
promised to go “ in accordance with the wishes
of the people.” He has failed to do so. I
therefore am compelled, from a sense of duty
to myself and my country, to gay that I cannot
und^- any circumstances, be induced to yield
him my support, at least, not until I can sup
port liina on principle.
When* General Jackson retired from office
he left the Government in a more prosperous,
independent and happy situation than any oth-
*her nation on earth, and what, let me ask, is
the condition of the country now ?
Let every true lover of his country, every
true Republican, reflect upon the situation we
are now placed in* Let them also remember
that in all countries where the sub-Treasury
is in operation, the laboring class remain in
poveity, without any hope of bettering their
condition—the rich daily growing rich upon
the labor of the poor, and are in consequence
enabled to support monarchy, priestcraft, and
aristocracy, which, when connected together
are a trinity of articles which no country has
yet been able to compete with: and the war
fare against which has cost money and blood
enough to make every t effecting person cry out
in the language of the prophet, “ Oil that my
head were waters, and my eyes a fountain of
tears, that I might weep over” the misery and
suffering in store for the People of this nation.
A Standing A rmy must be •connected with
this abominable scheme, and, notwithstanding
Washington, Jefferson and all their successors
in the Presidential chair down to Mr. Van Bu-
reu, recommend a small number of troops in
time of peace, yet we find that the present Ex
ecutive, through the Secretary of War, has re
commended the raising an army of 200,000
men, one-half' to he under pay, and the re
mainder ready to be called into service at a
moments warning.
The .power which such an army would give
the President, both physical and political,
must be evident to every reflecting man. They
are to he called militia,-instead of regulars, for
the purpose of securing to them the right of
voting which is not allowed to regular troops,
thus placing nnder the control of the President
200,000 voters, to be used as may best suit his
interest. And should he at any time be dis
posed to place a crown upon his head, he
would have at his command 200,000 bayonets.
These are some ol the principal considera
tions that have induced me to pledge myself
to support Gen Wm. H. Harrison ; and I
would appeal at this time to the original Jack
sonian Democrats, with whom I have 60 Ion"
acted in good faith, to say whether Mr. Van
Buren did not ride into office on the wings of
Gen. Jackson’s popularity ? And I would ask
them also, if they did not vote for Mr. Van
Buren, because he promised to carry out the
great democratic principles of Gen. Jackson’s
first Administration ? I am free to acknow
ledge that I did.
In the second place, you ask me if the R e
publican party with which I acted in 1812 and
J813 constitutes any portion of that party
which supported Mr. Clinton in opposition to
Mr. Madison 1 In answer, I say it did not.—
The old De Witt Clinton party were general
ly known, and always termed in those days,
•“ the Anti-War Federal party.” They sup
ported Mt. Clinton because he was a rank
F’edeialist, and an uncompromising opponent
of the war. It was on that ground i myself
opposed him, believing then, as I do bow, that
his election would have proved runious to the
liberties of the People. That Mr. Van Buren
then supported De Witt Clinton is matter of
history that will not be denied.
In conclusion, I would affectionately appeal
to the old Jacksonian Democrats to come out
bold’y and fearlessly in favor of their original
principles and their own pecuniary interest.—
Go to the polls and cast your votes for the Old
Hero of the fVesl—the man who fought the
battles of your country, and to whom you are
indebted, in a great measure, for your present
quiet homes, andtheliberty and freedom which
we now enjoy.
I have the honor to remain your obedient
humble servant, WILLIAM KINNEY.
—
REPORT
Of Mr. Triplett, from the minority of
the committee, on the Militia Scheme of the
Federal Administration :
The undersigned, a minority of the Committee
on the militia, to which was referred the re
port of the Secretary of War, on the sub
ject of the militia, and also his letter trans
mitting a system of re-organization of the
militia of the United States, not being able
to agree with the majority of said committee
in the premises assumed, or the reasoning
adopted in their report, although they come to
the same conclusion, beg leave for themselves
to report :
The following extract from the report of
the Secretary of War, lays down the plan or
outline of his scheme : “It is proposed to di
vide the United States into eight military dis
tricts, and to organize the militia in each dis
trict, so as to have a body of twelve thous
and, five hundred men in active service, and
another of equal number as a reserve. This
would give an armed militia force of two hun
dred thousand men, so drilled and stationed
as to be ready to take their place in the ranks
in the defence of the country, whenever called
upon to oppose the enemy, or repel the in
vader. The age of the recruit to be from 20
to 37. Tire whole term of service, to be eight
years—four years in the first class, and four
in the reserve ; one-fourth part (twenty-five
thousand men) to leave the service every year,
passing at the conclusion of the first term into
the reserve, and exempted from ordinary mil
itary duty altogether at the end of the second.
In this manner twenty-five thousand men will
be discharged from militia duty every year,
and twenty-five thousand fresh recruits be re
ceived into the service. It will be sufficient
for all useful purposes, that the remainder of
the militia, under oeitain regulations provided
for their government, he enrolled and muster
ed at long and stated intervals; for in due
process of time, nearly the whole mass of the
militia will pass through the .first and second
classes, and be either members of the active
corps, or of the reserve, or counted a-
j mong the exempts, who will be liable to
[ be called upon only in periods of inva-
I sion or imminent peril. The manner of enrol
ment, the number of days of service, aud rate
I of compensation, ought to be fixed by law ;—
i but the details bad better be subject to regu
lation ; a plan of which I am prepared to sub-
• mitto you.”
The outlines of the plan being thus laid
| down, the Secretary of War, in his letter of
| the 20th of March, 1840, which has been re-
j ferred to the committee, and is referred if) as
! a part of this report, and attached to itiin the
appendix, fills up the details, arid shows the
manner this scheme is to be carried into exe
cution.
This plan has received a still higher sanc
tion in the approbation of the’President of the
I United Slates, in his last annual message : in
j which he says :
“ The present condition of the defences ©four
j principal seaports, and navy-yards, as repre-
1 sented by the accompanying report of the Sec-
J retary of War, calls (for the early and serious
attention of Congress; and, as connecting it
self intimately with this subject, I cannot re
commend too strongly to your consideration
the plan submitted by that officer for the
organization of the militia of the 'United
States.”
And the undersigned have given to it the
consideration which any measure, proceeding
from the Secretary of War, anti recommended
bythe President of the U. States deserves; and
now submit to the House the result of their
opinion.
This subject is second in importance to none
on which the Congress of the United States
has been called to act since the foundation of
the Government, contemplating nothing less
than an entire change in the militia system of
the Ufiited States; byiaking, in a time of
1 profound peace, the entire control and gov-
| ernment of the whole militia from the several
j States, to whom it has been heretofore enttns-
* ted, and transferring it to the United States,
j or to speak more correctly to the President.
J A change so important, from the powers
' which it confers on the .Executive of this Union
I and the consequences which may follow it, to
j the safety and welfare of the people, should
| not be made, unless the power is so clearly
i given by the Constitution as’to admit of no
j question ; and the necessity for its exercise
j so manifest, that conviction is forced upon the
understanding against its will.
Your committee cannot help expressing the j
| opinion that the Secretary of Warar. the time 1
he submitted it to Congress, had net turned
his attention to the constitutionality of his pro
posed scheme for organizing and training the
militia; and they annex hereto a resolution
passed at their meeting, after this subject
was submitted to them, the letter of their
Chairman to the Secretary of War, and his
answer-thereto, in the appendix to this Re-
j port.
They believe this scheme is -contrary to
i the lettei and spirit of the Constitution. It is
not pretended lhattt.be Government of the U.
States, or any of its departments, have any
power over the militia of the several States,
except what is conferred by the Constitution ;
and if it is not found theie, and is exercis
ed, it must be by assuming power not giant
ed.
The wise and patriotic inen who framed our
constitution, well knowing that a well-armed
citizen soldiery were the best defence of the
liberties of their country, whether threatened
by external -force or domestic usurpers, sur
rendered only so much of the control and gov
ernment of the militia of the several States to
the Federal Government, or to the President
as necessity required.
When tiie militia are called into the actual
service of the United States, they are to act
with the regular forces, aud form hut one ar
my, and should have but one head ; the Presi
dent was, therefore, made the commander-in-
chief of the militia of the several States when
. called into the actual service of the country ;
and, because it is necessary that ali troops
that are to be governed ly one commander
and act in concert, should be organized arm
ed, and disciplined, in the same way, power
was granted to Congress to provide for organ
izing, arming, and disciplining the militia,
and for governing such parts «f them as may
be employed in the service of the United States
but even this grant of power, necessary as it
was, was not made without cautiously reserv
ing to the States -respectively the appointment
of the officers, and the authority of training the
militia according to the. discipline prescribed by
Congress; and, above all, the States are not
to be deprived of their militia by the Federal
Government, unless there is a necessity for
their being called into the actual service cf the
United States, for one of the three specified
purposes—to execute the laws of the Union
of suppressing insurrections, and to repel in
vasions—in which event Congress has the
power to provide for governing them ; hut
then they can govern such part of them only
as may be employed in the service of the
United States, in the discharge of some one
or more of these three specified duties.”
The only clauses of the Constitution which
grant power to any department of the Federal
Government over the militia of the States, are
the following:
Clause 15, section 8, and 1st article—“Con
gress shall have power to provide for calling
forth the militia toexecute the laws of the Union,
suppress insm reel ions, and repel invasions.”
Clause 16.—“To provide for organizing,
arming, and disciplining the militia, and for
governing such part of them as may he em
ployed in the service of the United States, re
serving to the States respectively the appoint
ment of the officers, and the authority of train
ing the militia, according to the discipline pre
scribed by Congress.”
The 1st clause, 2d section, 2d article.—
“ The President shall be commander-in-chief
of the army and navy of the United States,
and of the militia of the several Stales, when
called, into the actual service of the United
States.”
Under the 'Constitution, then, Congress has
... °
no power to call forth the militia, except for
the express purpose of executing the laws of
the Lfoion, suppressing insurrections, or re
pelling invasions.
What laws of the Union are now resisted
which renders it necessary to call forth the
militia to execute them ? Where is the in
surrection which it is necessary for the militia
to suppress, and what part of our territory
-shall they tie marched to repel invasion ? The
laws are nowhere resisted; there is no insur
rection ; and our territory is not polluted by
an invading foe. None of those extraordinary
contingencies -oxist, on the occurrence of
which, alone, the extraordinary and high power
is granted by the people to Congress to call
forth the militia ; and to call them forth when
those contingencies provided for in the Con
stitution do not exist, is not only an infraction
of that Constitution, but an infringement on
the rights of life people, to which they will not
tamely submit.
But it may be contended by the Secretary
of War and the President, that, as there is
neither insurrection, invasion, nor resistance
to the laws, the plan proposed by them is not
a calling forth of the militia as is contemplated
by the Constitution, but a calling forth for the
•purpose of training and disciplining only. To
this vve reply, that, by the 2d section of the
2d article of the Constitution, it is only when
called into the actual service of the United
States thatthe President shall he commander-
in-chief of the militia of the several States;
and the whole plan of the Secretary of War
appears to have been drawn up with a view
to the President’s being the commander-in
chief of the militia, when so-called forth. And,
what settles -this question beyond all contro
versy, the l>7th clause of the Secretary’s pro
ject provides, “thatthe Presidentof the United
States be authorized to call forth, and assem
ble, such numbers of the active force of the
militia, at such places within their respective
districts, -and at such times, not exceeding
twice, nor days, in the same year, as he
may deem necessary; and during such period,
including the time when going to, and return
ing from, the place of rendezvous, they shall
be deemed in the service of the United States,
and be subject to such regulations as the Pre
sident may think proper to adopt for their in
struction, discipline, and improvement in mili
tary knowledge.” And the 20th clause pro
vides, “ thatthe militia of the United States,
or any portion thereof, when employed in the
service of the United States, shall be subject
to the same rules and articles of war as the
troops of the United States.”
These clauses settle-the question that they
are, when called foith under this plan, to be
considered in the actual service of the United
States; for, to subject the militia of the seve
ral Steles to-such regulations as the President
may think proper to adopt, without submitting
•those regulations to Congress for their appro
val or rejection, on any other pretext than that
he was their commander-in-chief, would be an
absurdity which we will not stop to argue
against. And to subject the militiamen of the
several States to the same rules and articles of
war as the troops of the United States, unless
the militiamen were in the actual service of
the United States, and had a fair opportunity
of knowing what were those rules and articles
of war to which they were to be subject, would
be cruel and tyrannical.
We are, therefore, inevitably led to the con
clusion, that this scheme, so warmly pressed
on -Congress for its adoption, is contrary to the
i 15th clause of the ‘8lh section and 1st article
of the'Constitution of the United States; be-
| cause, it provides for calling forth the militia
(in a time of profound peace) when there is
no pretext that they are called forth to exe
cute the daws of tire Union, suppress insurrec
tions, or repel invasions. But, should we
yield to the President and Secretary of War
the ground, that the militia, under their plan,
are only to be called into the service of the
-Federal Government for the purpose of train
ing, that is, for their instruction, discipline,
and improvement in military knowledge, they
would have gained nothing; for here they are
met by the very words of the Constitution,
which, for the wisest purposes reserves to the
States, respectively, the appointment of the
officers, and the authority of training the
militia.
On a dispassionate -examination of these
well-guarded clauses in the Constitution, a
patriot is almost induced to believe that the
wise men who framed ft were gifted with the
power of looking into futurity, and foreseeing
this scheme-of the Secretary of War, had anx
iously guarded against it, and all similar pre
tences for wresting the militia from the States,
or bringing the citizen militia under martial
law, unless the sacrifice was demanded by
stetn and inexorable necessity.
Nor can we agree that Congress has dis
charged the obligation imposed on them to
provide for arming the militia, by providing
that the militia shall arm themselves. The
whole revenue of -the United States, amount
ing to many millions annually, with the im
mense public domain, which we assume is held
by the Federal Government for the use of the
several States, have been surrendered by the
people and the respective States to the Fede
ral Government; and with those means, more
than ample for the purpose, with.a just econo
my, they have enjoined the duty of providing
for arming the militia; yet the Secretary.of
War throws this burden from the shoulders
of the Federal Government (which is so well
able to bear it) on the militiamen themselves,
thousands of whom must be crushed beneath
1 its weight.
The undersigned will now proceed to ex
amine into the expediency of this scheme; and
on this score it meets with their most decided
disapprobation, both with respect to its oppe-
ration on the Federal Government and the
people. If theie is any one subject on which
the people of the United States (until very late
ly) were agreed unanimously in opinion, it
was in their opposition to a standing army ;
partly owing to the great expense which it
unnecessarily brought upon them, (for they
have to pay and maintain it,) but more partic
ularly on account of the danger they appre
hended from it to their liberty.
The history of the downfall of every ancient
republic which had passed into a despotism,
pies so opposite to theirs, and which, by th
happiness it diffuses, affords an eternal satin
and reproach upon their conduct. Whateve
security there may be derived from their poli
cy, none can certainly he expected from thei,
forbearance, whenever, from a change of cir
cumstance-!, they may think it proper to change
their policy. The liberties of America must
then be preserved, as they were won, hv the
arms, the discipline, and the valor of her free
born sons. But the defence of our country
against a foreign enemy does not constitute
the only, perhaps not the chief, motive of mili
tary improvements, to the extenlrcontemplated
by the proposition we are considering. The
safety of a republic depends as much upon the
taught them teat the creation of a standing i equality in the use of arms among its citizens
army was the means which ambitious men j as upon the equality of rights. Nothing can
had resorted to in all ages to turn the govern- i be more dangerous in such a government than
ment of the many into the government of a
few, or a single despot; and the usual argu
ment of the ambitious, that the army, being
taken from the body of the people could nev
er be used against the liberties of the people,
however specious in theory, had too, often fail
ed in practice to risk so great a stake as the
safety of this republic on its universal correct
ness. In our own day, we have seen an army
to have a knowledge of the military art con
fined to a part of the people; for sooner or
later that part will govern.”
And, again : In General Harrison’s report,
made in the year 1819, at the 2d seesion of the
15th Congress, as chairman of the same com
mittee, he says :
“ The great difficulty to be encountered is,
the application of a system of discipline or
the age of twenty, and under forty-five tr-u- ,
at his own expense,beforehe can ** ■’
mug.
of citizen soldiers place a republican general military instruction to a great population, scat-
on the imperial throne of France, and we tered over an immense territory.
should take warning from that example. If
we are told the President of the United States
“ The accomplishment of this object at once
is evidently not within the power of the Gov-
has thus far shown no military talent or nmbi- ; ernment. To instruct the present militia of
tion, this is our answer: that when Julius
Ctesar was pointed out by one of the sages of
Rome to a brother Senator as a dangerous man
he was told that Rome had nothing to fear
from a man who was so much afraid of discom
posing the economy of his hair, that he scratch
ed his head with one finger. The quaintness
of the remaik answered in the place of argu
ment, and, the watchful eye of the public
guardians being averted, the liberties of Rome
the country, to any useful extent, would re
quire a larger portion of their time, than tliev
can possibly spare from the duty of providing
for their families, unless they are liberally
paid : to pay them would absorb all the re
sources of the nation. The alternative appears
to be, to direct the efforts of the Government
to instruct such a portion of the militia as their
means will allow, and which would produce
the most beneficial result upon the whole mass
fell before the military talents and ambition of j leaving to the effects of another system the
this supposed Roman dandy.
But yielding the fact that the present Presi
dent of the United States has no ambition or
military talent, have we any guarantee that
.some one of his successors may not have?—
And there is no prevision, in the scheme now
gradual introduction of those military ac
quirements, which, in a republican govern
ment, it is so essential for every citizen to
possess.”
These opinions, emanating from a man who
is as well acquainted with the militia of the
submitted to our consideration, confining its ; U. States as any other now alive, we look up-
operation to the term of the present incum- j on as entitled to great weight, and should re-
bent. If he does not, may not some future ceive the deepest consideration from those to
President turn this army, nominally raised for j whom, by the constitution, the authority of
their instruction, discipline, and improvement training the militia is reserved,
in military knowledge, into an engine more! The undersigned believe the expense to the
subservient to his ambition ? R seems to us Federal Government of the plan proposed by
that it will be time enough to adopt this scheme, j the Secretary of War, would, of itself, be an
so warmly recommended bythe President, af- : insuperable objection to carrying it into exe-
ter sufficient security has been given to the . cution, as they entertain the opinion that,
now free people of the United States that ‘ when carried into practice, it will be found
neither the present nor any future President is that the sum of 81,332,093, the sum which the
possessed of sufficient military talent or ambi-: Secretary of War calculates it will not exceed
tion to make it dangerous to place within his : yearly, if the maximum number of days for
grasp the means of obtaining power commen- ( drill he adopted by Congress, will not defray
surate with his-will. ' more than one-half the expenses which will
We should be recreant to the cause of hu- ultimately fall on the Government,
man liberty if we blindly shut our eyes to pass- If these militiamen are only paid eight dol
ing events. By the Constitution the President lars per mouth each for one month in service,
is clothed with powets which many of our pa- i 100,000 men will cost $S00,000 ; the pay of
triot sages of the revolution thoughttoo great the officers, with their extra rations, forage,
to be trusted to any one man. His civil pow- ; &c., and pay for their servants and horses,
era tie hundreds of thousands to lnm as parti- * will cover the balance of $532,093; the ra-
sans, who are dependent on him for office; he tions, camp equipage, pay for the men going
is the commander-in-chief of the army and to and returning from the place of rendez-
navy of the United States; the whole treasure vous, with the other incidental expenses which
of the General Government is, in fact, within all men, practically acquainted with the de-
liis keeping and under his control ; and now, I tails of the expenses of an army, know to be
for the Representatives of the people and of; great and ever increasing, will more than
the respective States voluntarily to give him ! double the amount estimated by the Secretary
the supreme command of an army of 200,000 ! of War; and when to this we add the expen
armed men, would be surrendering the strong
est, if not the last, bulwark of the independ
ence of the several States and freedom of the
people.
We are aware of the necessity of training
our militia, but the authority of doing this is
reserved to the States, respectively, by the
constitution; and we will heartily join in any
recommendation or legislation which may he
deemed necessary to induce the several Stated
to perform this duty. And, while we are on
ses of courts-martial, for the assessment of
fines and infliction of punishment on the large
number of men who will fail to attend these
callings forth of the militia, we venture the
opinion, with confidence, that, if this system
is once permanently fixed upon the country,
it will soon equal, if it does not exceed the
sum of three millions of dollars.
This is the cost to the Government alone ;
let us now look to the expense and inconven
ience to the people themselves, which is cer-
this branch of the subject, we do not know any tainly worthy of the consideration of their
stronger authority or more conclusive argu- • Representatives.
ment than is to he found in the report made \ The Secretary of War computes the num-
hy William Henry Harrison,in the year 1817, ; her of the militia at one million five hundred
at the 2d session of 14th Congress, as Chair- thousand, between the age of twenty and un
man of the Committee on the Militia, when j der that of forty-five years, who are to be en-
the subject of the reorganization of the militia ! rolled, Jfcc., and every citizen so enrolled, &c.
was submitted to them; from which report
vve make the following extract:
“ It is impossible that any American can
recur to many of the events, and particularly
to the concluding scenes, of the late war,
without feeling that elevation of mind which a
“ shall within three months thereafter, provide
himself with a good musket—bore ofsufficient
capacity to receive a lead ball of eighteen in
the pound ; a sufficient bayonet and belt, two
spare flints, a knapsack, cartridge-box—to
contain at least twenty-four cartridges, suited
recollection of his country’s glory is calculated to the bore of his musket; and each cartridge
to produce. There are, however, others, and to contain a ball and three buck-shot, and a
not a few, that are eminently calculated to j sufficient quantity of powder; or, with a good
show that an immense sacrifice of blood and
treasure can be distinctly traced to the want
of discipline in the militia The glorious suc
cess which in several instances, crowned their
efforts, was the result of uncommon valor, or
of valor united with the advantage of a posi
tion suited to their peculiar character. The
greater part of the American militia, accus
tomed from their early youth to the use of fire
arms, are, doubtless more form id a!ble'than any
other troops in the world in the defence of a
line or rampart. Victories in the field are
gained by other qualities: by those disciplined
evolutions which give harmony and concert to
numerous bodies of men, and enable whole
armies to move with the activity and address
of single combatants. Let our militia be in
structed, and America would be equal to the
rest of the world united, in a contest. The
improvements which have been made in the
art of war, since the commencement of the
French Revolution, give greater advantages
to invading and disciplined armies, acting
against those of a contrary character, than they
possessed before. This arises from their in
creased activity, produced bythe great multi
plication of their light troops, the celerity of
movement given to the artillery, and, above
all, to the improvements in the staff, placing
the subsistence of large armies upon a footing
of security beyond what was formerly supposed
to he possible. An improvement in tactics,
which gives advantage to the professed soldier
who fights for conquest, over the citizen who
hears arms only in defence of his country, is,
perhaps, to be regretted, and no alternative is
left to the latter hut to perfect himself in the
same arts and discipline. It is believed that
there is no instance on record, of a republic,
whose citizens had been trained to the use of
arms, having been conquered by a nation pos
sessing a different form of Government. Small
republics have been overthrown by those which
were more powerful, as Saguntum, destroyed
by Carthage, and Numantia by Rome. But
it has been observed of those Governments
that ‘their walls and towers became their fu
neral piles, leaving nothing to their conquerors
but their ashes.’
“ The committee cannot conceive that any
aspect, however pacific it may be, which the
Governments of Europe may for the present
have assumed towards this country, should be
used as an argument to procrastinate, even for
a day, any measure calculated to render their
future hostility abortive. It cannot be believed
that any real friendship can exist in the breasts
of the sovereigns of that continent, for a Gov
ernment which bus been founded upon princi-
t ifle, knapsack, shot-pouch, and powder horn
or flask, with sufficient powder and ball for
twenty-four chatges, aud two spare flints ; and
that he shall appear so armed, equipped and
provided, when called out for exercise, or into
service.”
We have endeavored to ascertain the prices
at which these materials with which the whole
of the militiamen in the United States are re
quired to furnish themselves, could be obtained
by them, so as to show the precise expense
to each ; and knowing that, on the eleventh
of February, 1839, a resolution had pass
ed the House of Representatives, calling
on the Secretary of War for information
“ concerning the prices at which muskets,
rifles, and pistols, might be made and de
livered to the United States, at private armo
ries, if the same he located in any good and
convenient position in the southern, south
western, and western sections of the Union,”
&c. vve naturally expected this information, so
necessary to be before the committee before
they could act informedly on the subject,
would be found in the answer of the Secretary
of War. But it is not, and we make his letter,
! dated May 20, 1840, a part of the appendix
to this report.
Without making any allowance for the in
crease of price which the sudden demand for
upwards of one million of muskets, and the
other paraphernalia would, of course, cause,
from the competition of men who were com
pelled to supply themselves with the articles,
under the severest penalties, we do not be
lieve that, at this time, a good musket, a suffi
cient bayonet and belt, two spare flints, a
knapsack, cartridge-box, with twenty-four
cartridges, with or without ball and buck-shot,
could be purchased for less than $20; and
that it would take the same sum to purchase
a good rifle, knap-sack, shot-pouch, and pow
der horn or flask, with sufficient powder and
ball for twenty-four charges, and two spare
flints, without including bullet-moulds or wi
per, which every rifleman knows to be neces
sary accompaniments of a rifle. To pur
chase these one millions and a half of musk
ets, &c., at twenty dollars each, would cost
the people of the United States thirty millions
of dollars. Are they prepared, at this time of
pecuniary distress, to advance this sum of
thirty millions of dollars out of their private
pockets ? We think not—we know they are
not. In addition to this, vve ask every mem
ber of Congress to reflect and say, how many
muskets are there for sale in his district? In
nine-tenths of them there is not one. How
far must each one of his constituents, over
ket bayonet, cartridge-box, & c . to purri la ' ,
Each member can answer this question f
himself. Unfortunately, this part of thep 0r
den falls heaviest on the counties remote f " ,r ‘
the large cities, being those counties and r
tions of the country least able to bear th ^
pense and loss of time. 6 e *'
Select the most central position i n ea i
State for the place of rendezvous of this ' '
and how far will each of the militiamen
the remote counties have to travel, at his ^
expense, to reach it? Many of them, i„
larger States, must travel from two t’ u th- 6
hundred miles, be trained there from ten?
thirty days, and return home. Thouo-h ha °
ing received his pay, at the rate of eight d T
lars a month, and a day’s pay for each'twere
five miles he travelled in going and returning
he will probably receive money enough i
pay his expenses home, if it is" paid to hi?
before he is discharged at the rendezvous
But vve earnestly ask each member, h e f<
he votes for this measure, to transport himself
in imagination back to his own constituent
and in each neighborhood, and each countv-
; and ask himself how many men in each mili
tia company are there who cannot raise thi-
i twenty dollars to buy the musket and tr.iC
pings, without taking into the estimate the
other necessary expenses. We believe we are
under the Hue number when we say that ( 0Qt
: of cities) in each militia company of ei<ffit v
| men, there are twenty who cannot raise °thi3
! sum, without selling some article of property
necessary to the support of themselves or
I families, and putting themselves to such in-
! convenience that they will abide the risk of
the worst punishment, threatened in the Se..
! retary of War’s project of a law, before they
; will submit to the sacrifice ; and that, of th;'.
twenty, there are ten who cannot raise twenty
dollars, within the time prescribed, at any
sacrifice, however willing they might be to
part with their all, to comply with the laws of
their country, unjust and cruel as they mirrht
think the requisition. What must be done
with these ten or twenty men out of every
eighty in the country ? Bv this proposition,
“ they must be fined, and forfeit a sum not
exceeding three months pay, nor less than
half a month’s pay, according to the circum
stances of the case, as a court-martial mnv de
termine.”
But the same inability to raise the money,
which prevented his purchasing a musket and
trappings, will deprive him of the power to
pay his fine and costs assessed by a court-mar
tial. AVhat provision is made for this contin
gency ? “ Such non-commissioned officers
and privates shall be liable to be imprisoned,
by the sentence of a court-martial, on failure
of the payment of fines adjudged against him
for one calendar month for every five dollars
of such fine.”
According to this proposition, there will be
| one-eighth or one-fourth as many prisoners
j confined in jail as there will he militiamen in-
1 structed, disciplined, and improved in military
j knowledge. But another matter of grave im-
j port is, who is to pay the costs of the courts-
! martial who are to assess these fines, and de-
i cide on the term of the imprisonment of such
| of the militiamen as may fail to walk two or
: three hundred miles to attend the militia train
ings, or be unable to purchase a musket and
j trappings to carry with him ? If the Federal
Government is to pay them, another million
annually should be added to the estimate of
the Secretary of War, of the cost of this
scheme. Who is to pay the costs of the mar
shals and deputy marshals who are to be sent
out in the several States to collect these fines
thus assessed by the courts martial ? The an
swer to this inquiry is found in the following
extract from the 29th section :
“ That the marshal, or his deputy, having
received the said certificate, shall forthwith
proceed to levy the said fines, with costs, by
distress and sale of the goods and chattels of
the delinquent; which costs, and the manner
of proceeding with respect to the sale of the
goods distrained, shall he agreeably to the
laws of the State in which the same shall be,
as in other cases of distress; and when any
non-commissioned officer or private shall be
adjudged to suffer imprisonment, there being
no goods or chattels to be found whereon to
levy said fines, the marshal of the district, or
his deputy, shall commit such delinquent to
jail, during the term for which he shall be so
j adjudged to imprisonment, or until the fine
I shall be paid, in the same manner as other per-
! sons condemned to fine and imprisonment at
1 the suit of the United States may be com-
• mitted.”
From thi3 quotation, it appears the delin
quent militiamen are to pay the costs. Tak
ing the lowest possible estimate of two dollars
and fifty cents for the costs of judgement and
issuing the execution, let us see what will be
the costs on ajudgement originally for twenty
dollars. When the delinquent militiaman
lives 200 miles from the place of the court
sitting, the marshall’s fees are fixed by law
for every mile he travels at 5 cents in goingto
levy the execution ; this would make bis fees,
for traveling alone, $10 for traveling 200
miles; which would make the account stand
thus :
The original judgement
Cost of judgement and execution
Marshall’s fees for travelling 200
miles, at 5 cents per mile
For serving process of execution
$20
2
10 00
2 00
Total
$34 50
Without adding any thing for keeping the
property in his possession, or taking bond for
1 its forthcoming, and for selling the property,
where sufficient can be found whereon to levy
the said fet;s, and the fees for putting the de
linquent in prison, and the jail fees, “ when,
there being no goods and chattels to be found
whereon to levy the said fines, the marshall
of the district, or his deputy, shall commit
such delinquent to jail during the time for
, which he shall be so adjudged to imprison
J ment, or until the fine shall be paid, in the same
manner as' < other persons condemned to fine
and imprisonment at the suit of the L. States
may be committed.”
If we estimate the number of delinquents
at one in every militia company who wi not
be able to pay their fines, &<*., otherwise than
by being imprisoned by the sentence of a
court-martial for one calendar month lor eve
ry five dollars of such fine, the number ot
prisoners, and the length of time t ey
must endure their confinement, presents
an amount of human misery, which, neither
as legislators nor as men, we can looK
upon Without a rigid inquiry whether the
end to he obtained justifies the means. 4tia
end is a re-organization of the militia : this " e
acknowledge to be useful—to some extent ne
eessary ; but we do not concur with the
tary of War in the exteut of that necessity. e
do not believe “ that our soil might be p°
luted by the foot of the invader, our cm
taken and sacked, and our forts occap»e ,
fore our armed citizens could be taug
elements of tactics or the simple use o
firelock.” Association -with our citizen