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STATE SOVEREIGNTY.
recorder
MILLEDGEVILLE,
Tuesday, August 2 3, 1 § 4 O.
for president,
\VM. HENRY HARRISON, of Ohio.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
JOHN TYLER, of Virginia.
FOR ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT,
Hos. GEORGE R. GILMER, of Oglethorpe.
Gen. DUNCAN £. CLINCH, of Camden.
0,1.. JOHN W. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee.
Maj. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock.
Hon. CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clark.
Hon. SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin.
Gen. ANDREW MILLER, of Cass.
Gen. W. W. KZZARD, of DeKalb.
Hon. C. B. STRONG, of Ribb.
Col. JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke.
Gen. EZEKIEL WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
FOlt CONGRESS.
RICHARD \V. HABERSHAM, of Habersham.
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene.
JULIUS C ALFORD, of Troup.
EUGENIUS A. NISBET, of Bibb.
LOTT WARREN, of Sumter.
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson.
JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam.
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
Amid the accumulated mass of wrong doing and mis
chief, which has chiefly illustrated the worthless Admin
istration at Washington, we have been even moie lliun or
dinarily struck with one distinguishing feature in the ex
ercise of its monopoly of misdeeds. It has been the
favorite policy of the Van Buren administration and its
friends to attempt to carry their measures, and sustain
themselves in power, by appealing to the worst passions
„f our nature, the very lowest and basest feelings of the
mob. They have attempted by the cry of the “ rich
against the poor,” to enlist in their behalf the avarice ami
envv of our nature. In their war upon the commercial
agents of the country, they have played the demagogue,
by attempting to persuade the people that these were not
the necessary and indispensible agents of their own pros
perity, but mere monopolies of the wealthy few warring
upon the best interests of the many. In warring upon the
ciedil system, the very life blood of this young and prolific,
hut comparatively capitaless country, they have attempt
ed to destroy the public morals by persuading the people
that no man should be trusted ; that, to confide in our fel
lows as honest men, was a crime, which ought to be pun
ished; or in their own expressive language, “those who
deal in credit, deserve to be broke.” They have warred
upon industry and economy, by persuading the people-that
the natural results of these, competence and wealth, were
the worst enemies of the people, the poor people. While
vociferous in their pretences of devotion to the people,
especially the poor people, they have, with untiring indus
try, attempted to destroy every prospect of the poor, by
assailing credit, and embarrassing the investment of the
surplus capital of the country, the use of which consti
tutes the chief, the almost only hope of the industri
ous and enterprizing poor man.—But why continue this
detail of turpitude and deception ? We are sure our
readers find any thing hut pleasure in the exhibition of
such a course of licentiousness and malignity on tiie part
of those who control the government; and we are sure it
gives us no pleasure to spread it before them. But neces
sity often compels us to do what may not be very accordant
with our feelings ; and if there ever was a necessity for the
demerits of an Administration to be plainly brought before
the eyes of the people, that necessity now exists. The
ipiestion now to be determined is, that of the prosperity
or the destruction of the prosperity of the country ; and
he is recreant to the cause of that country, who does not
speak out.
We commenced this article with the sole object of call
ing the serious attention of the reader to the appalling ar
ticle which we have transferred from the National Intel
ligencer to our columns. We desire our readers not to he
driven from its perusal by its length; for there is not one
word too many in setting before the people the destructive
and outrageous doctrines of the day, brought into exist
ence bv the example and by the influence of our Jacobin
Administration, its friends and advocates. The reader
will find, in this article, the doctrines of the day, against
which we war. These doctrines are set forth by one of
the most talented and most trusted partizans of the Presi
dent. We observe in our own State Van Buren papers,
not an attempt to apologize for this scandalous exhibition
of agrarian madness, this array of abominable and destruc
tive doctrines, but absolutely its vindication, and an assault
upon those who oppose it, ns the maligners of one of the
greatest political economists of the country, for only at
tempting to carry out the theories of Jeremy Bentham.
If the political economy of Jeremy Bentham is to over
throw the rights of property, the religious and political
institutions of the country, the less of such economy we
have, we say, the better.—Such were not the views of Ben
tham; such are only the view of demagogues, bankrupt
alike in character and fortune ; and woe to the country con
demned to the curse of having such to rule over it.
But are not these ultra views the natural fruits of the
demagogical course of electionneering, the factious and
grovelling appeals to the people, which have been so favor
ite a system with the Globe, the Post, and almost all the
organs of this Federal Administration? What could have
been expected, as the fruit of such a course, sanctioned by
the Government of the country, but the extreme of agrarian
mobism, exhibited in the article before us by this favorite
partizan of the Administration, this great political econo
mist. Mr. Brownson, one of Air. Van Buren’s most comfort-
aide office holders? We cannot sufficiently denounce the
principles set forth, to which we allude, nor the spirit in
which they are conceived and promulgated. Such coun
sels would soon convert this country, with all its blessings,
into a more wretched condition than is even to he found in
anaichical South America, where neither life, liberty, nor
property, is safe for twenty-four hours together. But we
will no longer detain our renders from this monstrous man
ifesto of Mr. Van Buren’s great partizan political econo
mist.
The loss of the Government, from its commencement to
tlie period when Mr. Van Buren assumed the reins, was
£4,956,;)GS ; that is, for 48 years! Since Air. Van Buren
came into office, the Government has lost $2,064,20!),
for something over three, years. What a difference!
Is not this single fact itself, this proof of incapacity or
negligence, more than cause enough to put another in
his place ; others may and probably will conduct the affairs
of the Government more piudently, and less injuriously
to the public interests; the single fact to which we have
referred, proves conclusively that none can do worse.
ELECTION'S.
North-Carolina.—Returns from G4 counties, received
from different sources, give Morehead, the Harrison can
didate for Governor, a majority of over seven thousand,
and show a considerable increase in the majority in the
Legislature. Tlio remaining counties, 4 or 5 in number,
will not materially vary this majority. This insures the
election of two Senators in the Congress of the United
States, and decides the question of her vote for Harrison
in November. In 1836, this State voted by a handsome
majoiity for Van Buren.
Alabama. linal returns from this State fhow that the
Van Buren majority in the Legislature has been reduced
since last year from 47, on joint ballot, to thirteen. The
miijority in the popular vote not yet reported.
Indiana has gone for Hartison by an immensely increas
ed majority. For Governor the majority is about 10,000.
I he Senate stands this year, J5 Whig* to 2 Van Buren
last year it was 7 Whigs to 10 A'an Buren. The House of
Representatives this year 68 Whigs to 14 Van Buren—last
year 35 Whigs to 49 Van Buren. Last year Van Bu-
ren majority 3,624. The defeat is overwhelming.
Kentucky lias alsogonebya largely increased majority
for Hairison. The majority for the Whig Governor,
(Litcher) is about 15,000.
Illinois has most probably gone for V an Buren by
what majority we are nimble to state, as the returns are
incomplete.
Alissuum “ is joined to her idols. She has gone
again for Van Buren—majority unknown as the returns
arc not complete. From this Slate, we had nothing to
hope, and have not been disappointed.
We make the following extracts from a letter of one of
the Editors ■ f this paper, who has been looking at things
at the Capital of the United States, by which our readers
will perceive how the Presidential question is viewed at
Head Quarters;
Washington, Aug. 17. 1840.
“I have mingled with many ot the knowing politicians
here—such us certainly had access to sources of the best
intormation, from ail ot whom I hear but one opinion in
reference to the Presidential contest, and that is, that Gen.
Harrison will go into office by acclamation. Returns from
every quarter have turned out more favorably for him than
his mo.it sanguine friends anticipated. This subject appears
almost wholly to engross the public attention here, and eve-
ry thing else is considered of minor importance to it. The
State elections, you will have observed, have all, so far,
resulted favorably save Missouri, which has never been
claimed for Gen. Harrison. Nor has Illinois been claim
ed, but still you will observe that he has gained strength
in that State, and some of our friends sanguinely claim it.
They look here upon New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
North Carolina, as well as Virginia, from the latest indica
tions of public opinion, independent of a long list of other
States, as certain for Harrison and Tyler. In reference to
the vote of New York, I learn from very good authority,
that Air. Van Buren himself now admits it to be doubtful.
He, however, it is said, hut a day or two since, expressed
the belief that he should get the States of North and South
Carolina, Georgia and Tennessee, most of which he did
not get at the last election, and makes pretty certain calcu
lations on his re-election. Indeed, it is surprising to find
how incredulous the loco-focos in this quarter have been,
they not fora moment doubting the assertions of their party
prints, which have hitherto, and still claim, almost all the
States for Mr. Van Buren. The result of the late elections
have consequently taken them by surprise, and they appear
just to begin to have their fears awakened. They even still
affect here to claim Georgia with certainty; hot I cannot
myself believe those sincere in it, who I know ought, from
the late manifestations of public feeling, to know better.
The truth is. the political revolution in public opinion
taken them altogether by surprise, and they are exceeding
ly loth to acknowledge to themselves that their power has
departed—that the}’ have to account for its abuse, which
has bankrupted the country and destroyed public confi
dence.
“ I found Air. Habersham here, in a very enfeebled
state of health, having been dangerously ill. He is now,
however, on the mend, and will so soon as he can, and it
may be deemed prudent, leave for Georgia. He manifests
great anxiety to be at home, and in sufficiently good health,
to enable him to intermingle with his constituents. Gen.
Clinch is also unwillingly detained here, from the ex
treme tardiness in the proper officers giving the requisite
attention to his business, authorized by a late net of Con
gress, and which brought him here. He will now. how
ever, he thinks, be enabled to leave in a day or two.”
We see it stated that Air. Eaton, late U. S. Minister
at the Spanish Court, and the pet of Gen. Jackson, has
since his recall declared himself a Harrison man. The
following extract from the correspondence of onr friend at
Washington, may serve as an explanation of the present
position of Mr. Eaton, and the President:—
“ Mr. Eaton, it is whispered here, was recalled from
his foreign mission quite unexpectedly to himsell; that
i lie was politely informed that it was done in accordance
j with his repeated solicitation for permission to do so—
J that on his return, he was very politely received by Mi.
Van Buren, who was unable to make him sensible of his
| having asked the permission referred to; and not having
I received any satisfactory explanation, thereupon informed
j Air. Van Buren, that he was off.”
j The sketch of Mr. Dawson's spirit'd speech in Con-
| gress, in relation to the District Banks, will interest the
j reader. Our talented representative doubtless takes a
j true view of the intentions of the Administration, in regard
| to the fiscal and commercial agents of the country. It is
obviously the design of this Loco Foco Administration, to
destroy all Banks, and prostrate all credit. And no bet-
i ter pr of of this is required than their action in relation to
I the District Banks. They have declared that they only
I warred on rotten institutions, and that their wish was to
J support and sustain those that were sound. How do the
] facts before us tally with those declarations ? Some of the
: Banks of the District has never suspended, but their biffs
I were at. all times convertible and equal to gold and silver ;
j - the Patriotic Bank, we would specially name as such a one.
| Did it fare better than the others, in this general assault ?
j Not a whit. Tiie Patriotic Bank was treated just like the
J rest, and she’s forced to wind up just as the others. So
j we go. When all the agents of the credit system are de-
j stroyed, and we are compelled alone to look for any facili-
j ties to the usurer without competition, the people will
| discover too late, how dearly they have paid for the whis
tle, in sustaining an Administration which has warred to
the knife on the great, measures of the country’s prosperity.
03“ We call attention to the Prospectus of Air. Rich
ards. His enterprize is a praiseworthy one, and ought, as
we trust it will, be encouraged. Georgia needs only to
be known, to rank with any of her sister States, and this is
an excellent plan to make her known.
0CP A number of communications have been received
which have came too late for this paper. They shall be
duly attended to.
We suppose it hardly necessary to invite the attention
of our readers to the following letters. The writers are
too well known and too well appreciated in Georgia for
any thing that is written by them to he passed unnoticed,
or disregarded. We may say, however, in passing, that
these letters are characteristic, and to the point, showing
conclusively, if any tiling further was necessary for such a
purpose, that the people of Georgia, in their rejection of
Air. Van Bitten, are sustained in their decision by patriot
ism and the love they bear their State and its interests.
MR. GILMER’S REPLY.
Lexington, lGth July, 1840.
Gentlemen:—Absence from the State for the last two
months, has prevented my receiving and answering your
communication, informing me of the nominations made by
the Stale Rights Convention lately assembled in Aiilledge-
ville, of candidates for Electors of President and Vice
President of the United States. Concurring entirely with
the Convention, in the preference given bv it to Gen. Har
rison and Air. Tyler, for the offices of President and Vice
President, over Air. Van Buren and the many candidates
for the Vice Presidency, the nomination, so far as I am
concerned, is accepted.
The Constitution intrusts great power to the President,
to provide against the inefficiency common to popular Go
vernments. The abuse of that power, is the danger which
most threatens to destroy the beneficial operation of our
free institutions. Mr. Van Buren, and the leaders of the
party who brought hint into office, and who are now seek
ing to re-elect him, have abused that power in a manner
hitherto unexampled ill this country, by turning out faithful,
independent officers, filling, as far as possible, all vacant
appointments with servants of the party, instead of ser
vants of the country, giving the publication of the laws and
other profitable employments to newspapers advocating the
course of ilia Administration, right or wrong, exciting the
I active zeal of all those who prefer living out of the public
treasury to honest labor, by the certainty with which they
have rewarded partizan support with public employment,
a*d l>y extravagant appropriations, and the slight respon
sibility imposed upon those entrusted with their expendi
ture. It is characteristic of such an administration of Go
vernment. that the evils attendant upon it increase in rapid
progression with toleration.
The questions involved in the present contest for the
Presidency, and compared with which, indeed, all others
are insignificant, are whether Mr. Van Buren, and the lead
ers of 15 S purtv shall be rewarded by the people with the
highest honors and emoluments in their gift for doing the
greatest possible injury ! Whether the people cun be so
misguided and deceived by the arts and misrepresentations
of those in office, the agents of the Government, and those
expecting advantages from jts administration, as to con
tinue their trust in those who have most grossly betrayed
their confidence? The consequences of the professions
and practices of Air. Ann Buren and his party, may al
ready he seen in the degradation of the Judiciary and" Le
gislative departments—the declension of public spirit and
iegard for the sacred obligation of law and morals, and
the uproar and turmoil which disturb the quiet of society.
They have made Congress the perpetual scene of the most
disgraceful wrangling—converted the Post Master General
into the editor of an extra sheet of the most scurrilous par-
lizan newspaper, and the highest official dignitaries into
the distributors, under their frank, of Amos Kendall’s in
sidious productions,—and have brought Mr. Van Buren and
Mr. Calhoun into the arms of each otiier, with no common
feelings or opinions, and hating each other with all the
bitterness of mutual injury and insult.3
But one measure ot public policy owes its adoption to
the ascendency of the Van Buren party. Whether the
benefits of the Sub-Treasury will ever compensate the
country for all the mischiefs inflicted upon it to secure that
ascendency, i* yet to be. determined. The Sub-Treasury
has already been partially in operation for the last two
years. Commercial credit and general confidence have
censed to exist, and distress and embarrassment are felt
every where.
In barbarous times, when tyranny and misrule directed
the conduct of Governments, it was the practice of kings,
when fearful of making further direct exactions of the peo
ple, to enlarge their means of extravagance by mixing
cheap metals with gold and silver and compelling the peo
ple to receive the ha-e currency at the value of pure coin.
Our rulers by the Sub-Treasury are compelling the people
to pav their taxes and other demands of the Government
in money of greater value than what they use in their
dealings with each other, in order that the salaries of pub
lic officers and perquisites of all who are in the employment
of the Government, may be increased and have their means
of expenditure enlarged. These measures agree in this,
that each benefits those in power at the expense of tne
people. The operation of the Sub-Treasury will be better
undeistood when ihe people pay to their merchants the in-
creaped price which must he charged upon their goods to
compensate for the high rate of exchange upon New Y ork
or Charleston No one doubts hut that the money of the
Government can he kept and disbursed mure safely and
economically by Banks than Sub-Treasurers. And yet,
some patriotic citizens have favored the Sub-Treasury be
cause they are of the opinion that the party in power can
exercise less corrupt influence through the Sub-Treasury
than by the employment ol Banks. Will such persons re
member, that the party who have adopted the Sub-Trea
sury understand the efficiency of corrupt influences far
better than they do, and are unscrupulous beyond all ex
ample in this country in the employment of them?
The administration of Mr, Van Buren has been extrava
gant to a degree previously unknown to our Government,
nnd is as inefficient as it has been extravagant. Between
thirty and forty millions of public monpy have been annually
spent. How could this he otherwise ? An administration
which employ* agents not on account of their honesty and
capacity, hut because they bring votes to it, cannot turn
out incompetent and dishonest agents, because votes would
thereby be lost.
An agent of the Government employed to examine the
land offices, informed the Secretary of the Treasury, that
a receiver of the public money had pocketed a large sum,
but advised him to treat this defaulter indulgently, that he
was a democrat, and had many very influential friends who
were democrats. Did Mr. Woodbury dismiss his Agent
as a knave for thus insulting the head of the Treasury
Department by the imputation that he prefered securing
votes for his party to discharging his duty to the country ?
Or did he act kindly and confidingly towards this default
ingdemocrat with numerous influential democratic friends?
A large portion ot the revenue of the United States is
derived from the duties received upon goods imported into
Nevv-York. If, therefore, the administration makes its
officers responsible at all. guards the public money with
any vigilance, or enforces the revenue laws with any effect,
it was to have been expected that the collector of New-
Y’urk would have been made to do his duty. That officer
filched fi om the Government upwards of two millions of
dollars because the laws were not enforced. If the col
lector of the port of New-York, acting almost immediately
under the eye of the President, and over whom the public
interest required such strict guard, was held to so slight a
responsibility, no one can wonder that thirty or forty mil
lions of dollars should he required for their expenditures
by the one hundred thousa .d agents in the employment of
the Government.
Between twenty and thirty millions of dollars have been
expended by the Administration of Mr. Van Buren in the
attempt to subdue a small band of Seminole Indians. The
late murders in tiie immediate vicinity of Tallahassee and
St. Augustine, show for how little put pose.
Th ese and many unmenlioned matters concur in ren
dering Mr. Van Buren unworthy of re-election. A ma jority
of the people of Georgia were opposed to him when elect
ed ; 1 was among that number. YVithout any prejudices
against Mr. Van Buren, I considered the means used to
elect him highly dangerous to the purity and perpetuity of
our Government, and that the leaders of the party organi
zed for his support, rendeied it certain, that if elected, his
Administration would be selfish and corrupt. The result
has fully proved the correctness of that opinion.
It has been said that the present Administration steals
and plunders, and that those opposed to it, will whpn in
office, do the same. If those who entertain this opinion
mean thereby that those who steal and plunder ought not
to be turned out of office, there cannot be a greater mis
take. The form of our Government requires that everv
citizen, however humble, should sit in judgment upon the
conduct of candidates for the Presidency. He presumes
that he understands his rights and interests, and will pro
tect them by refusing to give his vote for one who has ei
ther neglected or violated them. This is the highest pre
rogative which belongs to a citizen of this country ; upon
its proper exercise depends the continued preservation of
our invaluable privileges. If the people in turning out one
administration for stealing and plundering, bring into Dow
er one equally dishonest, they should turn it out,and thus
by the certainty with which they bring punishment and
disgrace upon unfaithful servants make even knaves act
honestly.
As the great body of the people can have but little
participation in bringing candidates for the Presidency
before them, ft is fortunate that in the present contest,
the selection should have fallen upon General Harrison.
He is honest, as is proven by the concurring testimony
of men of ail parties.
A long life devoted to the service of his country, testifies
to his patriotism.
He has ample experience, having filled many of the high
est civil and military offices of the territorial, State, and Gen
eral Governments.
His teelings, habits and interests are in unison with the
great body of the people, being a plain, kind-hearted, work
ing farmer of moderate fortune.
He is a worthy son of one of the signers of the declara
tion of Independence, whose fortune was sacrificed in the
war of the Revolution.
He is the candidate of the People, and not of pro
fessional politicians, or any organized political combina
tions.
He has pledged himself that if elected he will not he a
candidate for re-election, and that he will confine himself
to the discharge of the proper duties of the Executive De
partment, thereby ensuring to the country, as far as possi
ble, that faithful men will be appointed to office, and mem
bers of Congress left free to attend to the interests of their
constituents.
Born, educated and reared to manhood in a slave-hold
ing State, with the feelings, attachments, and prejudices
common to Southern men—his relations Virginians, and
large slave holders—the Southern people will have in the
election of General Harrison n security against the efforts
of the Abolitionists which none but a native slave holder can
give, confirmed by his firmness in voting with the South
ern members of Congress upon the Missouri slave question.
At the same time, his marriage, long residence, property
and citizenship in a non-slaveholding State will secure the
people of the non-slaveliolding States against any disregard
ot their interests. Whilst the storm which threatens our
country, upon the question of slavery, withholds its fury,
it should he n subject of common gratulation that we have
yet an honest, patriotic, and eminent citizen upon whom
all sections and all parties may unite once more in making
a President of the Union.
For mysell, I shall consider it a high honor, if the peo
ple of Georgia shall authorize me to express by my vote a3
an Elector their decided preference of Gen. Harrison for
President to Mr. Van Buren.
I regret that circumstances which I could not very well
control, have delayed an answer to your letter until this
time!
Please accept the assurance of mv high respect, &c.
GEORGE R. GILAIER.
To Thaddeus G. Holt, Alille r Grieve, George R. Clayton,
Williams Rutherford, M. Gonder, H. C. Culver, Irby
Hudson, Jr., H. Lockhart, Joshua Hill, Central Com
mittee.
JUDGE DOUGHERTY’S REPLY.
Athens, 9th July, 1840.
Gentlemen:—I have the honor to acknowledge the
receipt of your letter of the 25th June, as a committee,
informing me of my nomination by the Convention held
in Milledgeville, on the first Monday of that sionth. as
one of the candidates for Electors of President and Vice
President of the United States, at the approaching Presi
dential election. Also, that by a resolution of said Con
vention, it is expressed that myself and the other gentle
men, whose names are placed with mine on the Electoral
ticket, were nominated with a view to the support of Gen.
William H. Harrison of Ohio, for the office of Presi
dent, and John Tyler of Virginia, for the office of Vice
President of the United States. In full view of such ob
ject of the Convention, I cheerfully accept the nomination.
You, gentlemen, have expressed an entire assurance in
my coincidence with the Convention on the subject of sup
porting Gen. Harrrion and Mr. TvHr for the two highest
offices known in the Constitution of our country. In this
assurance you are not mistaken. An unhesitating convic
tion of duty to our common country, prompts me to tender
you my heart and hand in the pending contest for the Pre
sidency. . » • ' ‘
I shall be pleased to see a President come inio office by
the unbought suffrages of the freemen of the Union; and
not by the power nnd patronage, if not appointment, of
his “illustrious predecessor.”
I shall be gratified to see a President elected on account
of his long and meritorious services to the country, and
not one whose chief claim rests on his subserviency to his
predecessor. I desire to see elected a man who will be
President of the country and not of a party.
I wish to see elected a President who will consider the
offices of the Government established for the good of the
whole people, and not as spoils wherewith to reward un
scrupulous partizans.
I tint anxious to see elected, the man who will be con
tent to exercise the powers delegated by the Constitution
and laws, and then otdy because they ate necessary; and
not one who seeks on all occasions, and by all means, to
enlarge these powers, and to use them for the purpose ot
getting or keeping office.
I seek to have elected the man who I believe will exer
cise or bestow the patronage incident to his office, on the
honest, capable and faithful, nnd not use it to control or
influence the suffrages of the people.
I shall rejoice to see elected the man who will wage no
war against the labor and credit of the country ; who prill
cease to destroy the energies of the people by a continued
experiment on the currency of the country, and who will
consider the Government instituted for the benefit of tiie
citizen, and feel himself bound to aid and relieve the peo
ple in all cases when that can be legally and constitution
ally done; and not the man, who seeks to reduce the price
of labor by destroying,the credit and trade of the Union,
and to urge a policy offinance calculated tn make the poor
poorer, and the rich richer, and who thinks the people ex
pect too much of the Government, and snvs the Govern
ment must take care of itself, and the people take care of
themselves.
And above nil, I shall be happy to see elevated to the
Presidential Chair, the man who will reduce the expendi
tures of the Government to an economical standard, and
cease to draw from the common mass, to bestow on favorite
partizans.
These are some of the benefits to the country 1 hope
for, and the principles I expect to advance, by the election
of Wm. H. Harrison and John Tyler. And there are
many principles I desire to rebuke in the rejection of the
present incumbent.
I shall expect, in the success of Harrison and Tyler, to
see the country taught once more to look to Congress and
not to the Executive for all law—to hope for distinction
by virtuous, honest and independent action, and not rely
j alone on Executive favor, for public promotion.
That among my fellow-citizens there will be a diversity
of opinion, I am ready to admit; and all I ask is a conces
sion of honesty of purpose on my part. I ask nothing
but what I grunt to others.
But I sat down simply to signify my acceptance of the
nomination which the partiality of friendship offered, and
not to give reasons for my future conduct, or hopes and
fears on mv part. The interest involved, however, has
produced this train of reflection, and I have yielded to its
hearty expression.
Iam, gentlemen, respectfully, vour fellow citizen,
‘ ' C. DOUGHERTY.
To Hon. Thaddeus G. Holt, Aliller Grieve. Geo. R. Clay
ton, Williams Rutherford. M. Gonder, H. C. Culver,
Irby Hudson, jr., H. Lockhart, and Joshua Hill, Esqrs.,
Committee.
GEN. WIMBERLY'S REPLY.
Twiggs county, July I7th, 1840.
Messrs. Thaddeus G. Holt, and otlters—
Gentlemen :—Several causes have delayed ray reply to
vour letter notifying me of my nomination upon the Har
rison Electoral ticket, until the present moment.
I cheerfully acquiesce in the use made of my name by
the Convention of our political friends in June last. If
public services, both civil and military, of the most distin
guished character, entitle an American citizen to the gra
titude of his country, in mv estimation, to no man living
are the people of the United States under such deep obli
gations for disinterested and patriotic sufferings and sacri
fices, as to Gen. William Henry Harrison. I yield
him my support the more readitv too, from the fact that
•he is a Southern man by birth, nnd a Southern man in prin
ciple, upon the most vital of all questions. If I mistake
mot, the evidence before-and around us, since the days of
Washington, the hearts of the people never palpitated
with such fervent enthusiasm for the success of a candid
ate for office, as is now exhibited throughout this land,
yet free, in the gatherings of the good and virtuous and
patriotic, in a common effort to honor him, who by his pre
cepts and practice has ever honored the “ Father of his
•Country,” by whom he was honored. I have entire confi-
•denoein the Republicanism of him who had tile confidence
■of Washington, Jefferson and Madison. Let calumny do
its most—it cannot rob Gen. Harrison of the testimony of
their approbation. j
I will again give, with great pleasure, if an Elector, my
■hearty support to John Tyler, (another Virginian by
hirth,) for the Vice Presidency.
Y'our obedient servant,
EZEKIEL WIMBERLY.
Eatonton, August 19.1840.
j Agreeably to previous notice, a Convention of Delegates
[Jour in number,) from each Militia district in the county
rif Putnam, (except one.) assembled at the Masonic Hall
»: Eatonton, on Wednesday, the 19th inst., for the purpose
; til” selecting a suitable ticket for the Legislature, to lie
1 voted for by the State Rights and Anti-Van Buren party,
an the first Monday in October next. Upon counting out
’liko ballots, the following ticket was selected, and unani-
ntousiy recommended to the voters of the county, by the
Convention.'
For Senator—James Griggs, Esq.
For Representatives—Dr. H. T. Shaw, Alexander
R. Harrison, Esq., Lewis H. Lynch. Esq.
JOHN C. MASON, Chairman.
T. B. Harwell, Sec’ry.
Mfssrs. Editors:—Allow one of your readers to give
ti.e following solution to the Anagram which appeared in
j*mr paper of the 11th.
I am composed of 20 letters.
My 14t.li, 9th, 11 th, 5th 6th qnd 4th, is Aerial.
My 6th. 13th and 6th, is Alia.
My 14th, 17th and 15th, is Air.
My 6'h, 5th, 18th. 4th and 9th, is Aisle.
My 8tb, 9th and 10th, is Hen.
My 1st, 16th, 91h and 10th, is Wren.
My 13th, 14th, 15th 16th, 19th and 1st, is Harrow.
M v 7th, 6th. 5th and 4th, is Mail.
My 15th, 2d, 3d and 4th, is Rill.
My 7th, 6th, 11th and 12th, is Mary.
My 7th, 5th, 4tb and 3d, is Mill.
Mv 6r.h, 5th. and 4th. is Ail.
' My 1st, 2d, 3d and 4th, is Will.
My 11th, Gth and 7th, is Ram.
My 8th, 5th and 7th, is Him.
My 13t.h, 9th and 16th, is Her.
My 4th, 17th, 7th and 9th, is Lime.
My 9th, 6th and 11th, is Ear.
My 13t.b, 19th. 15th, 18th ami 9th, is Horse.
My 18t.fi, I9t.h and 20th, is Son.
My 7th, 14rh, 15th, 11th and 12th, is Marry.
And my whole is William Henry Harrison.
GEORGE.
Penfield, August 14th, 1840.
[The same solution is furnished by another correspon
dent, which we omit.]
LETTER FROM AMOS KENDALL
To the Postmaste.r at Searsville, Stewart county, Ga.
Washington, June 28, 1840.
My Dear Sir:—1 take the liberty to enclose you an
address and prospectus for the Extra Globe, hoping that it
may be cornpatable with your inclination and sense of duty
1 to use them for the purpose of procuring anil returning
subscribers.
If in that hope 1 shall be disappointed, I solicit of you
the personal favor to hand it oser to some friend of the
Administiation who may be inclined to use it for that pur
pose.
With great respect, vour friend,
AMOS KENDALL.
1
'1
Searsville, Ga.
Mr. Amos Kendall:
Sir;—Your letter and circular came safelv by mail,
free of postage, and that I may not be censured, I have
concluded to return you your circular, that you may have
the opportunity of sending it by mail, and, of course, free,
to some other man, who possibly may consider it an honor
to join the slandering and traducing, for individual gain,
the private character of William Henry Harrison, who
only captured a British Army to entitle him (in your ele
gant language) to the appellation of a mock hero. You
state the slumbers of your children are disturbed by the
firing of Whig guns. I believe that the same thing hap
pened once or twice before. The enemies of America
have always had a peculiar dread of Whig guns. But, sir,
1 take great pleasure to inform you. and through you Mr.
Van Buren, that he may take his rest as far as regards my
children. They are not so easily frightened by gun pow
der. though they feel very indignant at Mr. Pointsett’s
Militia Scheme, which His Excellency recommended,
though he never saw it.
The commission which I hold, if Mr. Van Buren thinks 1
it is a security for my vote, I herewith inform him through
you, is at his call; and it gives me more pleasure to offer
it, thun the honor of retaining it could confer. I have
come to the conclusion that America does not entirely de
pend upon the election of any one man as President, though !
I am not so very certain that your pension is so fiee from (
its dependence, as on the re-election ol Mr. Van Buren.—
You state that Gen. Harrison is, in your classical lan
guage, a tongueless candidate, and Mr. Van Buren, of
course, knows more of him than I do. I wish you to get
Mr. Van Buren, who lias a tongue, to answer the following
questions: Did you not vote to instruct Rufus King to op
pose the admission of slavery in Missouri? Did you not
vole against James Madison in 1812? Did you not vote j
for the Tariff of 1328? Did you never see or hear of Mr.
Poinsett’s Army project, until it was called for by a resolu
tion of Congress? And will you not endeavor to have that
project carried into effect if you are re-elected ? Did you
not sanction the admission of negro testimony in Lieut.
George M. Hooe’s trial before a Naval Court Martial.—
I hope, my dear sir. that you and the President, whom I
take to be one, and the same in fact, will loosen your
tongues, and infoim your friend, as you style me in your
letter. You know that the People are not quite ready ibr
a Monarch, and a little decency is still necessary to he
used, in order to reconcile them to their lots. Some, I
suppose, will feel highly honored to be appointed cradle
minders for your dear children.
Sweet babes! lie still and slumber,
Democrats guard thy heads;
And Treasury pap without number,
Fall thickly around thy beds.
I am at a loss to name a person in this county who is
willing to act as cradle nurse for your nervous offspring.
Tell Dr. Niles I owe him an apology, but as he is solely
dependant on you for his bread, and permit me to add
office, that whenever you shall have selected my successor,
I am ready to resign.
With something short of respect, I subscribe myself,
DAVID C. SEARS, Post-Master
at Searsville, Ga.
N. B.—Harrison Papers are requested to copy.
D. C. S.
MACON CONVENTION.
Friday Morning, Aug. 14.
Absalom H. Chappell, Esq., of Bibb, presented for
the consideration of the Convention, the following
PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTIONS:
The People of Georgia, opposed to the corruptions and
misrule of the Administration of Martin Van Buren, and
friendly to the election of William Henry Haerison
to the Presidency, and of John Tyler to the Vice-Presi
dency of the United State*, having come together, in
Macon, from all quarters of the State, in a Convention un
precedented in the vastness of the assemblage, and the pa
triotic enthusiasm by which it has been characterized,
cannot separate for the purpose of returning to their widely
dispersed homes without sending forth to their fellow-citi
zens of their own State, and of the whole Union, their
ardent congratulations on the triumphant prospects which
surround them in the great struggle in which they are en
gaged.
They view that struggle as on«j, the issue of which will
be decisive of the destinies of their country. A President
of the United States, who is indebted for his elevation to
the first office in this free anti mightv confederacy—not to
the high estimation in which his character, qualifications,
and public services were held by his countrymen, but to
the sycophantic'arts by which he ingratiated himself with
his immediate predecessor, and led that predecessor to
exert the whole power and patronage of the Government
for his advancement—seeks a re-election at the hands of
the American People. Without having repented of the
deep original sin of Executive dictation, by which he was
brought into office, but pertinaciously clinging to it, and
practising it; without having done aught during his ad
ministration to make amends for the unworthy manner in
which lie gained the Presidential chair, but having done
every thing that could cause his administration to be felt,
not less as a curse than his election had been a stain on
the country, he comes before the People for the renewal of
his glossly abused lease of power—relying on no means of
success but the utter and shameless prostitution of that
power to his own re-election ? If he shall be permitted to
triumph in the effort he is thus making, it will have be
come a settled point in the actual working of our political
system, that a President of the United States may control
and dictate the choice of his successor, and that such suc
cessor, when thus invested with office, will be strong
enough to secure his continuance there for a second term,
in despite of all objections growing out of the most grievous
misrule and consequent public detriment. When such a
principle shall onaB he practically established—as it most
certainly wilFbe by the re-election of Martin Van Buren
—our Government will have lost all of Republicanism but
the forms and corruptions, and lack nothing of Despotism
but the trappings and title. For, if Mr. Van Buren be
re-elected, will not the power and patronage of the Gov
ernment, in his hands, be as effective, for all purposes of
dictating the appointment of his successor, as they have
been found to he in bringing about, first, his own election,
and then his re-election. And when Mr. Benton, or Mr.
Buchanan, or some ot her such party favorite shall aspire,
in his turn, to the Chief Magistracy, what ground of hope
can we have that the same engine of Presidential power
and Influence which have forced such a man as Martin
Van Buren on the country, will not be potent enough to
elevate a Benton, a Buchanan, or even an Amos Kendalld
as his successor?
When to this unanswerable ground of objection to Mr.
Van Buren’s re-election, we add the manifest design and
tendency of his whole policy, measures and recommenda
tions, to augment the already overgrown power of the
Federal Executive, by fresh and fearful accessions; when
we recollect that his predecessor, in whose footsteps he is
pledged to follow, broke down the independence of tho
Senate of the United States, by and with his concurrence
and cooperation—and that he himself has instigated and
abetted his Party in subjugating the House of Representa
tives to his. will, even though that subjugation had to be
effected at the cost of the disfranchisement of a Sovereign
State of the Union ; when we reflect that his vast hand of
office-holders is selected with a controlling regard to mere
Party devotion and Party efficiency, and are trained to
know no rule of action but subserviency to the Executive
will; when, to all these things, we further add the alarm
ing fact, that he has at last succeeded, after years of sys
tematic struggle, in causing the purse-strings of the Nation
to be placed in his hands, by Congressional enactment,
ana that he now reigns supreme in the collection, custody
and disbursement of the money; when, from these his
actual measure*, we turn to his recommendations, nnd
behold him calling on Congress to place the Banking In
stitutions of the Status at his mercy, by a Bankrupt Law
of which they may be made the compulsory victims—
calling, moieover, for a new and unconstitutional organi
zation of the Militia system which would be tantamount to
placing a Standing military force of 200,900 men at his
disposal, it cannot be doubled that our Republican Insti
tutions ore, at this moment, struggling in the very crisis
of their destiny, and that, if the power which now wars
against them, shall triumph in the existing contest for the
Presidency, it will he rendeied by the victors too strong
even to be afterwards successfully resisted by the People.
In this pursuit of new acquisitions of power, the Fede
ral Executive has not hesitated to override and trample in
the dust all the great interests of the country. The sei
zure of the money power has been consummated by a sc
ries of measures which have brought disaster, derange
ment and ruin on the currency, the commerce—the whole
pecuniary prosperity of the people. They have been re
duced to embarrassment and comparative poverty by a
policy whose only merits are iis tendency to strengthen the
Executive arm, and to enrich monied men and salaried of
fice holders.
Whilst the people have been thus curtailed in their re
sources of wealth and income, and subjected to a progres
sive but sure impoverishment, that same Federal Adminis
tration, headed by Martin Van Buren, from which have
emanated so many professions of economy, has signalized
itself bv the extravagance of its expenditures, and the
profligate waste of the public treasure. It has carried up
the annual expenditures of the General Government to an
average of thirty-seven millions of dollars—more than dou
ble what was known under the ten preceding Administra
tions; and we now behold the anomaly of a bankrupt Ad
ministration, sustaining itself by yearly issues of its own
notes, and yet vaunting itself on the establishment oi a
system which makes money trebly scarce and difficult to he
obtained.
When we look through the long political life of Mr. Van
Buren, we find nothing to relieve the dismal prospect which
a review of liis Administration spreads out before the eye.
In ail the great and characteristic acts of his public life, we
find him against the £outh and that Republican party to
which he professes devotion. In the outset of his political
career, at the commencement of the war with Great Brit
ain, in 1812, we behold him, a* a memberof the New York
Legislature, voting for De Witt Clinton, the Federal can
didate for the Presidency, in opposition to Mr. Madison,
the candidate of the Republican party, and of the entire
South. In 1820, us a member of the same Legislature, we
find him entering into a political coalition with Rufus King,
the then head and leader of the Federal party of the Union,
by which Mr. King was that year elected to the Senate of
the United States, and by which, also, Mr. Van Buren was
himself elected as his colleague in the same body the ensu
ing year. In 1820, also, he gave his support to the cele
brated Missouri restriction, by voting instructions to that
effect tn the Senators and Representutives of New York in
Congress. In 1821, as a memberof the Convention which
framed the present Constitution of New York, he support
ed the principle of allowing to fre# negroes the right of suf
frage In 1822. as a Senator in Congress, he voted tor the
restriction of slavery in Florida. In 1324, he supported
thoroughly the high protective Tariff of that year. In 1323,
he voted for the celebrated Tariff' law, well known through
out the South bv the just and emphatic name of the Bill of
Abominations. In 1826, he voted for the erection of Fed
eral toll gates on ihe Cumberland road, and afterwards, du-
ringGeneral Jackson’s Administration, he subscribed to his
doctrine that woiks of Internal Improvement, by the Gen
eral Government, were constitutional, when of national
utility; and that the President, in the exercise of the veto
power, was to determine for himself, over the head ot Cun-
giess, the question of their nationality—thus, not taking
the power out of the hands of the Federal Government,
but mere!v shifting it from Congress to the President. As
Secretary of Slate, under General Jackson, he compromi
sed the honor of his country in his negotiations with a great
foreign power, by availing himself of an argument drawn
from the party divisions of our own people, and the triumph
of the party to which the then President belonged.
It is needless to extend further ihe detail of the grounds
of objection which Mr. Van Buren’s political life, and Pre
sidential Administration, so abundantly furnish against him.
Enough has been presented to snow, that in whatever view
we contemplate ihe subject, all things call aloud for a change
of the measures and policy of the Government, and ot the
man at the head of the Government.
That change, so vitally important to the country, can
only be brought about by the election of William Henry
Harrison to the Presidency of the United States. His
public life and character, from early youth to the present
hour, are familiar to his countrymen, and they give assur
ance, abundant and indubitable, that such a change as his
elevation to the Chief Magistracy would bring, would be
in accordance with the most enlightened conviction of pub
lic opinion, and nromotive of the redemption of the coun
try from the misrule,corruption and distresses under which
it now so grievously labors. The confidence ot a Wash
ington, of a Jefferson, and a Madison—his able, successful
and well-Hpproved conduct in all the gieat and responsible
stations, in* peace and in war, which he filled for more than
thirty years—are vouchers irrefutable of his patriotism, his
integrity, nnd capacity.
The people of Georgia, opposed to the present Admin
istration, have made him the man of their choice; and will
spare no efforts, becoming freemen and patriots, to advance
his election.
Resolved therefore, That it be recommended to the cit
izens of' Georgia, to lay aside, in the present alarming emer
gency of the country, all pre-existing party divisions, and
to come to the examination of the issues involved in the
existing contest, with minds unbiassed, unprejudiced, and
determined to consult no end but their country’s good, and
its deliverance from the mal-ndministration and misery
with wdich it is now overwhelmed.
Resolved. That the People be recommended to hold
meetings in their respective counties, neighborhoods and
districts, for the purpose of diffusing a full and correct
knowledge of the true character and merits of the pend
ing contest, and of promoting the election of General
William Henry Harrison to th* Presidency, nnd ot
John Tyler to the Vice Presidency of tbs United
State*.
The question Wing npon the adoption of the Pream
ble and Resolutions, Robert Toombs, Esq., of Wilkes,
offered the following amendment, which wasemrriedby ac
clamation.
Resolved by this Convention, That white we. as State
Rights Republicans, must ever repudiate and condemn the
principles embraced in the Proclamation and Force bill,
yet we feel ourselves called upon as Patriots to forego our
peculiar opinions of the means to secure the great end* of
Stale Rights, popular liberty, and an honest administra
tion of the Government of the People; and, we extend a
cordial invitation to our countrymen of the Union Partv
to unite with us in the deliverance of out common coun
try from the hands of “ the spoilers.” In this great
struggle we proclaim to the world that we stand upon the
great platform of popular rights, which is wide enough, nnd
long enough, and strong enough for every friend of his
country to stand upon, without any sacrifice except Party
to country.
The question the* being upon the adoption of the Re
solutions, with the amendment, the Hon. C. B. Strong,
of Bibb, introduced' the following additional amendment,
which was, by unanimous vote, superadded to the main
resolutions :
Resolved, That tnis-Couvention of the People inorovo
of the able and patriotic conduct of the faithful six of our
Representatives in Congress, to wit: Alford, Dawson,
Hubersham-. Nisbet. King and Wnrren ; and will support
them, with Foster, Gamble, and Merriwether, and use all
honorable means to promote their electi >n.
The question then recurring upon the-amended Resolu
tions, they were unanimously adopted
The following resolution was introd ted bv E. Bird, of
De’Kalb :
Resolved', That this Convention approve-of the Ticket
j nominated at Milledgeville. in June inst, tor Electors of
1’resident and Vice-President, and will upport the sar.ft
by every honest exertion in their power.
I he question being taken upon the adopt on of the reso
lution. it was adopted, nera con.
1 HE FIRST FRUITS OF THE SUB-TREASURY. One fact
is worth a dozen theories, and as we have one that touches
sorely that most sensitive of all nerves, the pocket nerve,
we give it, for the benefit of all who may be interested. A
Bank in the city of Charleston, one whose direction is en
tirely identified with the Sub-Treasury scheme, has institu
ted suits in Georgia upon an immense amount of paper,
made by our citizens-und given to the Charleston merchants
in the way of trade, and which have been discounted by
the Bank. Positive orders have been given to the attor-
nies to receive in payment of these notes nothing but gold
or silver.
This is now hut the beginning off trouble: it has been
commenced bv a Bank whose feelings-and principles have
been, from its first institution, identified with MrjCaiborin’*
fancilul scheme of finances. Our people can now. or will
in a short time, be able to realize for themselves the prac
tical operation of that beautiful system which monev sha
vers, and office holders, and office expectants, have been
endeavoring-to instil in the minds of their honest, but sinr
pie minded adherents. It is well for the money shaver-
who gluts his ravenous maw with his 5 per cent, a month,
or the office holder; or office seeker, who is sure of his sal
ary in specie, to reason and talk, and even argue, upon the
! abstract benefits of a hard money currency. But when it
| comes to realities, theense is altogether different; it then
I becomes a matter of feeling, and something more than
! words is required to produce conviction. The'merchans
j who sells his goods; and the planter and mechanic, who
\ receive their pay in the ordinary currency of the country,
j cannot be argued into the reasonableness of. being-compe:- .
j led to pay their debts in specie, when specie is not to be
i got. But such is the operation of our famons Sub-Trcasu-
i ry; it is. to roreiye debts due to us in paper monev. but
; pay debts due from us in specie. It is now but partially
in operation. Experience is the best and most practical
| teacher, and in spite of the patriotic efforts of monev sha-
! vers and office holders to convince the people, by argument,
I what is for their interest, stern necessity will shortly prove
to them, at least, such as earn their bread by the sweat of
their brow, that theie is a wide difference between theory
and practice.—Macon Messenger. .
NOTICE.
That the citizens of DeKulb county, without distinction
of party, are desired to meet in Decatur, or. Tuesday, the
22d September next; also the citizens of Cobb countv. are
requested to meet nt Marietta, on Tuesday the 29th of the
some month, where the claims of the candidates for the
Presidency, will he freely discussed; no change of princt--
ples is necessary; State Rights men and Luton men are
going the whole amount for Gen. William Henrv Harrison,
for President, and John Tyler, for Vice-President.
N. B.—The above will be the 2d day of the Snperior
Court, when there may be several persons of distinction
present.
AN HONEST VOTER.
TO THE HARRISON MEN OF HANCOCK!
OCP The Citizens of Hancock county, friendly to the
election of Harrison and Tyler, are requested to assemble
at the Court-house in Sparta, on Tuesday, the 1st day of
September next, to put in nomination a suitable ticket to
represent them in the next Legislature.
MANY VOTERS.
Sparta, August 21st. 1840. '■
Died at his residence in Jasper county, after a short sick
ness. August 11th, James McKemie. Esq., aged 49 years.
| Mr. McKetnie was an Elder of the Presbyterian Church, at
Monticello, from the time when it was first established. He
j was generally esteemed, and beloved, as an upright and be-
i rievolent man, a useful member of society, and a true Chris
tian.
We are requested to announce Col. Abner
Hajimond as an Anti Van Buren Candidate for
* the Representative branch of the ensuing Legis
lature for the county of Baldwin.
LOST, -
O N the 12th inst., on the Macon road, betwean this pla-'e ,
and the Wallace Post-Office, a Gold .Skeleton Lever
Watch, made by Arnold McCabe & Co., London, No. 1045,
(and engraved on the cap3,) Parachute and Compensation,
and 13 Holes Jewelled. A small part of the Guard Chain
was also lost with the Watch. A liberal reward will be
given to any pet son retnraing the Same to the owner.
A. C. VAIL.
Milledgeville, Aug. 25; 1840. 32 3t
~ BKOIOHT TO _ JfAYJL, !
O N the 15th inst., a negro man Jim, about Sfh; 6or8 inches.
high, of light complexion, with some few" small scars
across the back of his neck.; says he belongs to Isaac Garris-
son of East Florida ; said he was raised on the Altamaha ri
ver, by JamesHall, of Tattnall county, Ga-
JESSE HURST, Jailor.
Reidsville. Tatnall county, 15th August, 1840. .32 tf
_______
S TOLEN from the subscriber, in Butrs county, on the 3d
inst., a large brown bay hotse, about 11 years old, 16
hands high, black mane and switch tail ; marked with a
v hite spot on one of his nostrils ; right hind foot white, with -
rough scaly scurf between the hoof and pastern joint, resem
bling the scratches Any person giving me. information bv_
mail, at Jackson, Butts county, so that I can get him, will
be thankfully received and liberally rewarded.-
DAVID SPENCER.
August 25th, 1840. 32 5t
1CP Federal Union will please copy. D. S.
LOST OR MISLAID,
A BOND for Titles toa-Lot in the town of Albany, (known -
in the plan of said town as No. 18, on Broad street,) giv
en by Tift, Atkinson & G(k la Shackelford A Peck, transfer
red by them to Hermon Mercer, and from him to the under
signed. All persons are forewarned from trading for said
bond, as the conditions have been complied with.
JAMES M. MERCER.
Albany, Baker county, Aug. 14, 1840. 32 2t
W ILL BE SOLD, on Tuesday, the 6th day of October
next, before the court house door in the town of Bain-
bridge. Decatur county, all the bogs and cattle belonging to
the estate of Robert Harrison,deceased And on Thursday,
the 8th day of October, there will be sold, at the residence,
of Mary Harrison, in Decatur county, (near Brown’s, ferry*
on the Chattahoochee river,) all the balance of the property
belonging to the estate of Robert Harrison, deceased, con
sisting of household aud kitchen furniture, Ac, Conditions,
credit till the first day of January next. Small notes, and
approved security will be required.
WU, WOOTEN, Adm r.
August 25, 1840 32 tds
W ILL BE SOLD, on..the first Tuesday in December
next, before the court-house door in Dublin, Laurens
county, within the legal hoursof sale, the interest of William.
Hester, idiot, in 400 acres of Land, lying in said county,
whereon Jasper Hester, deceased, lived. Also, the interest
of said William Hester, idiot, in two negroes. Ale, a woman*
and George, a boy, in which negroes Nancy Hester has a life-
estate. Terms on the day.
JOHN G. ANDERSON, Guardian.
August 25.1840 32 td
Pwtpued Sale.
T attnall sheriff s sale.—wuibesoidon the
first Tuesday in September next,-before the Court-house-
door in the town of Reidsville, within the usaal hours of
sale, the following property, tp wit:
One two-horse wagon and harness, levied on as the pro
perty of Stephen Williams, to satisfy an execution issued
from an Inferior Court-, in favor of Isaac K. Courtier.
FRANCIS N. CASWELL, Sh’ff.
Ang. 25,1840 32 tds
O GLETHORPE SHERIFF’S SALE.—Will be sold on.
the first Tuesday in November next, within.the usual
hours of sale, at the Court-house door in the town of Lexing
ton. Oglethorpe county, the following property, to wit:
Two Negroes, Rachael a woman, about 20 years of age,
and Mary. 8 or 9 years of age; levied on as the property of
Isaac N. Guise, to-satisfy a mortgage fi fa issued from tha
Superior Court.ot Wilkes county, in favor of John E. King
vs. Isaac N. Guise. Property pointed out in said fi. fa.
». R. MAXWELL, Sh'ff.
August 25,1840 32 tds
G eorgia. Hancock county.
Whereas- George L. Denting applies to me lor letters
of administration oa the estate of Pryor Wright, late of said
county, deceased—
These are therefore to cite and admonish all and singular
the kindred and creditors of said deceased, to be and appear
at my office within the time prescribed by law, to show cause,
if any they have, why said letters should not be granted.
Given under mv hand at office, this 18th August 1840.
Aug. 25, 1840—32 5t HENIiY' ROGERS, C. c.a.