Newspaper Page Text
• i it shows that,
I lmws given of our cotton trade be cor > ^ ^ fae j iable
under the most favorable circumstanc ’ m(nerc j a l revi.l-
to the visitation of the most sev ag t hey stand
sions; and the British corn laws, a a = d ,. aviile the
unrepealed, will increase this l jn & country so com-
rcsul. lhePrestdent adm..S gonie for nj ^ probabJy
merctal as ours, we are always to have banks,
always exist. ' , • ,’j that we should, if possible, in
n n7 l a e ; ^arrengements, adopt such a policy, as will en-
all financial w ; t h mo st advantage to the country,
ahie them time, preserve them in those limits, both
of'expansion nnd contraction, which may insure the great-
ni, uniformity and stability to our currency, amid all the
vicissitudes of commerce. We must then guard agatnst
all the measures which will spare them in their seasons of
prosperity, and fall on them with irresistible gravity ,n ad
versity. The operation of the State debts, as explained
by the President, will most appropriately illustrate this
position. The States of this Unton have, witlna a few
years past, principally for purposes of tnternal .mprove-
me.it, borrowed capital to the amount of about $200,000,-
000 A laree portion ol this money has been borrowed in
England and. in most cases, under an obligation to pay
the° interest in specie. Now, the President informs us
that in ordinary times, when the flow of credit between the
two couniriesis undisturbed, this specie stipulation lias no
unfavorable influence on the banks ; “but ns soon ns it is
checked by any hesitation abroad, or by an inability to
make payment there in our productions, the evils of the
system are disclosed. The paper currency, which might
serve for domestic purposes, is useless to pay the debt
die in Europe; gold and silver are therefore drawn in
exchange for their notes from the banks. To keep up
their supply of coin, these institutions are obliged to call
upon their own debtors, who pay them principally in their
own notes, which are as unavailable to them, as they are
to the merchants, to meet the foreign demand. The calls
of the banks, therefore, in such emergencies, of necessity
exceed that demand, and produce a corresponding curtail
ment of their accommodations, and of the currency, at the
very moment when the state of trade renders it most in
convenient to be borne.”—Tarise very just remarks of the
President, constitute a most important admission, and fur
nish to his opponents, in my opinion, an invincible argu
ment against the Sub ; Treasury policy.
“ It must be perfectly evident to every mind, from the
slightest reflection, that the operation of our State debts
on the hanking system, is precisely siinilnr to that of a
Sub-Treasury, with the exception that in times of difficulty,
and pressure, the latter will be infinitely more harsh. It
is evident, to use the expression of the President, that
“ when the flow of ctedit is undisturbed,” the specie clause
in the Sub-Treasury will produce the least possible effect
on the Banks. It will produce a necessary drain from
them, it is true. But the President says, the money is not
to be hoarded. If then, it is spent as fast as drawn, the
general confidence and prosperity will bring it back in n
hundred little streams, not necessary now to be pointed
out, to the vaults of the Batiks, which will make the whole
reflux very nearly equal to the efflux. A few years of
uninterrupted operations of this kind, will enable all the
Banks to enlarge their operations, to almost us great an
extent, as if no Sub-Treasury was in existence, for they
would see that the stream of the precious metals flowing
out, was generally compensated by that flowing in. Let
us now suppose a sudden commercial revulsion to full upon
the country; general confidence is destroyed; distrust
prevails every where. Is it not certain at such a period,
that every dollar of specie which your Sub-Treasury draws
from the Banks, goes out not to be returned until confidence
is restored ? Every body hoards his specie at such a crisis,
because of its intrinsic value. Your Sub-Treasury, then,
keeps up the same constant drain from the Banks, but
there is no return—you have the stream out, but none
back—the consequence is, that in the language of the Pre
sident, “ at the moment when the state of trade renders it
most inconvenient to be borne,” you have your Sub-Trea
sury pressing with an irresistible gravity, on the whole
banking system; and remember, that this effort will take
place whether the Government hoards its revenue or not,
at such a period, for the individuals into \t hose hands it
comes, wili not return it through any of the accustomed
channels to the Banks. Now, sir, if the President can
admit, that at such time, the annual demand for 5 or
$6,000,000 to pay interest on our foreign debt, is capable
cf producing so much distress, must he not perceive the
irretrievable disaster which his Sub-Treasury must pro
duce, creating an additional demand for some 20 or 30,-
000,000 dollars in specie? Can we expect the Banks to
stand under such circumstances? No, sir; the day that
our Sub-Treasury goes into operation, will send forth the
death warrant against the great majority of those institu
tions. When we remember the peculiarities of our cotton
trade; the fact that England is our great, our regulating
market, and that she is liable to revulsions from the ope
rations of her corn law system; when we faither remem
ber the influence of our foreign debt, we are forced to ac
knowledge, that, under the most favorable circumstances,
we are more liable to distressing commercial revulsions
than most nations, and consequently, our banking system
will occasionally be subjected to greater straining than
that of other countries.
“ When, then, you add to all these, the overpowering in
fluence of the Sub-Treasury, with an occasional surplus
revenue, it seems almost impossible to deny, that in every
revulsion of trade, there must be a Bank suspension.—
What, then, must become of the Banks? Either the
stockholders will find them unprofitable, and surrender
their charters, or the people will become exasperated, aud
demand their overthrow—or, if permitted to drag out
their miserable existence, they will fall into a state of ab
ject dependence on the Executive. In the mean time,
can any one seriously expect, the Sub-Treasury, under all
these revulsions, to maintain, unchanged, its oiiginal
character? No, sir. I hope I have shown elsewhere,
that the people themselves would invest it with banking
privileges. The history of the world has shown that any
scheme, no matter how dangerous to liberty, will eagerly
be grasped by man, to save him from present pecuniary
embarrassment. But, even if the people should not de
mand this change, cun we suppose the Executive of this
nation will always sit calmly by this mighty engine of
power, and suffer its faculties to sleep undeveloped ? No;
sooner or later, at some propitious season, when tlie Banks
are prostrated—the currency deranged—credit destroyed
—when the laborer is out of employment, and the widow
and the orphan have lost their all—he will confer a most
gracious boon upon his country, by making his Sub-Trea
sury the great instillment of relief. And remember, too,
that on such occasions, having the specie, which is the
vital principle of all banking, the Sub-Treasury can easily
be converted into a great Government Bank ; and when
this alliance shall be completed, wo may bid adieu to our
libeitie-.
“ The future historian may then record, that as our Anglo
Saxon ancestors won their liberties by nobly refusing to
surrender the purse to the king, so wc had lost them by
ignobly yielding it to our President.”
Enough we think has been said to prove that distress
and suffering pervade the country—that to the mal-admin-
istraiion of the Government, we owe much of the embar
rassment under which we labor, and consequently that our
remedy is to be found in a change of rulers, in the dis
missal of those officers who have thus abused our confi
dence.
The motives to that change, are multiplied and various.
We have already occupied so much of your time, that we
can only advert to some of them briefly. The extravagance
of the present administration, would of itself be a sufficient
cause to divest them of power. Such an utter disregaid
of all economy in the public expenditures, as has been ex
hibited for some time past, demands the immediate inter
position of the people, if they do not wish to submit to an
increase of the Tariff, or a direct tax. Look at the follow
ing facts. The average annual expenditure of J.Q. Adams’
administration was $12,625,477
That of Gen. Jackson’s $18,224,092
That of Mr. Van Buren’s $37,949,957
And what is the consequence? It is not long since that
we had more than $40,000,000 in the Treasury, and an
accruing income adequate to all our wants. The difficulty
was bow to get rid of our superabundant treasure. It was
at length determined to distribute it among the States,
and this was partially done. Mr. Van Buren has relieved
us from this embarrassment. A portion of the sum due to
the States, has been withheld, and the Treasury has been
so completely drained, that the ordinary expenses of the
Government have now to be paid by the successive issue
of Treasury notes, to redeem issues of like character, while
its bills have been protested in various parts of the country.
In a lime of profound peace, can any thing be more hu
miliating to the just pride of th* American people? It
is in vain to say that Congress have authorized these ex
penditures. Mr. Van Buren has a disciplined majority in
that body, who execute his will. Of this, the passage of
the Sub-Treasury bill, and the disfranchisement of the
sovereign State ot New Jersey, are decisive evidences. We
hold him. therefore, only to a just responsibility, when we
impute to him the extravagance of his own administration.
The abuse of the public patronage, and the demoraliza
tion of our people, is another and a serious charge, w hich
we prefer against the incumbent of the Presidential chair.
Mr. Van Buren came into office, treading in the footsteps
of his predecessor, and the avowed advocuie of the max
im, that “ the spoils belong to the victors.” Thai i, e has
faithfully acted upon this principle, we can all bear wit-
ness. The time was, when the applicant for office was
subjected to the truly Republican scrutiny propounded by
Mr. Jefferson, “ Is he honest, is he capable, is he faithful
to the Constitution T" That period has gone hv. The
enquiry now is, “What service has he rendered to the party?
What service is he capable of rendering? What connec
tions? What influence ? What means does he possess of
advancing its interests? The consequence is inevitable.
Mere virtue and talent are proscribed. It is not intended
to say, that there are not men of virtue and talent, among
the incumbents ot office, in the gift of the Executive, but
it is meant distinctly to state, that these are not the only
passports to Executive iavor, and that many, very many
have been appointed to, and are retained in office, who are
destitute of these high qualifications. Look around vou,
fellow-citizens, to the various publ'c offices bestowed by
tha Executive of the Union, in your own several neighbor
hoods. and say, if the incumbents have any peculiar claims
to the high stations which they occupy. Say rather, if you
do not feel that appointment to office is the reward of
party subserviency 7 The result of such a course, is the
mat-administration of our public affairs. Corruption in tho
attainment of office, begets corruption iri the exercise of
its powers, and it, behooves us, if we would redeem our
countiy from this degradation, to secure the faithful exe
cution of public trusts by establishing a different standard
of qualification for office.
We charge Mr. Van Buren with a violation of the ge
nius and spirit of our institutions, with an utter prostra
tion of the dignity of the chief Executive Magistracy, in
descending from that elevated station, to mingle in the
strife of a political canvass for the Presidency. When be
fore, in the history of our Republic, did a President of the
United States avail himself of a recess of Congress, to
rully his political partiznns, personally traversing three o
the great States of the Union, and holding correspon ence
with committees of citizens in various parts of it, wit l e
plain and obvious intent of influencing the 1 reside nun
election? Have wc forgotten his electioneering tour
through Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New 1 oik or do we
close our eyes to the evidence afforded by Ins letters to
those various committees, in Georgia, lennessee, and else
where, in pretended answers to invitations which were not
given to be accepted, hut merely to afford him an opportu
nity of mingling in the canvass ? The singular spectacle
is exhibited to us, of a President of the United Slates, ele
vated to that high station by the influence of his immedi
ate predecessor, and still invoking that influence to aid his
re-election. The Ex-President, aud the actual incumbent
of the Presidential chair, are both in the field, at the head
of the household troops, the office-holders, their connections
and dependents, with an allied corps of money-lendois,
who have enlisted for the war. Fortunately, the projected
standing army has not yet been mustered into service ,Jthe
sub-treasury has not yet developed its energies; the bank
ing corporations of the States are not yet prostrate , our
liberties are not yet cloven down; nnd there is an awakened
spirit in the people, which is competent to defend them,
even against this formidable array of power.
But the consideration which vve desire more especially
to present to your attention, is this. Power, which is thus
obtained, cannot be administered in the spirit of the con
stitution. He who attains the Presidential chair, by means
like these, is not free, if he willed it, to fulfil the duties of
his station. He is not the President of a nation of free
men, solemnly responsible to them indeed, for the faithful
discharge of his duties, hut free to exercise his high pow
ers according to the dictates of his own unbiased judgment.
No! He ist.be slave of a party, who ate rendered infuriate
by opposition, panting for the division of the spoils, and
claiming from him the redemption of pledges given during
the canvasss.
Such, fellow-citizens, is the condition of our country,
and to this condition it has been reduced by misrule, by
abuse of Executive patronage, and by the miserable ex
periments upon the currency, and credulity of the people,
which have been made hv Mr. Van Buren aod his imme
diate predecessor. Is not the remedy obvious? Gan we
mistake the “ malign influence” which is so fatal to our
prosperity? Can we fail to see that the present incumbent
of the Presidential chair, is the chief of a party, eagerly
bent upon the division of “ the spoils,” not the first Exec
utive magistrate of a great nation, honestly devoting the
energies of a pure and uncorrupted mind, to the advance
ment of their interests!
Your first great duty, that which you owe to yourselves,
and to posterity, is to correct the abuses which exist in the
administration of the Executive Department of the Go
vernment. Secure to yourselves the services of an honest
man—a patriot, one whose past life is the pledge of his fu
ture fidelity. Elevate such a man to the Executive chair,
and under his auspices, with your own unceasing vigilance,
and by the blessing of Providence, you may hope to regain
the prosperity which you have Ireietofore enjoyed.
To effectuate this object, so far at ieast as may depend
on the Electoral vote of Georgia, it became the duty ot the
Convention to present to your consideration the requisite
number of names to constitute her Eiecroral ticket. 1 his
duty was pet formed with great unanimity. Our confer
ences resulted in the determination to otter as candidates
for the Electoral College,
GEORGE II. GILMER, of Oglethorpe,
Gen. DUNCAN L. CLINCH, of Camden,
Col. JOHN \V. CAMPBELL, of Muscogee,
Maj. JOEL CRAWFORD, of Hancock,
CHARLES DOUGHERTY, of Clarke,
SEATON GRANTLAND, of Baldwin,
Gen. ANDREW M1LLF.R, of Cass,
Gen. W. W. EZZARD, of DeKalb,
C. B. STRONG, of Bibb,
JOHN WHITEHEAD, of Burke,
Gen. E. WIMBERLY, of Twiggs.
Fellow-citizens! of the individuals thus recommended to
your support, it is unnecessary for us to speak; they stand
before you in the strength of their own unsullied integrity
and unwavering patriotism.
The Convention proceeded in the discharge of the duty
assigned to them, to agree upon a Congressional ticket,
which they would recommend to your support. The de
termination to nominate for re-election six of our present
representatives was adopted with great unanimity:
WILLIAM C. DAWSON, of Greene,
RICHARD W. HABERSHAM, of Habersham,
JULIUS C. ALFORD, of Troup,
EUGENICS A. NISBET, of Bibb,
LOTT WARREN, of Sumter,
THOMAS BUTLER KING, of Glynn.
Three of our present representatives, Messrs. B ack,
Cooper and Colquitt, the Convention determined not to re
commend to your support, and they owe it to you to state,
verv briefly, the reasons which influenced that determina
tion.
In the opposition to Mr. Van Buren, the State Rights
parly of Georgia have been constant and uncompromising.
Thev differed with him on the sub-treasury system, but
their opposition existed before, and independently of that
measure. In this feeling, at the period of their former
nomination, Messrs. Black, Cooper and Colquitt cordially
participated. They were known to be favorable to the
sub-treasury experiment,hut th«y were so thoroughly with
us, in all our other views and feelings, in relation to Mr.
Van Buren’s Administration, that this, which was consid
ered of minor importance, was by common consent over
looked. They were elected as representatives of the
State Rights party of Georgia, and as uncompromising op
ponents of Mr. Van Buren’s Administration, but with the
understanding of the party, that they would vote for the | jj
NAILED TO THE COUNTER.
The following affidavits from Gentlemen of the first re
spectability, which we copy from the Cincinnati Gazette,
nail to the counter, finally and conclusively, the base charge
that Gen. Harrison was a Federalist, and wore a Mack
cockade, in 1800.
Deposition of Gen. James Taylor of Newport, Ken
tucky. Quarter Master General, under Gen. Hull.
I came to Kentucky in the spring of the year l/9_. In
June of that year, I came to visit the tract of land on w hich
I have resided ever since, (opposite to Cincinnati.) As
there were no accommodations to be had on my side o
the river, I spent several weeks among the officers at fort
Washington. I did not meet Gen. Wm. H. Harrison on
my first visit, as I understood he had gone on to 1 Inladel-
1 I came again in the spring of 1793, and settled where
I now live and became acquainted with Gen. Harrison,
and from our being from the same Slate (Virginia.) we
contracted an intimate acquaintance, which has continued
up to the present time.
After Gen. Harrison retired from the Army he was ap
pointed Secretary of the Northwestern Territory. The
intimaev still continued, and wc were much together, for
our residences were within less than a mile of each other.
I know that Gen. Harrison’s political opinion agreed with
mv own—that of the Jeffersonian school. Gen. Harrisoh
was the Republican candidate to represent the Northwest
ern Territory ns a delegate, and was elected. I under
stood he wus opposed by all the Federalists. Judge Bur
net was then u member ot the Territorial Legislature, and
although a warm personal friend of Gen. Harrison, voted
against him—ibis was in the year 1799.
As to the story of the black cockade, I am sure lie never
wore one, except it might be in his military dress on review
days.
1 have always considered Gen. Harrison the most mili
tary man in the western country, and, at the period of the
late war, I doubt if there was his superior in tho Unjted
States, for he had had great experience under the gallant
and experienced Wayne. I had frequent conversations
with our patriotic and distinguished veteran Governor
Shelby in relation to his opinion of General Harrison’s
military capacity and management ns commandant of the
nrmvof the West. I understood him distinctly that ho
highly approved his conduct and had the most exalted
opinion of his bravery, prudence and untiring vigilance ;
and this appeared to me to be the opinion of all persons,
officers and others, in the western country, and indeed
generally in the East as fur as my knowledge extended.
1 have said one hundred times or more that it was my de
liberate opinion that if we had hud Gen Harrison as our
commander at Detroit, that with that gallant little army
we should have conquered all Upper Canada, and l know
it was trie general opinion of all the officers of that army.
James Taylok.
Bellevue, Newport, July 11, 1340.
Swoin to and subscribed before me this 11th day of
July, 1840. Samuel W. Davis, Mayor.
sub-treasury, although in so doing they misrepresented,
upon that particular question, the feelings and opinions of |
five sixths of those by whom they had been elected. They j
were not content to occupy this position; in the very fiist |
term of their service, they have become the supporters of j
Mr. Van Buren’s Administration, and are now the avowed !
advocates of his re election. What community of feeling
can exist, then between them and the State Rights party of
Georgia? They have gone to the support of a man, by i
whom, and by whose immediate predecessor, and political
creator, that party has been proscribed and trampled upon |
for the last eight years. The friends of these gentlemen j
seek to excite your sympathy by the cry of proscription, j
Fellow-citizens, it is the Stale Rights party of Georgia j
which is proscribed, and these gentlemen have tanged s(jon became UIlinted with Qen. Wm. H.'Harrison. He
themselves under the standard oi the man who has d“- 1
nounced us. How then could they be, or desire to be, the
nominees of a party, whoso feelings and opinions they
could no longer represent ? They certainly could not have
desired the nomination of the State Rights party, for they
saw themselves proposed for nomination, and have since
been actually nominated, by the Van Buren party, and
they did not disclaim the proposal, and have not rejected
the nomination. Without a laxity of moral principle,
therefore, which we will not impute to our former political
associates, we repeat, that they could not have wished to
be put in nomination by a party whose feelings and opin
ions they could no longer represent. They have made
their choice between us. They have cast their lot with our
opponents; acquiescence in their determination was all
that remained to vs.
Thus situated, it became the duty of the Convention to
propose for your support three oilier citizens, to complete
our Congressional ticket. They have accordingly recom
mended,
ROGER L. GAMBLE, of Jefferson,
JAMES A. MERIWETHER, of Putnam,
THOMAS F. FOSTER, of Muscogee.
The gentlemen are too well and advantageously known
to vou, to render it necessary for ns to pronounce their eu
logy. We content ourselves with saying, that the aggre
gate Cougressioual ticket thus offered to your considera
tion, presents a combination of talent, integrity and patri
otism, of which the State Rights party of Georgia may
justlv he proud, and on which they can with tho utmost
confidence rely.
( To be continued.)
Working of the Sub-Treasury System.—The
Boston Atlas states that a lew days since, a firm in that
city hud some duties to pay, amounting to upwards of; dear that they have interests directly adverse to those of
$2000, one quarter of winch, under the present regulations, tbe people.”
was required in specie. They received for a bill on the
Merchants’ Bank, $500, in quarters, Spanish and Ameri
can. Before taking the specie down to the Custom-House,
it was mentioned to the Cashier that they had $500, in
quarters for him, and he replied that it was unhandsome
in the Bank to pay out such money for them, but if they
were American quarters they must take them, but that the
' Spanish quarters were not a legal tender. The money
! W as carried back to the Bank, and the reply at the Cus
tom House told; but they refused to exchange it, saying
J that the Custom-House paid them just such mcney, and
I they must take it back. It was then taken to another
! Bank, and they not having more than they wanted of that
J kind of silver, exchanged it for gold, at the standard value,
j which was weighed at the Custom-House, and a few
cents more were paid to make up the weight.
The Spirit of Loco-focoism !—One of the banners
carried in the Oneida county Van Buren Sub-Treasury
Procession, bore the following infamous inscription:
“ True Democracy spurns the Broad Seal of New-Jer
sey!'' New-Jersey will “ spurn” ih« wretches who thus
insult her sovereignty. Her soil has never yet been pol
luted with impunity. She avenged herself ep on lbe Hes
sians and Tories of 1776. She will avenge herself upon
the Hessians and Tories of 1840.
“ A Minute Man.”—Mr. Van Buren has spent more
than seventy dollars of the people’s money every minute
since he was sworn into office as President of the United
States. Farmers ! as you look up at your clocks, remem
ber that more than a dollar of the public treasure goes with
every click.
The absolute necessity of a change.—Amos gives
the following summary of the stute of things under the
present Administration:
“Law* are violated with impunity; moral obligations
are scoffed at and derided ; knavery walks the streets with
the bold face of honesty, plunderers of the public nnd of
public institutions, obtain sympathy nnd forgiveness.”
[ Kendall's Address.
The Laborer anti the Emploker.—How often, said
Mr. Prentiss, during his recent speech at Portland, do we
see in this country, that the employe! of to-day is the labo
rer of to-morrow, and the laborer, the employer; and when
such is the evidence of our senses and the result of our
Institutions, how dare any man rise up and address him
self to the passions of different classes of the community,
and declare there is a distinction between them! “ I
would take the sons of the poor man in preference to the
sons of the rich, to prove the truth of this. The son of the
poor man much sooner reaches the golden goal of honor
than those who have money jingling in their pockets. It
is the poor man in nine cases out of ten who reuche9 the
point of eminence. They have been industrious—they
have exerted themselves, and they have prospered. It is
true that a bnd man sometimes gets wealth, but not often,
and when lie does, it is oflener by foul means than by fair.
How was it with Stephen Girard, and how is it with John
Jacob Aslur! They were the architects ef their own su
perior enterprise.”
_ “ The acquisition ot wealth is the result of exertion.—
lh” eon of the poor man prospers most.—I would bet two
to one on his success in the trial of a few years.”
Deposition of Griffin Yeatman, for many years and now
Recorder of Hamilton county.
I have resided in Cincinnati from the year 1793, to this
time. I was well, I inuv say intimately acquainted with
Gen. Harrison, when he was Secretary of the North Wes
tern lerrritory, and whet: he was elected the Delegate to
Congress in 1799. At that time 1 kept an Hotel in the
citv, and many of the members ot the Territorial Legisla
ture hoarded with me. 1, of course, had a favorable op
portunity of hearing their sentiments in relation to the
two candidates for the appointment of delegate. I do
know that Gen. Harrison was selected by the party who
supported the political opinions of Mr. Jefferson, on ac
count of the coincidence ol his opinions with theirs—
whilst Arthur St. Clair, jr., Esq. was considered the 1' ed-
eral candidate. I do not at this time recollect the names
of all the members; but I perfectly remember that Gen.
N. Massie, Angus Langum, Col. Worthington, Dr. liffin,
who wetc nil from Virginia, anil ot the politics of that
Slate, were the warm supporters of Gen. Harrison on the
grounds 1 have mentioned—and during my whole acquaint
ance with Gen. Harrison I never knew him to wear a
black cockade, unless when acting in a military capacity,
and being a part ol the uniform that was worn by all mili
tary officers. If such had been the case, I must have
seen it; as from my intimacy with the General 1 saw him
almost every day.
In corroboration of w hat I have said, I will mention the
following circumstance: Some time before the election of
Delegate, Capt. of the army, came to Cincinnati;
and at a party of gentlemen at the house of my next door
neighbor, Major Zeigler, this officer uttered a violent de
nunciation against the Republican and Democratic mem
bers of Congress. This was resented by General Harri
son, who insisted upon his making an exc. ption of the
Virginia Delegation. This was refused—violent language
ensued, which would have terminated in blows hut for the
interference of the company. By the exertions ot mutual
friends, the dispute was settled without recurrence to
another mode of settling it which was apprehended. I
was not present at this party myself; but I had ihe par
ticulars the next day from General Findley and other gen
tlemen who were piosent—and also from the Captain
himself, w ho expressed his regret, and said he would apol
ogize to General Harrison. Griffin Yeatman.
Sworn to anil subscribed before me,
Thomas IJ. Yeatman, Notary Public.
July 13, 1810.
Deposition of John Matson, Esq., late Associate Judge
of the county of Hamilton, one of the most respectable
men and most substantial farmers of the country.
I was a resident of the county of Hamilton in the North
Western Territory, from the year 1791, until it became
the State of Ohio, anil have continued to reside in the
township of Miami, in the said county and Slate from that
time. I became acquainted with Gen. Wm. H. Harrison,
then a captain in the army, upon his marriage with his
present wife, the daughter of Judge J.C. Symine, in 1795 ;
in whose family I was then, and continued to be upon the
most intimate terms; and my acquaintance with General
Harrison was continued during the time that he was the
Secretary of the North Western Territory, and when he
represented the Teiritory in Congress as the Delegate. I
have always considered Gen. Harrison a Democratic Re
publican of the Jeffersonian school. In the year 1799,
‘"urrison was elected the delegate as the republican
candidate in opposition to Mr. St. Clair, the son of the
Governor, the federal candidate. In that year, I lived a
near neighbor to Gen. Harrison, and I solenmly declare
that I never saw him wear a black cockade or any other
cockade after he left, the army, or ever heard of his wear
ing one unless when acting as Gov rnor of the Territory,
and reviewing or training the militia.
JOHN MATSON.
Sworn to and subscribed before me this 11 th day of
July, 1840. Sam’l. W. Davis, Mayor.
Statement of George Gordon, Register of Hamilton
county under the Territorial Government.
I removed to Ciucinnat in the fall of the year 1793, and
LOOK AHEAD!
People of America, look ahead ! Seek counsel of the
future, and act for the good of yourselves, your children,
and your country. If you re-elect Marlin Van Buren to
the Presidency, what do you gain by it? Will he promote
any one of the great interests upon the success of which
the prosperity of the country depends?
Planters and Farmers, look ahead ! Think you that
the policy pursurd by Mr. Van Buren, if persevered in,
w ill tend to furnish to the cultivators of the soil a just re
ward for their untiring labors? Is it to promote your in
terests that the price of cotton, tobacco, wheat, flour, wool,
and the stalled ox, is reduced to one-half of what it was
two years ago? Will it benefit you to reduce the prices
of what you sell to the standard of prices which prevail in
“bard money governments?”
Laborers, Workingmen, look ahead! Can you gain
by the re election of Martin Van Buren? His doctrine,
as put forth and enforced by his parry friends, is, that
wages in this country are too high, that laborers are too
well paid, that prices should be reduced to an equality with
prices in those countries where, by hard labor, men earn
from five to eight pence per day. American freemen, if
this be your belief, vote to continue power ia the hands of
the present Executive.
Mechanics, look ahead ! If power be continued in the
hands that now wield it. what are your prospects? With
a deranged currency, prostrate credit, and a wreck of all
healthful enterprise, will the promulgation of an edict for
the “ collection, safe keeping and disbursement of the pub
lic moneys,” call forth the busy hum of industry in our
streets, or bring into action the dormant energies of the
American artisan ?
The great truth evolved by Mr. Van Buren, in the
course of a foui years’ Administration, is, that “ the peo
ple expect too much of the Government;” and the great
measure he has proposed to meet the exigency of embar
rassment into which the people have fallen, is, to collect,
and after his own manner to keep and pay away their mo
ney. Verily, he has taught them that they have not much
to expect from him.
Merchants and Traders, look ahead! And if you
trade on borrowed capital, beware: Mr. Van Buren fol
lows in the footsteps of him who declared that all such
ought to break
In submitting himself as a candidate for re-election, Mr.
Van Buren specially demands the judgment of the country
upon his past measures and course of policy. It these,
affecting your interests, have been wise ami proper, give
him the countenance of your names and the weight of your
influence.
Men of Business, in every department of active life
look ahead! What will be your prospects if the present
incuniLenl he re-elected? Examine the past; reflect. In
1837, when Gen. Jackson surrendered the Government
into the hands of his successor, he declared the country to
he prosperous and happy. He had, indeed, planted the
seeds of that bitter fruit we are now reaping, hut it was
reserved for him who. followed, to water and manure the
plant. The country was then free from debt, business was
active, and a general prosperity was admitted to prevail.
How is it now 7 The Government are millions in debt.
They denounce paper money, and satisfy their creditors
with Treasury notes. Property of every description is de
preciated, industry paralysed, and business at a stand.
These results grow out of the measures of the Govern
ment, and they are but the first fruits of that policy which
Mr. Van Buren is pledged to carry out.
Men of Business, Friends of your Country,look ahead!
and consider seriously the interests which are involved in
the event of the contest which is now in progress, and ask
yourselves whether they can he promoted by the re-election
of Martin Van Buren!—National lulclligencer.
New-York.—The New York Courier, in some remarks
upon the probable vote of that State, gives the following
estimate :
Letters from the West speak confidently of a Whig ma
jority of 12,000 in the Eighth District. From the best
information within our reach, collected with care from all
parts of the Slate, we are convinced that the least favora
ble estimate for the Whigs that can be formed of the
general result, is the following aggregate of the county
majorities that will be given in each district for the re-
sjiective candidates:
Harrison. Van Buren.
100
1,200 2,200
1,700 1,000
1st District.
2d
do...
3d
do...
4 th
do..,
5 th
do..,
Gth
do..,
7th
do..,
8th
do..,
....3,650
700
,...2,950
,...2,250
.11,900
...1.400
...1,600
...1,100
100
24,450
7,400
7,400
was nlvvays considered, during the Presidency of the elder
Adams, a Republican of the Jeffersonian School ; and I
do not think he has ever abandoned the political sentiments
he then imbibed. As to his wearing a black cockade, I
do not believe l.e ever did, except on parade. Geti. Har
rison was always free in declaring his sentiments.
GEORGE GORDON.
July 13, 1840.
A Separate Interest.—A couple of the biggest guns
of Loco Focoism in the Keystone State, are Messrs.
Wilkins of Pittsburg, and Buchanan of Lancaster. They
are both strong advocates of the Sub-Treasury scheme,
which is relied on as a means of *' reducing the prices of
wages and products to the standard throughout the world!”
The following article, from the Pittsburg Gazette of Wed
nesday, renders a reason or two why these Loco Foco
orators should he in favor of “ low prices,” or of the reduc
tion system, for every thing except the interest on money.
The Pittsburg Guzetle says:
“ J.imes Buchanan some time ago sold a large amount,
of real estate, securing the purchase money by bond and
mortgage bearing interest. William Wilkins has also
sold his property on Walter-street (Pittsburg) for seventy-
odd thousand dollars, interest payable semi-annually.—
Thus they are both interested tn carrying out the doctrines
of Buchanan uud Culhouti—both equally interested in en
hancing the value of money, and in depreciating that of
every thing else. * Reduce our nominal to the real stand
ard throughout the world,’ and you treble the income of
Messrs. Wilkins and Buchanan.
“ Now, take some farmer, whose income was $500 in
1836—reduce prices one-half, and his income will be one-
half less, while the income of Messrs. Wilkins and Bu
chanan will, by the same process, he doubled. Thus it is
Whig majority, 17,050
We assure out friends throughout the country that with
thp light now before us, we consider it impossible that the
Whig majority in the State should fall below 17.050. The
Administration journals, under the lead of the Washington
Globe, will doubtless undertake to play the Indiana game
of prediction and bragging with Ncw-York ; but the people
of the State will return the compliment, and show them
after the election the record of another Indiana victory.
The estimate given above is made up with reference to the
Presidential contest. In the gubernatorial election, the
result will vary from the estimate but little either way.
Our own belief is, that the Slate and Fedeial tickets will
run about the same, and that Gov. Seward’s majority will
be quite as large as that of President Harrison.
The following paragraph from a memoir of Gen. Harri
son, by J. R. Jackson, Esq., bears valuable testimony to
his religions charactei :
“ An incident which occurred at Philadelphia will serve
to illustrate his character. On the evening preceding a
Sabbath lie was to spend in that citv, two gentlemen wait
ed on him, and slated that there were two sects there,
more numerous than others, and therefore it would be good
policy in him to attend one of these sects in the morning
and the other in the afternoon. ‘ Gentlemen,’ lie replied,
‘I thank you sincerely for your kindness, but I have al
ready promised to attend divine service to-morrow, and
when i go to church, I go to worship God, and not to elec
tioneer.’ ”
From a Volume published by a French Tourist, in 1825.
GENERAL HARRISON.
Are you personally acquainted, sir, with General Har
rison ?
Begar, sare, I have do great satisfartiong, to have the
pleasure, sare, to have de grand introductiong, sare, to de
brave her.) and citizen.—I make you introductiong, sare,
to dis gentilhomme, who vil till you de grand story of de
old Shenerall and the wood leg soldiare. Aid foi ! it is ver
good.
With great pleasure, sir, I will relate it, said a very re
spectable looking gentleman in black, who I afterwards
understood was a clergyman. It was the year 1320, if my
memory is correct, that 1 was travelling in Ohio with the
view of purchasing a tract of land for my son, when I fell
in with a gentleman who was a stranger, and whom I found
a very intelligent and agreeable companion, A thunder
storm drove us into a neat log cabin, a little distance from
the road side for shelter, where we found a house full of
children, a sick and very interesting looking woman lying
in a humble hut clean looking bed. and a young pretty
maiden sitting near. The husband and father with a
wooden leg, aud a deep scar across his brow, was bending
over the bed nnd pressing the hand ol the sick woman be
tween both of lus 11 i3 eyes were intently fixed on a
young infant, appprvntly a few months old. Tho whole
group had been indulging in tears, aud 1 saw one stealing
from the daik and dazzling eye of the young damsel, as
she sat listening apparently to some tale of woe which her
father told. Their tears were suddenly wiped away as we
approached, and were given cordial welcome.
You seem to be in distress, said the stranger, my com
panion.
1 have faced the enemies of my country, said the host,
ashe swung his wooden leg round to close the door, mid
I have felt, all the pangs aud privations of a military life,
but all this was nothing to be compared with what I have
suffered.
Stranger. Pardon me if I ask the cause; for I will re
lieve you if it lies in my power.
Host. My wife is afflicted with an internal disease
which renders it dangerous to move her; yet, for a debt
which I cannot immediately raise, the man who is agent for
another declares that if I do not pay it before to-morrow
at twelve o’clock, he will seize what little I possess, and
turn us all out to the mercy of the elements, and lean nei
ther raise the sum by that time, nor obtain a shelter for
my poor wife and children, who must perish to gratify
the malice of a man whose heart is a stranger to merev.
The whole family melted into tears as he concluded, and
even the soldier himself who hud faced the cannon’s mouth
could not refrain from weeping.
Stranger. You hate fought the battles of the country?
May I be inquisitive in asking
Host. Oh ! yes, I fought under the brave Harrison
at the Thames, and in other battles. I speak of him with
pride, for I have seen his sword glittering in the thickest
of the light.
Stranger. Would you know him wete you to see
him ?
Host, (gazing in his fare)—You resemble him very
much. Were he to know my sufferings, he would instant
ly assist me. I have seen him do several generous deeds.
Stranger. Where did you lose your leg ?
Host. It v as shattered by a ball at the glorious battle
of Tippecanoe.
Stranger. Well, my brave fellow, make your mind
easy ; a hair of your head shall not be injured.
\ou may see your General before you, nnd as you have
fought for me and your country, I will now protect you and
your family at the risk of my life.
A sudden blaze of joy seemed to run from heart to
heart: the soldier clasped General Harrison in his arms,
while the children pressed his hand with affection.
We shall be saved from ruin cried the pale wife.
The General found the owner of the piece of land on
which the soldier lived, and never rested until he made
the poor fellow a right to it. He also dischai^ud the
debt, and a happier family 1 never beheld.
From the New York Expresti
A LETTER FROM MAJOR DOWNING.
Log Cabin, North Bend,
To the Editors of the New York Express :
Respected Friends : The weather is considerafekr hot
now, but not half so hot fts some folks will find * afore
November next; for if I am not mistaken, a# things are
going, we shall have pretty warm work before th«t day
comes. I han’t had my coat on now going on three weeks.
Letters and folks pouting in, and the Gineral ewys r “Major
you must spring to, and lend in.' a helping hand hr the Ca
bin, or the farm will go neglected, and that I Ctetft allow
no how.” The Gineral is a master hand for lo'lkiwg
about the farming work, and I do raly believe if man
can show him how an acre of ground can he made re
duce more corn or more hay than it did afore, he will Nl»nd
a bigger chance of getting an office than any man who
shows lie can control more votes than any other man.
When the folks all go off, and the Gineral and I sit down
together and talk over matters, and lie writes down the
proceedings of the day, 1 find lie culls out especially all l.e
has heard about what this and that one said about farmin*r.
‘But,’ says [, “Gineral, why don’t you say something
about what they said regarding the political votes of their
districts?” “Well,” says he, “ Major, somethings are
ctarnal, and some things aie changeable. Now if I can
only get the farming work going right, it matters very little
how other matters go, for, in the end, that will bring all
things right.”
The Gineral says that the ablest and best politician in
the country, is the man who can make one acre of ground
produce more than it ever did before ; and lie says, if he
can only put his eye and finger oil that man, lie will ask
him, as a favor, !o fill the highest office he rail name, pro
vided that he is willing and able to take office, for the Gin
eral goes on that principle. He says that office is to be
given only to such as are able to serve the country best.
He says that agriculture stands first; next comes tile man
ufacturing and mechanic aits, nnd then comes the mer
chant and lawyer—all .necessary to one another. But
the politician, who has no other trade, he thinks is a poor
critter, and he hopes the present Administration will do all
they can for him, for he don’t like to see any body suffer,
but he can do nothing but tell him to go to work at some
useful calling. The first question the Gineral puts to a
man who calls upon inm, is to know what his trade or cal
ling is, and if by chance he lots on that he has none, the
Gineral takes him right out in his potato patch, nod gives
him a lesson in digging
I tell’d the. Gineral one day, says I, “Gineral this will
never do in creation.” Says I, “ why Mr. Y’an Buren will
heat you all hollow on this tack, for the first thing in- finds
out is to know how many votes a man can command, and
according to his power, he sets too and greases him, for
lie know% that it is by votes, and not by potatoes, that a
1’resident is to he elected.” But the Gineral don’t believe
this, and he says “ he would rather he a plain farmer, sur
rounded by a set of men who-can dig potatoes, than to be
President and surrounded by a set of vote diggers.
I don’t know how it is, but accordihgln political calcula
tions one would say the Gineral is to he beaten,hut according
to what one sees all about creation, I think the Ginerul’s
corn and potato crops will beat Mr. Van Burcu’s vote
crops three to one.
There is one thing that I think will throw Mr. Van Bu
ren flat on his hack. He thinks that his party will go for
him through thick and thin, because he says he is at the
head of the “great democratic family.” Now that family
is veiy large. Ali of ’em aiut office holders. Some on
’em are farmers; some mechanics; some manufacturers;
some merchants; and his policy is only intended to profit
the office holding portion of that family, and dead against
all tho other members. They tell him that Mr. Benton,
Mr. Blair. Mr. Kindall, and a very few more, are not all
the democratic family ; but he don’t believe it—and this is
the rub; and every time lie tries to “ reward friends and
punish enemies,” he finds he makes matters worse; and
he will find that, instead of being a good sound Democrat,
he is only a selfish politician, seeking to retain office at the
expense of a large mass of people, who say that a demo
cratic Government was intended for the good of the great
est number, not for the beneSt of a few office holder*, who
put noses together and plan schemes to keep themselves in
office.
I don’t know what folks think along the seaboard, hut
out here the cry is, “ the Government must he administer
ed by honest men, and every man in office must he such as
any honest citizen would select to be his executor and guar
dian of his estate and children when he comes to die, and
no other will suit; that they must be n;en who look to the
good of the whole people, and not to a party; men who,
taking office, will know its duties and obligations, and, if
found using the influence of said office to retain the sta
tion, should at once he treated just as a good farmer would
treat an overseer who would instruct the dogs on the farm
to bark at the owner. This would be turning the wrong
end foremost; and this is about the Gineral’s notion, aud
that of your friend and fellow-citizen,
J. DOWNING, Major, &c.
N. B.—The Gin&ral is curious to know how the “ Sub-
Treasury” gets on in your parts. Do the folks lug about
the coin according to law, or do “certified checks" on
“ the rascally banks" take the place on’t ? If you don’t
care to answer this, yon need not; all that the Gineral
cares to know is, if the law is carried out alike—nut goose
here and gander there, that’s all.
Eating.—Every animal eats as much as it can procure,
and as much as it can hold. A cow eats but to sleep, and
sleeps hut to eat; and, not content with eating all day
long, “ twice it slays the slain,” and eats its dinners o’er
again. A whale swallows 10,01)0,000 of living shrimps at
a draught: a nursling canary-bird cats its own bulk in a
day . and a caterpillar eats 500 times its own weight before
it lies down to rise a butterfly. Tin* mite and the maggot
eat the very world in which they live; they nestle and
build in the roast beef, and the hyena for want of better
cats himself. Yet a maggot has n ,t the gout, and the
whale is not subject to sciatica. And the Esquimaux,
though he eats ten pounds of seal, and drinks a gallon of
oil at a meal, and though his meal lasts as long as his
meat, is neither troubled with dyspepsia, toothache or
hysterics.
Should working Men eat Meat ? —Mr. Williams, a Lo
co Foco member of Congress from Bristol Dist., Massa
chusetts, io a speech which he recently delivered in favor
of the incorporation of the Treasury Bank, low wages and
hard money, made the following remarks in regard to the
Fiench laborers:
'* It is true, sir, that a greater portion of the laborers of
h ranee are deprived of the use of animal food ; but does
it follow' that, as a whole, they are the worse off!—
Ne, sir, so far from it, I have the authority of an En
glish statesman who speaks irom observation and a crit-
ieal examination of the subject, that the reverse is the
case.”
If Senators Buchanan and Tappan and Mr. Williams
can persuade mechanics and laborers that they would be
better off by being “deprived of animal food,” and fed on
sottp maigre and garlics, which would enable them to
work for the rich at a less price, then we have mistaken the
spirit and intelligence of our countrymen.
[Phil. Standard.
COMMUNICATIONS.
FOR THE RECORDER.
Messrs. Editors;—I send you the following extract
taken from an old paper, printed at Lawrencehn r? (p
diana,) entitled the Statesman, .dated October gif, jg-jj"
It ia published as a part of a speech then recently ma j,.1,1
General Harrison, at Madison, in that Slate, at a pi t ^
dinner given him. The remarks are so api oshe » 0 t | lg
present rendition of public affairs in the Untied States ( |
I think they cannot fail to convince any unprejudiced nr cV
of their truth, and of the necessity of rebuking that •
of intolerance nnd proscription that pervade* etervd
partment of the public service. It will be borne in n
that the *peech was made at a time when Gen. f/ .. .
not a candidate fir fiie Presidency, and when (Iron j'-
secluded life) no one soppo>ed lie woald fie. It i, c> j
. . , ' - 11 r - , . v ufged
upon Inm that lie is now making electloncenng speecli-
against ihe Administration. That charge is >»ie! v
good as to 'his speech, w bieb I think is one of die sever •
against “ the party” that I have ever seen. It’* pe C nlj ai ’
severity consists in its perfect applicability.
— J. H,
“ I must ask yor>r indulgence, Mr. President, R
a few remarks upon a political heresy, w hich has kteiy
sprung up ‘ aroowgst as,’ of a character calculated, '
opinion, to make the most fatal inroads upon the constita
tion of this cointry. I allude to the lest that is required
of the candidate* for state office—not of their opi:.;.. n J
upon any particular measure which may be in agrteden bli
the benefit of the peop’e—hat, exclusively of their adhe
rence to this, or that, n an, who is or may he a candidate
for the Presidency of the United States. This question
must he answered satisfactorily to the person vi iio p r „-
pose3 it. or the claims of llie candidate/ however « e ll
founded in other respect®, wiii be instantly rejected,
matter how long, how faithfully, or how successfully. ' ne
may have served his country, it will ail be considered a _,
dust in the balance, unless he will pronounce the pa**
word of a party, nnd promise the most faithful and entire
devotion to its will. YVliat is so likely to break down 9 1|
ihe harriers between the General ar.d State Government*
and to bring the latter under the entire control of the for
mer, than a course of this kind ? The w isest of oor state*,
men have considered the independence of the State Gi>v-
ernments, in the sphere of action left them by the consti
tution, as necessary to the preservation of our liberties.
But let us get into the habit of electing the slate off :■<
upon the ground of their subservience to the Executive ot
the Union; they maybe still centinels upon the walls—but
in the language of your toast, they will civ, “ all's well,"
when the enemy is already “at the gates.” It may l.e
said that tiic election ot a person to a state office, upon the
ground of his being personally favorable to the Executhe
of the United States does not necessarily imply that ho
will he subservient to his view-. But who that is ac
quainted with the weakness of human nature will beliey e
this ? If the Governor of a State has obtained his election,
and depends for his continuance in office upon the favor of
a party devoted to tho President, what independence can
he expected from him ? Is it not obvious that the leaders
of such a party will always be the high officers of the
General Government, the distributors of the immense pat-
ronage of that government and the Ministers of the Presi
dent’s will? Can any doubt, that all the important move-
meats of the party, will receive their impulse from this
source, and that the appointment of state officers w ill | )e
as completely under his control, as if he were locally in
vested with the power to make them ?”
To the Editors of the Recordei—
Marietta, Cobh Co., Aug. 24, 1840
Messrs. Editors:—Last Friday was theduv appoint
ed fi>r the grand rally of Modern Democracy of Cobb
county, at this place, for the purpose (they said) of ap
pointing Delegates to the Indian Spring Meeting! Ibev
put up their notices at every public p.lace in the countv,
three or four weeks previous to the day and no doubt ex
pected at least 500 of their party to be in attendance;
hut, to their sad disappointment, only about 125 . f the
faithful were in attendance. At 11 o’clock this little hand
assembled at the Coutt-house, and was organized bv ap
pointing five or six o r their smud number Chairman and
Secretaries The meeting was then addressed !>\ Major
James S. Bulloch, formerly of Savannah, with a fe-v abu
sive disconnected remarks against Gen. Harrison and his
supporters; and then taking his sent with mote evidence
of confusion, than fits having done any good, he was fol
lowed by Col. George D. Anderson, who in his pleasing
oratory still labored huid without success to prove the
friends of Harrison and Reform Federalists, Abolitionists.
Bank and Tariffles, which is contradicted and refuted by
the whole body of evidence, and the arrojation of exclu
sive attachment to democracy bv the followers of an ad
ministration which apes monarchy in its extravagance, and
royal trapings, has made the President a King. His hope
was the successful use of gttl traps and humbugs; Ins rea
soning, in the gross abuse of Gen. Harrison and the detrac
tion of his opponents. He dwelt sonic time on Log
Cabins, Hard Cider, Sec.. Sec., but all to the same effect;
the Cobb boys are not to be gulied by such slang; they
generally live in Log Cabins, and think it no crime to drink
Hard Cider, and an increased number of them will be
found at the Ballot Box in opposition to the present Ad
ministration. Alter tile Colonel closed his remarks, a Mr.
Coaltman, from Washington City, arose aud desired the
attention of the meeting until lie could give a description
ot Mr. Van Buren’s carriage; he said he iiad seen it fre
quently, and that it was a common plain buggy, drawn bv
two ponies, and that lie had seen Mr. Webster’s carriage,
which was much finer than Van’s; also Mr. Clay had one
much finer than either of them; he then took his seat.
So upon the whole I call it a complete failure, and has,
and will have a good effect for Harrison and Reform.
OBSERVER.
Anecdote.—When the Harrison delegates, who had
arrived in Steubenville, marched out to meet those from
Cadiz, they met a number of Locofocos coming towards
town. The latter very civilly look one side of the road,
leaving the other side to the Harrison men. As the lat
ter passed along, a good deal of sharp shooting took place.
One of the locofocos addressing himself to James Y. Se-
wull, said, “ My horse wanted to join a Harrison pro
cession, u short distance back, but I would not let him.”
To this Sewall. without a moment’s hesitation, replied,
“ That proves that your horse, like Balaam’s ass, was
wiser than his master.” The wav the Harrison men laugh
ed at that retort, was a caution to the Locnforos.
[Pittsburg Gaz.
Yankeeis.w.—A young Yankee farmer happened some
six months back, to see a paragraph in one of the New
York papers, relative to the arrival anti sale of a lot of
foreign Canary birds, and immediately began to calculate
if he could not make a good spec in the same business. He
came to the conclusion that he could undersell the foreign
article, and make money by it. He therefore procured
some dozens of canary biids, set them to breeding, aud as
soon as their young ones were fit for market, he made a
multitude of very handsome small cages, put a bird into
each, nnd packed the whole on a small and most curiously
constructed wagon—which was also the work of his own
hands, and drove oil'to New York, where he arrived in due
time, nnd asked four dollars for each cage and bird. From
some persons he g it what he a®ked ; from others something
less ; but in no case less than three dollars for each bird
and cage; and having about three hundred birds, he must
have received about $1100; which, after deducting the
liberal allowance of $100 for expenses and loss of time,
left him $1 000 clear profit.—Journal of Commerce.
The Turkish Preacher.—One day Nasir-ed-din as
cended the pulpit of the mosque,and thus addressed the con
gregation :—“O true believers! do you know w hat I urn go
ing to say to you ?” “No,” responded the Congregation.
“ Well, then,” replied he, “ there is no use wasting any
time on such an ignorant set;” and so saying he came
down from the pulpit. He went to preach a second time,
nnd asked the congregation, “ O. true believers, do you
know wiiiit I am going to say to you ?” “ We know,” re
plied the audience. “Then there is no use in my telling
you,” said Nasir-ed-din, and again he descended from the
pulpit. When next lie came to preach, and asked his
usual question, the congregation resolved to have atrial of
his pow ers, answered “ some of us know, and some of us
do not know.” “ O !” said Nasir-ed-din, “ let those who
know tell those who do not know, and I shall be spared ihe
trouble of preaching.” So 3aying, lie came down from the
pulpit. — Turkish Jest Book.
A beautiful remark.—Juseph Napoleon, in a recent
letter respecting the proposed removal of the remains r,f
his great brother from St. Helena to Paris, says “gold
is, in its last analysis, the sweat of the poor and the olood
of the brave /”
Women Looking UP.—A Liverpool paper says that
the banner of a female society io Bolton, beai s an insciqv-
tion, of which the following is a copy: “To the Queen
Victoria of Kngland—’illay she always luJe; and the sav/Ut
to all other women!"
[communicated.]
August 25th, 1340.
A meeting of the members of the New Providence
Church, Wilkinson county. Georgia, together with a num
ber of brethren of different denominations of other churches,
and a large number of ladies and gentlemen of the vicinity,
was tins day held at New Providence Church, to lake into
consideration an address to Southern Baptists, issued by
the American Baptist Anti-Slavery Convention, holding its
session in New-York, April 28th, 1840.
John T. Porter was called to the chair, and William
E- Carswell appointed Secretary. The meeting was open
ed with singing and prayer, by the Rev. David Smiib.
The object of the meeting being made known, in a briet
manner, by the chairman, the address was read, and tue
contents noticed. Speeches were delivered on the subject,
by the Rev. Mr. Van, James Ross, Esq., William Cooper,
Esq., Rev. David Smith, John Hurley, and Col. John
Smith, showing the evil tendency thereof, and the necessity
of immediate, firm and energetic action in this respect.
ARer the free exchange of views, Col. John Smith intro
duced and advocated the following preamble and resolu
tions, which were unanimously adopted.
Wuereas, a certain paper, called tbe Christian Reflector,
extra, has been forwarded to one of oor citizens, as pastor
or supply of a church, which paper contains sentiments
abhorrent to our views, and certain threats against us as
holders of slaves, we feel that it is our duty to express our
views in this respect. We think ourselves compelled the
rather to speak, because the President of the Convention
issuing said address, is one of the Vice Presidents of the
Board of American Baptist Foreign Missions.
The sentiments expressed in said address are such as
to present insuperable obstacles to further co-operation in
the foreign missionary department, whilst we have men
who misrepresent and slander us, who have received
tifullv at some of our hands, for the cause of foreign and
domestic missions; who charge us with crimes of which
we are not guilty ; who represent us as tyrants aod
bloody murderers; and who, on these accounts, debar us
from their so called Christian fellowship.
Therefore, Resolved, That we hereby express our utter
detestation of the principles, accusations aud threats con
tained in the address to Southern Baptists, believing them
to he unfaithful, untrue, unchristian, nnscriptural, and un
constitutional in church and state. We also deem it an
outrage upon the free institutions of the South. Also, that
we think Eton Gahiska, O. S. Murray, and Cyrus P. Gas-
venur, and their coadjutors in the body selt sty led tho
i American Baptist Anti-Slavery Convention, should shait
the same excommunication which they so unfeelingly exer
cise toward their southern brethren, or heathen as they
style us.
Resolved. That we recommend to our dear brethren at
the South to -peak out their sentiments fully »n this sub
ject, and let Northern Baptists, so called, know distii c'-. 1
that we cannot co-operate with those who stigmatise tea
excommunicate ns. If those Northern Baptists are dN
sympathetic and philanthropic as they profess to he, 11,1
them relieve the indigent circumstances of the pouter i-asS.
of their own communities, and they will have ei tl>
do. j
Wherens bondage has existed in every age ofjrce wor. .
and is sanctioned, as we irelieve, by the authori;y'•* t-' a *
we do sincerely believe that slavery, as it t.x/J.- eg ■'
where cruelty and inhumanity an* not <«:d' lJ>r - .'
low, and discountenanced by religion, bat A!" 1 ' re ' 11 .
by personal interest vested in the slavgi **■ therefore
.. . i • c tvp i.ucerelv re-
nuldest and easiest state of servituvp-. “ c f u g f«)r-
gret that the northern Baptists, su.cojh'-* ' y ^
gotten the instruction of our Li>r4>. a®- r, °* 1,1 nr ' ~ 5 , gilI _
beam out of their own eye, thai- they, mignt i - ;it roor . L ' c '
ly see how to extract the meta out-of ours. ,
James Ross, E«?q. offered'un additicsiarresohition,
was read and U'iauimotMy adopted : That our a-si* > ‘
throughout the Slate do take the foregoing ip’-Al“ eir L
sideration^ and act on it as they gray dpera expeffi--^ 1.
Resolved, Thai the proceedings of this.meeting -> e
warded to the editors of the Southern Recorder, U *** ^
Index, Federal Union, and Primitive Baptist, with
qu est to insert tltpse proceedings in the it, respective P u i
The meeting was.then adjourned-.
JOHN. T. PORTER, Caajio* n ‘
\Ym>.E: Carswell. Secretary.
ATTEN.TlON,L ARIES !—Ary infallible means.of destroj 1 ^
black beetles and cockroaches, is, to strew the T00 ^ ^
black, hellebore an tRe floor at night. Next pj„uri
whola.family of beetles, and. cockroaches * e
either, dead oc dy ingfor such, is their t j..ey
poisonous plant, that they never fail to eat ot it w
can get it. Black hellebore grows io marsh/ q
vtod.tqqy be had at all herb shops.