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BY GRIEVE & ORME, State Printers.]
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1840.
[ NO. 35—VOL. XXI.
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> I es must be .liven m a public 2 azetu: SIXTY days previous
: itue iav of sale. - . .
I ices for lie sale of personal property must be given
n si- n’uner, KO'iTY d n s previous to tlie day of sale.—
V s i it i,*- totiie debtors and creditors of an estate must be
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s T It ceth.it application .vitlbe made to the Court ofOrdina-
v - fir leave to sell land, must be published for tour, months
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\ N ACT to alter the 3d ,7tli and 12tli sections of the first
article, and the 1st, 2d and 3 I sections of the 3d article,
and the 15th section of the 4th article of the Constitution of
this State. . „ , . , . ,
Whereas a part of tlic °>i\ section of the 1st article ofthe
t’onstilution is in the following words, viz: The Senate
•.ball be elected annually ; and a part of the 7th section of
the 1st article, is in the following words: The Representa
tives shall be chosen annually; and a part of the 12th sec
tion of the 1st article is in the following words: The meeting
of the General Assembly shall be annually ; And whereas a
part of the 3d section of the 3d article is in the following
words : There shall he a Sr.ate'3 Attorney and Solicitor ap
pointed by the Legislature and commissioned by the Gov-
c nor, who shall hold their office for the term of three years ;
and a’part of the 15th section of the 4th mticle is in the fol
lowing words: The same shall be published at least six
months previous to the next ensiling annual election, for
members of the General Assembly: And whereas the before
recited clauses require amendments—
Section 1- Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Ucpre-
sentatires of the State of Georgia in General Assembly met and
it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same. That so soon as
ibis act shall have passed, agreeably to the requisitions of
the Constitution, the following shall be adopted in lieu of
the foregoing clauses: In the 3d section of the 1st article,
tiie following, to wit: The Senate shallbe elected bi-annually.
after the passage of this act; the first election to take place
,m the first Monday in the year one thousand eight hundred
and forty-three. In lieu of the 7th section of the 1st article,
th e following: The Representatives shall be elected bi-an-
tally, after the passage of tills act, tiie first election to take
place on tiie first Monday in October, in the year one thou
sand eignt hundred and forty three ; and in lieu of the clause
in the 12th section of the 1st artic.e, the following : The meet-
io" of tiie General Assembly shall be bi-annually, aftet the
oa'ssage of this act, on the first Monday in November. And
-!u lieu of the clause in the 3d section of the 3d article, the
following, to wit: There shall be a State’s Attorney and So
licitor elected by the Legislature, who shall hold their office
for the term of four years ; and in lieu of the clause in the
loth section of the 4th article, the following : The same shall
be published at least six months previous to the next ensuing
bi-annual election for members of the General Assembly ;
the provisions of this act not to go into effect until the year
one thousand eight hundred and iortv-three.
Sec. 2. And be it farther enacted bg the authority aforesaid,
That whenever it shall so happen that the term of office of any
of the Judies, State’s Attorney ot Solicitors, shall expire at
any time during the recess of the General Assembly* then
and in that case it shall be the duty of bis Excellency tiie
Governor to fill sucli vacancy, by appointment, until the
next General Assembly thereafter to be held, when such
vacancy shall be filled by election by the Legislature, until
the next election of Judges, Stale’s Attorney or Solicitots
shall take place. JOSEPH DAY,
Speaker of the House of Representatives.
ROBERT M. ECHOLS,
President of the Senate.
Assented to, December 23d, 1839.
CHARLES J. McDonald, Governor.
March 31, 1840. n 6m
CENTRAL BANK ACIENCV.
T HE uudor&igued ofler their services as agents in the
renewal of Notes at the Central Bank. They will at
tend to all Notes entrusted to their care,, for the oustomary
fee of one dollar; also, to the taking out and forwarding
Grants at one dollar each.
They will also attend to the offering of Notes for discount,
tit the'distribution of the Central Bunk, advertised to com-
nieuto* the ISth July, and all orders in regard to the dis
position of the money will be promptly attended to.
rCr 3 Letters enclosing notes or money must be post paid.
THOMAS RAGLAND,
THO. H. HALL.
Milledgeville, June 16, 1840. _ 22 tf
(O 3 The Columbus Enquirer and Sentinel and Herald,
will insert three times.
CENTRAL RANK OF GEORGIA.
Mii.ledgevii.le, 11th June, 1840.
TJESOLVED, That n distribution of seven hundred and
JV fifty thousand dollars be made among the severul coun
ties of this State, to be loaned on accommodation notes, which
may be offered for discopnt on the days and in the order
stated in the foilwing table, viz :
County.
Appling,
Baker,
Baldwin,
Bibb,
Bryan,
Bulloch,
Burke,
Butts,
Cobb.
Columbia,
Coweta,
Crawford,
Decatur,
DeKalb,
Dade,
Forsyth,
F ranklin,
Gilmer,
Glynn,
Greene,
Harris,
Heard,
Henry,
Houston,
Irwin,
Lee,
Liberty,
Lincoln,
Lowndes,
Lumpkin,
Macon,
Madisoa,
Murray,
Muscogee,
Newton,
Oglethorpe,
Paulding,
Richmond,
Seriven,
Stewart,
Sumter,
Talbot,
Taliaferro,
Upson,
Walker,
Walton,
Ware,
Warren,
GENERAL REGULATIONS.
The law requires that the money appropriated to each
couuty shall be loaned only to the citizens of such counties
respectively, and that the endorsers, as well as the mr.ke.-s
of notes, shall be residents of the county. Tiie Board will
therefore require in each case a certificate of residence, both
of the makers and endorsers ; which may be signed by any
civil officer of the county. But if the money appropriated
to the counties respectively, shall not be applied for and
loaned within thirty days from the offering days above speci
fied, then the above requirement of the law in relation to the
residence of endorses ceases; and after that time a certificate
of i-esidetice of the maker only, will be required.
All notes must be made payable at the Central Bank of
Georgia, three hundred and sixty days after dale, and must
have two or more good endorsets.
finery note presented for discount must be accompanied with a
written affidavit of the maker, in which he shall state that the note
offered is far the only, use and benefit of him, the maker, and not
for the use, benefit, or interest, of any other person, or persons
whatsoever; which affidavit shall be certified by a magistrate or
other officer legally authorised to administer said oath.
Certificates ot the taxable property of the makers and en
dorsers of the notes offered, will be regarded as the best ev
idence of their solvency.
No note will be discounted having on it the name of any
person indebted to the ntatc. either as principal or security,
which debt u due and unset! gd ; or who is the maker of or
endorser on, any note or bill heretofore discounted bv the
Central Bank, and which is past due and unattended to
No note will be received for discount after the hour of nine
o’clock, A. M. of the days above specified.
The proceeds of the discounted notes will be paid to the
check ot the last endorser only.
By order of the Board of Ditenors.
_ A. M. If JSJJET, Cash’r.
June 16. 22 tf
Til urs day
1 (>th •Twty.
Amount. 1
County.
Amount.
82,372
Camden,
5,606
3.01.3
Campbell,
5,912
7.183
Carroll,
5,104
10,136'
Cass,
8,251
2,904
Chatham,.
21,354'
3,836
Cherokee,
5,598
12,521
Chattooga,
4,224
b.106
Clarke,
11,103
Thursday.
30/& duty.
7,540
Dooly,
4,991
11,069
Early,
4,953
11,534
Effingham,
2.775
8.712
Elbert,
Emanuel,
12,479
5,346
3,621
13,196
F ayette,
7,513
1,119
Floyd,
4,024
Thursday, 2
0th Avgust.
fi 359
Gwinnett.
13,495
11,650
Habersham,
9,972
1,990
Hall,
9,881
3,899
11,349
Hancock,
10.099
Thursday, 3<2 September.
14,863
Jackson,
13,962
5,602
Jasper,
12,040
14,762
Jefferson,
6,087
13,177
Jones.
10,473
2,182
Laurens,
6,035
Thursday, 17M September.
3,510
Marion,
McIntosh,
5,179
6,812
5,266
6,179
Meriwether,
16,122
5,849
Monroe,
15,594
7,592
Montgomery,
2,521
5,417
5,613
Morgan,
9,8 77
Thursday, 1 st October.
4,051
Pike,
10,191
17,641
Pulaski,
5,399
13,795
Putnam,
11,507
11,691
Rabun,
2,494
2,981
Randolph,
7,137
Thursday, 15th October.
13,873
Tattnall,
2,949
5,132
Telfair,
3,147
11,463
Thomas,
6.591
4.882
Troup,
16,624
15,844
Twiggs,
8,827
5,006
| Union,
2,935
Thursday, 20th October.
14,957
Washington,
10,806
5,484
Wayne,
1,704
11 984
Wilkes,
j Wilkinson,
11,235
2,598
11,140
7,653
I POLITICAL.
j ADDRESS ONCLUDED.
TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA.
There are two personages presented to the
American People between whom a choice is
to be made for the Chief Magistracy of the
Republic. Mr. Van Buren, the present in-
cumbem, has been nominated for le-electian
by the political party who sustain the Admin
istration, and Gen. William Henry Harrison,
ot Ohio, has been brought forward by the Re
publican Whig Patty, thtough the agency of
a Convention of Delegates from the different
States, assembled at Harrisburg:, in the State
of Pennsylvania, in December last. The latter
has been specially recommended to the sup
port of the people of Georgia, by the recent
i Convention of the State Rights Party convened
! at Milledgeville, in Juue last; under the sanc
tions of whose authority this address is offered
to the people. Of the pretensions of these
respective candidates for your suffrages,, fel
low-citizens, it is our business, to treat—to
examine their seveial merits,, qualifications,
and claims—to investigate their political tenets
and principles, and thus to. assist you in de
ducing the principles which will probably
characterise their administrations.
And, first, we propose to invite your attem
| tion to the distinguished individual recom-
I mended to your suffrages for the Presidency,
by the Convention.of-your own Delegates, asr
! sembled at Milledgeville in June last.
Gen. Harrison is the son of a. Revolutionary
| patriot; of oue who affixed his signature to
I that immortal instrument which announced
i their separation from Britain, and proclaimed
i to an admiring world the independence of
these States-. Reared and educated in the
school of Republican principles, in the school
of Republican Virginia, he early imbibed those
pure and holy sentiments of patriotism, and
love of liberty, under the influence of which,
his gallant ancestor had perilled life and for
tune, and to the support of which he had
pledged his sacred honor.
To these principles he has with uniform
fidelity adhered through life. The friend and
supporter of Jefferson and Madison—be en
joyed the unlimited confidence of both—ani
mated by a lofty patriotism, and stimulated
by a virtuoius ambition, at the early age of
nineteen he yielded himself to the service of
his country. To that country and her service,
in the tented field, in the halls of legislation,
in various and important offices, he has de
voted forty years of a lifo-thus early dedicated.
Of the proofs and evidences of the existence
of those genuine republican principles, which
we thus claim for Gen. Harrison, it will be
our business to remark in a subsequent and
appropriate part of this address. Our object
is now in the first place briefly to review; his
military career.
Receiving from George Washington the
appointment of an Ensigncy in the army, at
19 he retired from the charms and fascinations
of Philadelphia, where he had commenced the
study of medicine, and passing into the far
and distant regions of the Northwest wilder
ness, he entered upon that military life which
was destined not finally to terminate until he
had entwined around his brow the chaplet of
military renown, and crowned his country
with glory and honor. His talents and woith
did not fail to commend him to the discritna-
tingeye of his gallant commander, the veteran
Wayne, by whom" lie was selected as an aid,
and became a member of his military family.
In the great and decisive battle of Miami,
which followed, and restored peace and tran
quility to the northwest against the ferocious
savage, the gallant hearing of the youthful
Harrison received the high commendation of
the commanding General in his official notice
of the action.
In 1811, the threatened dangers to the fron
tier, from the Indians assembled and united
by the celebrated chief Teeumseh, and his
brother the Prophet, induced the President
to place some troops under the command of
Mr. Ha rrison, then Governor of Indiana, to be
used offensively, however, only, in such a con
tingency as in his judgment he might deem in
dispensably necessary. The prevention of a
further assemblage of the Indians at the Pro
phet’s town being essential to the security and
safety of the frontier, Gov. Harrison marched
with his force, partly composed of regulars and
partly of militia, upon that point, and fought
the bloody noctural battle of Tippecanoe.—
By the previous caution of the commander in
chief, by his coolness, collected self-jmssession
and valor during the combat, by his skill dis
played in the various changes of position made
by the troops during the action, victory was
obtained, and the savage foe driven back—(see
appendix, A.) Subjected as this battle has
been to the severest criticism and examina
tion, instigated by the enemie&of the General,
his ability and good conduct has nevertheless
been triumphantly vindicated by the over
whelming testimony of the gallant and high
minded men who fought with him ; and “ the
field, of Tippecanoe has become classic ground;
the American traveller pauses there to. com
template a scene which has become hallbwed-
by victory ; the people of Indiana contemplate
with pride the battle ground on which;their
militia won imperishable honor, and their in
fant State became enrolled in the ranks of
patriotism.”
Upon the Declaration of War in 1812 by
the United States against Great Britain, the
defenceless condition or the Northwestern
frontier against the ferocious savage, instigated
to renewed and increased hostilities by British
influence, produced the most fearful appre
hensions of danger and bloodshed. Upon
whom in this hour of peril and alarm were the
eyes of the West directed for deliverance and
safety ] Her people looked to. the patriotic,
the talented, the Wave and g-enerous Harrison.
Placed in command by the Secretary of
War of the troops of the Indiana and Illinois
territories, to authorize- him also to take com
mand of the volunteers of Kentucky in com
pliance with their own wishes, the Governor
of that State conferred upon him a brevet com
mission of Major General in the Kentucky
militia. The President of the United States,
Mr. Madison, unitiug with the people of the
West in their unlimited confidence in Gen.
Harrison’s patriotism, military character, and
knowledge of the country, shortly after ap
pointed him to the chief command of all the
forces on the Western and Northwestern fron
tier, with the most unlimited discretionary
power and authority with which at any time
any commander has been invested. This com
mand involved duties of the most responsible
kind, and required talents of the highest order.
Innumerable posts and settlements were tube
maintained arid protected ; extensive swamps
and morasses almost impassable were to be
I traversed in the midst of savage foes. How
I the almost insurmountable difficulties which
opposed him were met and overcome, the
history of the war and the termination of his
final campaign have long since made fa
miliar to our countrymen. The memorable
I siege of Fort Meigs, the importance of main-
| taining it, being the depot of nearly ail the
| artillery and military stores of the Northwes
tern army, with a large amount of provisions,
and its successful defence, constitute an inci
dent in the history of this war which confers
lasting honor upon the commander who achiev
ed it. There, was returned that never to be
forgotten answer to the summons to surrender,
‘ Assure General Proctor that he will never
have this post surrendered to him upon any
terms. Should it fall into his hands it will be
in a manner calculated to do him more honor,
and to give him larger claims upon the grati
tude of his government, than any capitulation
could possibly do.” There, were displayed by
the commanding General, ar energy and skill,
and coolness, which every journal of that
eventful period records. There, were planned
and gallantly executed those daring sorties
which realized to the British General that
Fort Meigs would neither be surrendered nor
could b®- capturedt
The brilliant victory achieved by the gal-
laut Perry on Lake Erie, was not permitted
to stand solitary and alone in that eventful
period. There was a gallant spirit command
ing. the land forces, to whom a passage being
thus opened, quickly entered the enemy’s
country in pursuit of the flying foe, and achiev
ed for himself and the brave men in his com
mand, imperishable laurels, by the splendid
victory of the Thames, capturing the whole
British army, dispersing the savage foe, and
terminating the war in the uppermost Canada ;
a, nesull announced by Mr. Madison to Con
gress- as highly houorable to Gen. Harrison,
by whose military talents it was prepared,
and proclaimed by a distinguished member on
the floor of Congress, to have been a victory
which would have secured to a Roman Gene
ral, in the best daysof the Republic, the honors
of a triumph. ‘ If it be true that to plan and
carry on a successful campaign requires an
almostintuitive sagacity, great powers of com
bination, with prudence, caution, promptness,
and energy, combined with perfect self-reli
ance and self-control, it may he assumed that
Gen. Harrison, who is admitted to possess j
these attributes,is an accomplished civil ruler, |
inasmuch as these are precisely the qualities I
which fit an individual for acting efficiently i
upon men and things as they exist around
him ” But we are very far from placing the
claims of this distinguished man for the high
office to which he has been nominated, upon
the alone merits of his military character and
science. More than 20 years of his life spent j
in the service of his country, in various and j
important civil offices, many of them requiring
integrity, firmness and wisdom, the duties of
which were discharged with satisfaction to
those immediately concerned, with the high
approval of his constituents, whether repre
senting his fellow-citizens in their domestic
legislature, or in the national councils, or dis
charging." Executive trusts under the Govern
ment! of the United Stares.
In b79S he received from the President of
the United States the appointment of Secre
tary of the Northwestern Territory. He was
ex officio Lieutenant Governor, and in the ab- j
sence of Gov. St. Clair, discharged the Execu- j
tive duties with great hoaor to himself, and
satisfaction of the people* In the following
year he was elected by the Legislative council*
a delegate to Congress.
From the benevolent impulses of his nature,
which thtough life have constituted him the
poor man's friend, and to those early imbibed i
republican sentiments which made him a real
friend to his country, his first effort upon ta
king his seat in Congress, was to procure the
enactment of a law authorizing the sale of the
public lands in small tracts, and upon terms
which would enable the poor but industrious
farmer to purchase ; and w hich, while it con
tributed to their prosperity and happiness,
also tended to the rapid increase in population
and'wealth of the vast- Western regions.
In 1800 he was appointed Governor of the
Indiana territory. The powers witli which
he was invested as Governor were extensive
and multifarious. The duty of organizing all
the civil institutions, with the pow er of adopt
ing the necessary civil and criminal laws, the
appointment of magistrates, anffeivil and mili
tary officers, all devolved upon him. He had
also the power of deciding upon the validity
of certain equitable grants of land held by in
dividuals, without check or limitation upon
this power. In addition to these extensive
powers, in 1803 Mr. Jefferson sent a message
to the Senate nominating him to be a commis
sioner to enter into any treaty or treaties which
may be necessary, with any Indian tribes
northwest of the Ohio, and within the territory
of the United States, on the subject of boun
dary or lands—which was unanimously con
firmed by the Senate.
What rare and. singular combination of in
tellectual and moral powers, of wisdom, firm
ness, and all the high qualities of the head and
the heart, must have united and contributed to
the satisfactory discharge of these various du
ties. Yet his appointment to this office, first
by A-d&ms, twice by Jefferson, and lust by
Madison,, together with a resolution, after he j
had filled the office for eight years, by the Le- j
gislative Council and House of Representa- j
tives of the-Territory, urgently recommending
his re-appointment, discloses the existence and
presence of this rare combination, and the sin
gular satisfaction to the people with which he
had discharged the delicate and interesting
duties confided to him. The resolution, above
referred to, concludes the recommendation for
the reason,that they had 1 confidence in his vir
tues, talents and republicanism.
The reputation of this distinguished man,
as a civilian and statesman, might with much
satisfaction be rested upon a successfnl admi
nistration for twelve years of the Indiana Ter
ritory, involving high, important and delicate
legislative, executive, judicial and military du
ties. But his public civil services are not thus
limited. After his retirement from the army,
he was again appointed by the President, in
1814 and 1815, Commissioner to treat with
the Indians. In 1816 he was elected to Con
gress from the State of Ohio. He was no
sootier seated in Congress, than he introduced
a resolution to instruct the military committee
to report a bill providing bylaw for the relief
of distressed officers and soldiers who had
faithfully served, their country—a resolution
which led the way to that measure “ which
encircles the fame of this republic with a glory
the ancient republics could not beast of, by
exhibiting to the world the most beautiful ex-j by the distribution under the deposite act,
ample on record of a nation’s gratitude.” j have made such great and gratifying progress
He spoke repeatedly, and with great pow’er in their several systems of internal improve-
and effect, upon most of the interesting sub
jects discussed in Congress while he bad a
seat there; and distinguished himself as an in
teresting debater as well as an able legislator.
In 1824, he was elected by the Legislature of
Ohio to the Senate of the United States, and
ia 1828 was appointed by the President, Min
ister Plenipotentiary to the Republic of Co
lombia.
In all the various situations in which he has
been placed, Gen. Harrison has evinced talents
and ability of high order, together with singu
lar and persevering industry and devotion to
the public service; and more than these—he
has evinced a sterling integrity, which no tempt
ation could corrupt, and which has left him the
enjoyment of a reputation unstained by a spot..
It remains that we examine, with such mi
nuteness as the limits of this address will ad
mit, the political sentiments and principles of
Gen. Harrison.
We affirm to you, fellow-citizens of Geor
gia, that William Henry Harrison, the candid-
rte of the great Republican Whig party of the
United States, is, and has always been, a re
publican of the Jeffersonian school.
The first branch of the evidence we shall
adduce to prove this proposition, will consist
of his public avowals and published declara
tions on this subject. In 1822, Gen. Hairison*
then a candidate for Congress, published an
address to the voters of the district, in which
hejrays, “ I deem myself a republican of what
is commonly called the old Jeffersonian school,
aud believe in the correctness of that interpre
tation of the Constitution, which has been
given by the writings of that enlightened
statesman, who was at the-head 'of the party,
and others belonging to it, particularly the cel
ebrated resolutions of the Virginia Legislature
during the Presidency of Mr. Adams.”
“ 1 deny, therefore, to the General Govern
ment the exercise of any power but what is
expressly given: to it by the Constitution, or
what is essentially necessary to carry the pow
ers expressly given, into effect.
“I believe that the charter given to the-Bank
of the United States was unconstitutional—it
being one of those measures not necessary to
carry any of the expressly granted powers
into effect; and whilst my votes in Congress
will show that I will take any constitutional
means to revoke the charter, my votes in the
State Legislature will equally show, that I am
opposed to those which are unconstitutional
or violent, and which will bring us in collision
with the General Government.
I believe in the tendency of a large public
debt to sap the foundations of the Constitution,
by creating a monied aristocracy, whose views
and interests must be in direct hostility to those
of the mass of the people. 1 deem it the duty,
therefore, of the-representatives of the people
to endeavor to extinguish it as soon as possi
ble, by making every retrenchment in the ex
penditures of the Government, that a proper
performance of the public business will allow.
“ I believe in the right of the people to in-
struct their representative when elected; and
if he has sufficient evidence that the instruc
tions which may be given him come from a
majority of his constituents, that he is bound
to obey them, unless he considers that by so
doing he would violate the Constitution, in
which case I think it would be his duty, to re
sign, and give them, an opportunity to> elect
another representative, whose opinions would
accord with their own.”
In the same address Gen. Harrison speaks
in tiie following beautiful language of the va
lue and importance of preserving the Union,
and for this purpose, of the necessity of con
ciliating the- members of the great political
family :
“ I believe, that upon the preservation of
the Union of the States depends the existence
of our civil and religious liberties ; and that
the cement, which binds it together, is not a
parcel of word-s writtemupon paper or parch
ment, but the-brotherly love andjregard which
the citizens of the several States possess for
each other. Destroy this, and the beautiful
fabric which was reared and embellished by
our ancestors, crumbles into ruins. From its
disjointed parts no temple of liberty will again
be reared. Discord and wars will succeed to
peace and harmony—barbarism will again
overspread the land ; or, what is scarcely bet
ter, some kindly tyrant will promulgate the
decrees of his will, from the seat where a
Washington and a Jefferson dispensed the
blessings of a free and equal government. I
believe it, therefore, to be the duty of a repre
sentative to conciliate, by every possible
means, the members of one great political
family, and always to beat in mind that, as the
Union was effected only by a spirit of mutual
concession and forbearance, so only can it be
preserved.”
When charged by John Randolph, ia the
Senate of the United States, with having been
a black cockade Federalist of ’98, and of hav
ing voted for the alien and sedition law of that
period, mark his answer; he said, “ He wore
no cockade, black or tri-colored, at that day,
and never wore one but when in the military
service of his country. It was true he had
been appointed Governor of the Northwestern
Territory by John Adams,—so had he been by
Thomas Jefferson and James Madison. He
was not in Congress when the standing; army
was created, and the alien andt sedition- laws
were passed; and if he had,been, he could not
have voted for them, and would not if he could.
It was not in his nature to be a violent or pror
scriptive partizan, but he had given a firm
support to the republican Administrations of
Jefferson, and Madison, and Monroe.!*
In his celebrated letter to Sherrod' Wil
liams, General Harrison expresses himself not
only very clearly and ahly, hut ia. accordance
with strict Republican doctrines. Upon the
subject of a distribution of the surplus reve-
nueamong the States—upon Internal improve
ments—upon the veto power—-and in relation,
to a Bank of the United States, he is clear and
explicit. He states his belief that no money
should be taken from the treasury, of the Uni
ted States to be expended on internal improve
ments, but for those which are strictly nation
al. But the difficulty of determining which
are of this description among the-improveraents
from time to time proposed,* together with ex
citements produced by appropriations for this
purpose, and jealousies which it will continue
to produce if persisted in ;—these considera
tions recommended to General Harrison’s
mind the propriety of appropriating all the-
surplus revenue of the United States, by dis
tributing among the States for the purpose,
of internal improvement, &c., by the States
themselves. And, indeed, the States aided
tnent, that we mt.y hope, that in future the
views expressed by General Harrison will be
realized, these works left in the hands of the
States, and quiescence on this exciting subject
be produced in the public mind. It is in
this same letter he says, “ he baa before him
a newspaper in which he is designated as the
Bank and Fedenl candidate. 1 think, says
he, it would puzzle the writer to adduce any
act of my life, which warrants him in identify
ing me with the interests of the first, orthe po
litics of the latter.”
The opinions of General Harrison on the
constitutionality of a Bank of the United
States will be readily understood by a perusal
of this letter in connection with the reference
herein before made on that subject. The
result is, that its constitutionality cannot be
maintained-on the ground of affording facili
ties to commerce, but must rest alone (if
maintainable at all) upon its necessity as an
agent for the collection and disbursement of
the public revenue; Upon this necessity on
ly, satisfactorily proved to exist, accompanied
with unequivocal manifestations of public
opinion in its favor,, would he consent, if elec
ted President, to sign an act for chartering a
Bank. It will be remembered that Mr. Madi
son assumed, very nearly the same position.
Entertaining constitutional objections, he ne
vertheless yielded to-the authority of the past,
in connection with the urgent requirments of
the (then) present, and. affixed his signature
to the Bill.
What Republican can' read his letter to
Harmar Denny without admiring the sterling
republican doctrines it breathes 1 The fol
lowing principles will be found laid down
in it, proper to be adopted by the President,
viz :
1. To confine his service to a ingle term.
2. To disclaim, all*right of control over the
public treasure, with the exception of such
part of it as may be appropriated by law, to
carry on the public services, and that to be
applied precisely, as the law may direct, nd
drawn from the Treasury agreeably to the
long established forms of that Department.
3. That he should never attempt to influ
ence the elections, either by the people or the
State Legislatures, nor suffer the Federal offi
cers under his control to take auy other part
in them than by giving their own votes, when
they, possess the right of voting.
4. That, in the exercise of the veto power,
he should;limit his rejection of bills to, 1st,
such as are, in his opinion, unconstitutional;
2d., Such as tend to encroach on the rights of
the States or individuals ; 3d, Such as Involv
ing deep interests, may, in his opinion, require
more mature deliberation or reference to the
will of the people, to be ascertained at the suc
ceeding elections.
5. That he should never suffer the influence
of his office to be used for purposes of a pure
ly party character.
6. That in removals from office of those
who hohblham appointments during the plea
sure of the Executive, the cause of such re
moval should be stated, if requested, to the
Senate, at the time the nomination of a suc
cessor is made.
That he should not suffer the Executive
Department of the government to become the
source of legislation, but leave the whole bu
siness of making laws for the Union, to the
department to which the Constitution has ex
clusively assigned it, until they have assumed
that perfected shape, where and when alone
the opinions of the Executive may be heard.
The evidence upon this subject is not con
fined to professions and avowals. The public
is in possession of respectable testimony,
showing that what Gen. Harrison asserts of
his support of Mi. Jefferson rests not alone
on his own statement. The letter of Judge
Burnet, which will be found in the appendix,
is clear explicit and full to the point. Anil
so is the recent statement of Gen. Taylor,
(appendix.) What were the opinions of Mr.
Jefteison on this subject, as evidenced by his
repeated appointment of Gen. Harrison to
office, with vast and unlimited powers indica
tive of. his boundless coufidence ? What too
were the opinions of Mr. Madison when he
re-appointed him to the same office with all
those powers] And when again he clothed
him as commander of the Northwestern Army
with discretionary powers and authority never
before conferred on any one save the father
of his country I What did the inhabitants of
the Territory think when they recommended
him for re-appointment as Governor, expressly
on the ground of his republicanism ] In a
woid. felloiv.-citizens, his republican character
and. principles are established and confirmed
by. the tenor of big whole life.
Thecharge of entertainingprinciples hostile
to the South on the vital question of slavery,
and favoiable to.riie cruel and fanatical system
of the abolitionists of the North, has been freely
advanced against Gen. Harrison. Can it be
necessary, fellow-citizens, after the repeated
and full refutations established in various
ways, with which this suggestion has been
met; after, the virtual abandonment of the
charge by the candid atjji honorable even of
his political opponents-* after distinguished
public men and distinguished public journals
opposed to him have discarded the foul and
stale slander as an unworthy means of political
contest i can it be necessary, we ask, to en
large this address by a v.oluminous collection
of the evidences by which its refutation has
been so often njade]> Whose mind, in the
contemplation of this subject, is not carried
back to that portentous day when the cloud
rising out of the Missouri question spread in
lowering, dar.kjiess over the land, threatening
to break in awful rum upon our country; when
Northern politicians headed by Martin Van
Buren, of the New-York Legislature, were
recklessly placing at hazard, not only the in-
slifMiipus and interests of the South, hut in the
grasp- after political power and ascendancy in
the Union, were shaking that very Union to
the centre; when by imposing restrictions on
the admission of Missouri into the Union, they
sought oy the exclusion of slavery in the great
western section of Louisana, to obtain an ad
dition to the non.-$]aveholding States which
would forever settle the balance of political
power in the Union, and reduce the South
under the will and subjection of that political
supremacy and dominion thus to be acquired
in the na.lipnal councils] At that fearful mo
ment who proved himself faithfbl to the Con
stitution, the friend of all the South, and the
advocate of her institutions.and rights] W ho,
being himself the inhabitant of a free State,
was willing to sacrifice himself at the shrine
of the Constitution in defeuce of the rights it
had guaranted to a portion of his countrymen 1
Fellow-citizens, William Henry. Harrison was
that man. If you vote with the South you
' will destroy yourself, was the cautious admo
nition of his friend. That is probable, but it
is better that I should destroy myself than de
stroy the Constitution of my country, was the
emphatic, the patriotic reply. Illustrious man 1
wnose noble deeds have placed his reputation
and his fame beyond the reach of falsehood
and calumny. He voted with the South upon
the Bill for the admission of Missouri in 1819
—and again, during the same session, upon a
bill to prohibit the future introduction of slave-
iy into Arkansas, and to require the emanci
pation of all slaves born in that territory, after
a particular time, Gen. Harrison also voted
with the South and against the bill. He gave
those votes, and he made the sacrifice; for
when again in 1822 he was a candidate for
Congress, he was beaten by Mr. Gazley ex
pressly on this ground. In the National I»-
telligencer of 20th October, 1822, it is said :—
“ It is^ confirmed to us that Mr. Gazley is
elected in opposition to Gen. Harrison. A
friend informs us, which we are sorry to learn*
that lie was opposed particularly on account
of his adherence to that principle of the con
stitution which secures to the people of the
South their pre-existing rights.”
The lustre of this patriotic, disinterested,
and magnanimous conduct, has been attempt
ed to be dimmed by the grossest misrepresen
tations, on the part of his political opponents,
of his course in the Senate of the Legislature
of Ohio, in the following year, when a resolu
tion was introduced by Gen. Thompson, now
a supporter of Mr. Van Buretn denouncing
slavery, aud instructing the Ohio delegation in
Congress to vote against the admission of Mis
souri into the Union unless slavery should be
prohibited. The truth is, that Gen. Harrison
exerted himself throughout to defeat that re
solution—he voted constantly upon it in oppo
sition to Gen. Thompson, aud it was to as-
complisli the defeat of that measure, that he
introduced the amendment which has been so
grossly perverted by his enemies, as to his
motives. That amendment was to limit Con
gress in its action on the subject, to such pow
ers only as are conferred by the Constitution.
If Congress had no constitutional power over
the subject—which wa3 Gen. Harrison’s opin
ion—then the amendment, if carried, would,
have in effect defeated the resolution.
Again, in 1822, the declaration that he had
been at 18a member of an abolition society in
Virginia, contained in his explanatory address
during the canvass of that year, has been le-
| sorted to against him. There was in that day
j no such class or association of people as abo-
; litionists. Virginia was at that time the last
i place where such an association would have
| been tolerated. The society of which Gen.
Harrison spoke, was, according to the state
ment of Judge Gatch, a “humane society,”'
composed of many of the most; iespectable
citizens of Richmond, and wholly unobjectio ?-
able to the inhabitants of the Old Dominion,
who owued at that time more slaves than any
other State. He vindicates himself against
the charge of inhumanity and hostility to the
liberties of the human race ; but he also, in
this very document, vindicates his votes in re
lation to Missouri and Arkansas, and vindicates
the Constitution of his countiy and the rights
of his Southern fellow-citizens, secured and
guarantied by that very Constitution.
We affirm, Fellow-citizens of Georgia, that
no distinguished public man now living has
spoken out more strongly, fearlessly and ex
plicitly, against the abolitionists than has Gen.
Harrison ; and to prove this we call your at
tention to his celebrated speech delivered in
1835, when the doctrines of this deluded sect
had become widely spread, and full of appre
hension to the reflecting patriot. We spread
before you in the appendix so much of this
speech as relates to this subject, and ask in the
spirit of canuor, whether any man can peruse
it without the abiding conviction left on hia
mind that the charge against Gen. Harrison,
is a cruel and unfounded slander, which every
honorable mind should repudiate with disgust.
In his 4th of July address, delivered at
Cheviot in 1833, these deluded citizens are
rebuked in strong and unmeasured terms, and
the awful consequences of the doctrines they
inculcate, portrayed with graphic power.
If Gen. Harrison erred, as we think he did,
in supposing that the surplus revenue of the
Government, with the consent of the States
holding the slaves, might be applied to the
colonization of free persons of color and the
manumission of slaves, it was an error in
which the great apostle of Liberty and father
of our Republican doctrines, partook, agreea
bly with himself. But who can be found wil
ling to denounce Thomas Jefferson as an abo
litionist because of this error ]
In the letters of. Gen.. Harrison addressed
to Thomas — of New Orleans and to Mr.
Berrien of Georgia, in 1836, he denies to Con
gress the Constitutional power to abolish sla
very in the District ai" Columbia, or in the
States, or in any manner to interfere with the
property of the citizens in their slaves, but
upou the application of the States themselves.
In this latter letter the opinion is also expres
sed, that the Tariffcomjiromiseought to remain
undisturbed.”
In his recent letter to the New York com
mittee, and also to the Kentucky Committee,
be expressly reiterates, affirms, and adopts the
sentiments heretofore expressed in the fore
going documents, &e. in this strong language*
viz : “ I should not consider myself an honest
man to suffer these letters and speeches to be
thus used without contradiction, if any altera
tion had taken place in my opinions.”
The abolitionists themselvas have refused
him their support, have denounced him as op
posed to them, and have nominated their ow»
candidate. These facts will be found in the
Emancipator, the Philanthropist, and all the
other leading abolitiou papers in the United
States. Gen. Harrison gets no support, but
on the contrary, bitter denunciation, from this
quarter.
Having now, fellow-citizens, laid before
you a faithful and unvarnished review of the
public life and services of Gen. Harrison—
having seen bow eminently he has approved
himself by his wisdom and virtues, by his abil
ities and success, equal to the dirties- and
emergencies of the most important and respon
sible stations, in peace and in war;—having
examined, also, the opinions be entertains of
the principles of our Government, and of the
policy by which its administration should be
marked on all the great points now pending
or likely to arise for decision and action-
having seen, moreover, that in reference to
-the question of slavery"—-that question, touch
ing which, the Sooth, has an interest so dee$