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*--->*■:?*•" rr conclusion that the immediate atine *™ on « r Fnlton, now Senator of the United States, rtf Texas would, in all human probability, ! Secre , ary of ,he territory of Arkansas, re draw after it a war with Mexico, can it be j q uest i D g him to cause the movements of Gene- expedietit to attempt it ? Of the conse- j ral H ouston ro be watched, and to apprize the auettcesof such a war, the character it President of the first indication on his part n»*ht be made to assume, the entangle-! of an intention to violate the laws of the United TmgRt oe mate o | „ . „„ arm ed incursion into Mexico.— meets with other nations which the post- - , f Genera | j ack . post- tOClHO *» IfcM , ‘ tion of a belligerent almost unavoidably draws after it, and the undoubted injuries which might be inflicted upon each, not withstanding the great disparity of their respective forces, 1 will not say a word.—- God forbid than an American citizen should ever count the co9t of any appeal to what is appropriately denominated the last re sort of nations, whenever that, resort be comes necessary either for the safety or to vindicate the honor of his country. Ihere is, I trust, not one so base as not to regard himself, and all he has. to be forevet and at all times subject to such a requisition.— But would a war with Mexico brought on under such circumstances, be a contest of that character 1 Could we hope to stand perfectly justified in the eyes of mankind for entering into it ; more especially U its commencement is to be preceded by the appropriation to our own uses of the ter- ritory, the sovereignty of which is in dis pute between two nations, one of which we are to join in the struggle! 1 his, sir, is a matter of the very gravest import one in respect to which no American statesman or citizen can possibly be indifferent, have a character among the nations of the earth to maintain. All our public func tionaries, as well those who advocate this measure as those who oppose it. however much they may differ as to its effect, will, I am sure, be equally solicitous for the pet- formance of this first of duties. It has hitherto been out pride and our boast, that whilst the lust of power, with fraud and violence in its train, has led other and dif ferently constituted governments to aggres sion and conquest, our movements in these respects have always been regulated by reason and justice. A disposition to de tract from our pretensions in this respect, will, in the natuie ofthings.be always pre valent elsewhere ; and has, at this very moment, and from special causes, assumed, iu some quarters, the most rabid charactei. Should not every one, then, who sincerely loves his country—who venerates its time- honored and glorious institutions who dwells with pride and delight on associa tions connected with our rise, progress, and present condition—on the steady step with which we have advanced to our piesent eminence, in despite of the hostility, and in contempt of the bitter reviltngs of the ene mies of freedom in all parts of the globe,— consider, and that deeply, whether we would not, by the immediate annexation of Texas, place a weapon in the handsof those who now look upon us atuiour institutions with distrustful and envious eyes, that would do us more real, lasting injury as a nation, than the acquisition of such a terri tory, valuable as it undoubtedly is, could possibly repair ? It is said, and truly said, From that period to the end of General Jack son’s term of office. 1 am as well satisfied as 1 can be of any fact, that he was sincerely desi rous to perform his whole duty as chiel mag istrate of the country, and to prevent, in this respect, the slightest violation of the laws, with the execution of which he was charged. He, no doubt, sincerely believed that the incorpora tion of Texas into the federal Union would be alike advantageous to her, to Mexico, and to the United States; and was ever ready to adopt all proper measures for the accomplishment ot that object. But they know very little of Gene ral Jackson’s true character, who can for a mo ment permit themselves to believe Mm capab.e of doing, countenancing, or advising, a single act which he believed, nr had even reason to ap prehend, would violate the plighted faith of his country, oi infringe upon the duty which it owes to the great family of nations. To prevent our people from going to Texas, and embarking in the war, was an impossibility which neither he nor any other chief magistrate could have ac complished. If they went there without milita ry organization, or armaments, and chose to place themselves beyond the protection o( this government, we had no right to control their action; nor do other governments exercise any such right in similar cases- For the suppression of military enterprises, organized and armed here against a nation with which we are at peace, the provisions of our laws are ample. But nl the difficulties of enforcing them with a iron- tier and seaboard like those which open our communication with Texas, 1 tio sensible and well informed mind can be ignorant. For the voluntary action of our government in regard to the subject of annexa'ion, we can have no such explanation to give. The acquisition of so valuable a territory, by means which are of questionable propriety, would be a departure from those just principles upon which this Government has ever acted, and which have excited the admi ration and secured the respect of the dispassion ate and enlightened friends of freedom through out the world. But I am very sure that we shall all, in ihe end, so act upon this subject, as to put it out of the power of the natural enemies of republican institutions, to make any plausible charge of infidelhy to our avowed principles iu respect to it. No one was more deeply sensible of the necessity of the greatest prudence in this particular, or more anxious to secure its obser vance, than Gen. Jackson. As late as Decem ber, 1836—only a few months before the recog nition—he thus expressed himself in a special message to the Senate But there are cir cumstances in the relations of the two countries, which require us to act, on this occasion, with even more than our wonted caution. Texas- was once claimed as a part of our property ; and there are those among our citizens, who, always reluctant to abandon that claim, cannot but re gard with solicitude, the prospect of the reunion of the territory ro this country ; a large propor tion of its civilized inhabitants are emigrant 5 from the United States, speak the same language with ourselves, cherish the same principles, po litical and religious, and arebouud to many of our citizens by ties of friendship and kindred blood awl more than all, it is known that the people or that country have instituted the same form of government with our own, and have, siuce tb‘ close of vour last session, openly resolved, on ti t a most jealous vigilance against the extension of British influence, and indeed foreign in fluence or dominion of any kind,, or from any quarter, either in Texas, or in any of the portions of the continent bordering on the Gulf of Mexico. If the time ever comes when the C|uestion resolves itself into whether Texas shall become a British dependency or colony, or a constitutional portion of this Union, the gieat principle of self-defence, applicable as well to ntilions asto individuals, would, without doubt, favor of the latter alternative, as can ever be ex peel ed on any great question of foreign or do mesric policy. Elavitig now replied, in the fullest and (rank est manner, to both the questions which you have propounded to me. I might here close this letter; but being sincerely anxious to put voir, and others occcupying the same position, in possession of my views and opinions upon the whole subject, as far as they can with pro priety be now formed and expressed, I will go a few steps farther. Occasions do sometimes present themselves, in the administration of public affairs, when the deci sion of great questions can be safely anticipa ted by those whose subsequent duty it may be come to pass upon them ; but to justify such a cou rse, those questions must be such as are una void ablv dependent upon circumstances and con- side rations of a fixed and settled character. 1 hav e not been able to regard this as being, in all its aspects, a case of that description. It is i matter affecting our foreign relations, in re spect to which every enlightened nation makes ic a rule to avoid, as far as practicable, public annunciations of its proceedings and intentions beyond what is deemed necessary either to jus tify its nasi course, or to make others sensible of its determination to resist aggression, wheth er present or prospective. As the action of the ex ecutive upon all questions that affect our rela tions with other countries, must be more or less influenced by their conduct towards us, it is, in general, "desirable that his future course should not be embarrassed by assurances given wt a period when no safe opinion could be form ed of what that conduct would be. In respect even to motives of a domestic character, it could scarcely be deemed consistent with that prudence and calm discretion which, in public as well as private affairs, is of such inestimable value, to bind ourselves in advance in respect to the par ticular line of conduct we will hereafter adopt in a case of such magnitude as the present.— When the period for definitive action shall have arrived, the considerations now taken into view may have lost the weight they at present pos sess in the estimation of the public, and others not now regarded as of any value, may, in the mean time, arise to affect materially if not to change the whole aspect of the subject. The present condi tion of lire relations between Mexico and Texas may soon be so far changed asto weaken, and per haps to obviate entirely, the objections against the immediate annexation of the latter to the United Slates, which I have here set forth, and to place the question on different grounds.— Should such a state of things arise, and I be found in charge of the responsible duties of President, you may be assured that 1 wotiM Speech of .Hr, Berrien, of Georgia, In Senate. April 9, 1844—On the resolution of the Committee on Finance for the indefinite postponement of the bill introduced by Mr. McDurtuB for reducing the rate of duties under the present tariff to the stand ard of the compromise act.—[ Concluded.] I do not propose to enter into a particular discussion of the justice or policy of the protec tive system. Within the limits of revenue, and with a scale of duties so graduated as to leave the market generally open to competition, that question will be, perhaps has been, settled by prod uce as great a unanimity amongst us in question win oe, P® rnJ ‘” ’ , / „f ,h» l!.,cr alternative, as can ever be ex- the American people, under the instructive les sons of experience, without embarrassing them selves with tabular statements or philosophical theories. That they have been cautious and slow in adopting this conclusion, will not sur prise those who look to our history. While posstmy repairh , - that this war between Texas and Mexico acknowledgment by us of their independence, te has already been of too Ion<r duration.— (seek admission into the Union as one of the Has already oeen n 'Federal States. This last circumstance-, is a We are, anti must continue to e, ™° , j e r I matter n f peculiar delicacy, and forces upon us less annoyed by its prosecution, and have j Pons j,] era ,i on9 0 f the gravest character. 'I’he ti- undoubtedly, as has been remarked, an ta- t | e M f'r ex;lB to the territory she claims, is iden- terest in seeing it terminated. But can we appeal to any principle In the law of na tions, to which we practise a scrupulous adherence, that would, tinder present cir- j—— ~ , , ^ -ririnv f,, r ire * ware ol a too early movement, as it inigbt sub curastances,justify ns m interfering for «s (|g however ....justly, to the imputation of suppression in a manner that would unavotd- | seekm ^ t0 establish the claims of our neighbors ablv make us a party to its further prose- j tfJ a territory. with a view to its subsequent ae- cution ] Can this position he made suf- q U isition by ourselves.” ficiently clear to justify us in committing j p has been urged from * quarter entitfed tn the peace and honor of the countrv to its | great respect, and reasoned too. with no in con- 1 , T ' ; siderable degree of cogencv, that the acquisition support} i _ f rr in tlm >nndo iti-onncorl wntiM tie ofTexag to the territory she claims, is iden tified with her independence. She ask.-i us to acknowledge that tide to the territory, w ith an avowed design to treat immediately of its trans fer to the United States. It becomes us to be- -vr , I of Texas now, in the inode proposed, would be In regard to the performance fey ' j liable to no greater objeeiion than the accom- duty, so difficult for any government to perform D , ishn , eMt of lhe same oh j e ct would have beer; —the observance of an nonest neutrality be tween mrtueHS at war—-we can now look through our wbete career, since our first admission into the family of nations, not only without a blush, but with feelings ol’ honest pride and satisfaction The way was opened by President Washing ton himself, under circumstances of the most difficult character, and at tin less a hazard than plishment of the same object would have been either in 1827 or 1629. when it was attempted by two successive administrations to purchase it from Mexico. If I were to go into a discussion of this question, and the facts necessarily con nected with it, I should be Writing a book in stead of a letter; nor is it necessary that I should. I will therefore content myself with saying, that an6 woollen eoorls will not be rontinerl mn-’h loneer to the Nmnbern portion of the Union. The extent nf the benefits of such nn establishment in our own countrv is not ea-v to .tetermino South Carolina and Georgia will have a home market for their cottons, nnd onr people can snonlv themselves with -roods cheaper than thev can he honvht in England nnd hrottshf to this countrv. from the fart that cotton is hieher in England than it is here, besides the freight we oav, custom house duties, profits to merchants. &r. The manufac ture of woollen goods, broadcloths. <fco., will giro a verv great impetus to the raising of sheep. Sheep of the best kind will he introduced i"tn our countrv. and. in place of the little half perished dwarfs that we now- have. filled with bars, we shall have the Merino, South down. Greater pains will he taken in raising sheen whenever we can find a ready market for our difficult character, and ante less a hazard than ^ djsposlt j on to look at the subject in that of exposing ourselves to l’ la «* b e ‘t I - |ts bearings with an impartial eye, I have not !u»t, imputations ol infidelity to treaty s pula- been ab , ft to seethe ;ina!o g y which is claimed to nous. The path he trod with such unfaltei m ■ be|ween thc , wo cases . Rut if it were even iteps, and wfa.eh led to such beneficial resuU, ' {|m the able men who were, at fhose has hitherto been pursued with unvarying hdel.- ( c tue periods, at the headofthegovern- ly by every one of hts successors of whom it be-1 C0Bvicti#M „f t he impor- coutes me to speak. . laru:e 0 f | be acquisition o.l Texas to the United If out sympathies could induce a departure j g IateSi so f ar precipitated (heir measures for the rom a policy which has so much in us com- I accom p]j s hmeot of that object, as to have endan- - 3 “ j „ ere( i the good faith and pacific relations of the j United States, (which I do not admit,) we could " ’ ’ ' ' ” but ,.u,n « .„. jrhich has so much in its com- meoce<nent to oousecrate it, and such advantages to recommend its continuance, they would doubtless draw us to the side ol Texas. 1 hat j st| |j on | v felicitate ourselves on their failure, the happiness ef her people would be promoted j cou | ( | ,; ot thereby justify the preseut m by the mantrenaoee of her independence, t nave i >Han , ;/ ,-icrhr in itself a.nd caoabb no doubt. Few, if any. efforts for the extension of the blessings of free government in any part of the world Wave been made since the establish move- I ment, if it is not right in itseiQ and capable of j justification on other grounds. I by no means contend, that a formal recognition of the inde- „ .'i' I pendenoe of Texas by Mexico is necessary to nent of onr ww independence, that have failed j u9 j n assenting lo her annexation to the 0 excite our earnest and sincere wishes tor United States. Time and eircuinstances may 1 • iliM* lxnpvpr hPRn net*- . _1 :- • their success. But they have never Ween per nutted to withdraw uslrotn the faithful perlor- tmnee of otr duty as a neutral nation. I hey were excited, and deeply, too, ax me commence ment of the French revolution ; they wet«e reviv ed in the struggle of the South American States for the establishment of their independence; they have been put to their severest trial in this verv contest between Texas and Mexico. Yet. in «'hat whole period of time, amidst the con vulsions ef empires, and the lawlessness of pow work such a change in the relations between those twocountries, as to render an act of that character, on the part of Mexico, unnecessary nnd unimportant. What J mean to say is, that from all the information I have been able to- acquire upon the subject, no change has vet taken place in those relations, that would make the objections which 1 have here detailed, inapplicable. It is said, also, that if Texas is not acquired ilsions cfempires, and the lawlessness of pow- : nQW> tbf 0 pp 0r i U nity will be forever Jost—that by which many off its possessors have been , some ot | le r power will acquire it; and indeed, listinguished, it has been a cardinal point in the some o( - ,| ie rum ors of the day have gone so far idministration of the effairs ol this re|/ublic to id here with the strictest fidelity to the rule vhich was laid down by Washington, entorc- »d by Jefferson, and respected, with unabated s-.n- :erity, by their successors. There is aootlier circumstance which is well ralculated to mislead us upen this subject.— Many, if not most, of the persons to be affected t y the decision of this question, were once cit- zens of thc United States, and have still their relatives and friends amongst us. I am not un some of the rumors of the day have gone so far as to say, that the Texan minister is already in structed, in case of failure here, to proceed (orthwithto Europe, with full authority for the accomplishment of that object. We must not forget, that besides great public considerations, there are extensive private interests involved in this matier; and we may therefore well be dis trustful of the thousand rumors which are from day to day put afloat upon this subject. What a comparatively few individuals, acting under datives and Irieucis amongst us. i am hoi ««■ j the influence of personal interest, may not desire ivare of the haaard lo which 1 expose my j t0 have done, 1 will not undertake to say, or to anding with the latter, in speaking thus un- conjecture. Bat that the people of Texas—so — 11 —-a many of whom carry in thear veins the blood of eservedly upon a point so well calculated to ex ;ite deep feelings. This is perhaps more par- icularty applicable to that portion of my leilow- fitizens, <vt whom it was aptly and appropriately laid by one of their own number, that - they are he children of the san, anil partake of its varmth.” Yet, whether we stand or 4’all in the estimation of our countrymen, it is always true nisdom, as well as true morality, to held fast to be truth. It is, moreover, a consolation to tnow, that ifto nourish enthusiasm is one of the effects of a genial climate, it at the same time leldnm fails to give birth to a chivalrous spirit, vhieh will not permit itself to be outdone in the >xtent or sincerity of its sacrifices at the shrine >f patriotism. To preserve our national escut- ;beou untarnished, has, consequently, if reli- ince can be placed upon our public archives, jeen itn-objecl of unoeasing solitude with South- irn statesmen- Nothing is either more true or more exten- fively known, than that Texas was wrested from Mexico, and her independence established, hrough theinstnwnefftalily of citizens cf the Uni ted States. Eqa*Uy<rue is it that this was done sot only against the wishes, but in direct contra- rention of the best efforts of our government to jrevent our citizens from engaging in the en- erprtse. Efforts have, nevertheless, not been ranting on the part of those who are not over-anx- ous for the credit of republican governments, to misrepresent the views of ours in this respect— o cause it to be believed that oar efforts to prevent inlawful participation by our citizens in that ilruggle were insincere; that we coveted this pot ion of the territory of Mexico; and having failed o obtain it by fair purchase, nr by negotation, re saw in thia movement a preliminary step, rhich would, in the end. fre equally subservient o our views upon Texas. No one can have sad better opportunities of knowing how un- otir revolutionary ancestors—thousands of whom are thoroughly imbued with democratic princi ples—who achieved by their own gallantry, that independence which we were the firstto acknowl edge—who have established, and subsequently maintained institutions similar to our own—that such a people, and such a government, will ever be found capable of sending a minister to the crowned heads of Europe, to barter away their young and enterprising republic, and all that they have purchased with their blood, to the highest bidder, is what I cannot believe ; in the possibility of ^ so apostate and unnatural a con nection,’ I can have no faith. It is also apprehended by many, that the British authorities will attempt to make Texas a British Colony or dependency. I find it dif- ficult to credit the exieteuce of such infatuation on the part of any European power. I cannot bring myself lo believe that any European gov ernment which has not already made up its mind to provoke a war with this country, will ever at tempt to colonize Texas, either in form or in substance. If there be auy such power, the con siderations to which I have adverted would soon lose most of their importance ; for oppor tunities would not then be slow in presenting themselves for the conquest of whatever territo ry might, iu that event, be deemed necessary to our security, in legitimate self-defence. Com mercial favors Texas has, to the Fame extent as other independent powers, the right to dispose of as she thinks proper; subject only to the penalties which are certain, sooner or later, to follow in the wake of national injustice. But European colonization of Texas is another and a very different matter—a matter in respect to the ultimate consequences of which no Euro pean nation can possibly deceive either herself or us. I have ao access to the sources of true wishes of the people of the different Slates should be consulted, and being ascertained, treat ed with greater respect than those which relate either to the admission of a ne-v member into the confederacy, or'tbe acquisition of addition al territory, with a view to such a result ; and that, if anv application for annexation, tinder such circumstances, were made to me, I would feel it to be my duty to submit the same to Con gress for a public expression of their opinion, as well upon the propriety of annexation, as in regard to the terms upon which it shoijltl take place. If, alter the whole subject had been brought before the country, and fully discussed, as it now will be, the Senate and House of Rep resentatives, a large portion of the former, and the whole of the latter having been chosen by the people after the question of annexation had been brought before the country for its mature ' consideration, should express an opinion in fa * vorof annexation, I would hold it to be my far ther duty to employ the executive power to car ry into full and fair effect the wishes of a ma jority of the people of the existing States, thus constitutionally and solemnly expressed. There may, notwithstanding, be those, on both sides of this great question, who are un willing to confer their suffrage.* on one who is not prepared to give them specific pledges in regard to the course he would, if elected, pursue in re spect to the various aspects in which this mat ter may hereafter be presented. To all such I have only to say—and I do so with the greatest sincerity—that I have not the slightest disposi tion to question their right so to regulate their conduct, and will be the last to complain of its exercise. If there be any one who they believe can be more safely intrusted with their interest in this or any other of the great questions of public policy which are likely to arise in the ad- I ministration of the government, or whose as- 5 snrancesas to his future cotjrse are more satis- j factory to them, they will, without doubt, be ! well warranted in giving him the preference ; * and they may be assured that no one will more j cheerfully acquiesce in a decision, made from I such motives, than myself. 1 have expressed a 1 willingness to dischargs, to the best of my abil ities, the responsible duties of thc high office in question, should the democracy of the United States be able and willing to re-elect me to the same. But I can take no steps to obtain it, by !j which my ability to discharge its duties impar- ; tially and usefully to every portion of our com- i inon country would be impaired ; nor can J, in any extremity, be induced to cast a shade over the motives of my past life, by changes or con cealments of opinions maturely formed upon a great national question, tor the unworthy pur pose of increasing tny chances for political pro motion. I am, sir. vprv respectfully, Your friend and obedient servant, M. VAN BUREN. Hon. W. H. Hammkt. woolen one, The Greatest Men from the ranks of Industry.- j maki »S mixed w3olenS - ,, - - - - - - J - 3 I Alabama, too, it would seem, is engaging in the enternrise. There are now fen factories in In early life. David kept his father's sheep his was a life of industry ; and though foolish men think it degrading to perform any useful la bor, yet in the eyes of wise men indnstiy is truly honorable, and the most useful man is the hap piest. A life of labor is man’s natural condition, and the most favorable to mental health and bodily vigor. Biqhop Hall says, 1 Sweat is the destiny of all trades, whether of the brow or of the mind. God never allowed any man to do no thing.” From the ranks of industry have the world’s greatest been taken. Rome was more than once saved by a man who was sent for from the plough. Moses had been keeping sheep i for forty years before he came forth as the deltv- j erer from Israel The Apostles were chosen ■ from amongst the hardy and laborious fishermen. | From whence I infer that when God has any great work to perform, he selects ns his instru ments those who, by their previous occupation, have acquired habits of industry, skill, and per severance ; and that, in every department of so ciety, they are the most honorable who earn their own living by their own labor.—Selected. I better opportunities oi Knowing uu- , or us . 4 nave no access io me suun.es m true mded these injurious imputations were, than j information in respect to the degree of credit self. As early as when President Houston | which may be due to these rumors ; but our t went to Teias, I believe in 1829,1 was con- I government ought, without doubt, to exercise Dixon H. Lewis has been appointed a Sena tor from Alabama, iu place of \Vtn.^R. King rt ( signed. 1 “ We on the seobmud are a most fugacious people, j but while we prate about the villainous black tat iff. tbc j mountains will show us tint they possess nil the l wealth, all the power ami all the population—und it wealth and power is what all classes strive after, with out regurd to tho crocodile tears of demagogues- “ The immense investment made by a foreign com pany in upper Carolina, our readers are already ac quainted with. The villanous black tariff is certainly working sad results. It is a pity that these spinning j jennies will disturb the sylvan solitudes ot our own lardy Georgia. And yet it will he so, despite of all the fine spun theories of the talkers. Good cotton cloth will be of better texture, last longer, and confer more comfort than all the air woven fabrics of those who oppose manufactures. Those who ten years hence go to our mountains in search of picturesque seclusions prise _ we were colonies of Great Britain, her policy compelled us to resort to her workshops for the manufactures which we required. That was then our natural market—so at least otir mother thought—and when we had escaped from this vassalage, the handful of patriots who had achiev ed our independence found ample employment fora time in the labors to which they had been accustomed—in commerce, in navigation and in agriculture. They had border strifes to ad just—thev had rich forests to subdue—they had capital to accumulate—they had a govern ment to form. A disjointed Confederacy was not calculated to stimulate the enterprise of our fathers, and they languished during its continu ance. The new Government came, with inspiring influences, and ver y soon ,he condition of the European world, which made us the common carriers of the nations, so extended our com merce and navigation as to take away for the time all motive for any other employment of our capital and labor. We came from the war in 1815 wilh mannfnc- tures which bad grown up during our troubles, and which requited the protection of the Gov ernment to save them from prostration. South ern patriotism. Southern liberality, came to tbetr rescue. Massachusetts stood aloof from 1817 to 1828. unwilling; to withdraw from commerce the capital which it profitably employed. The great manufacturing State of Pennsylvania^ was at one time the commercial rival of New York. Tn every State the process hv which manufac tures commended themselves to public favor was not only gradual but slow. Tts progress seems nevertheless to he steady. Tt has overrun the Eastern and Middle Slates. New Hampshire per haps excepted. Tts course is Southward. Mary land is a manufacturing State; Virginia and North Carolina are becoming so ; and the Slate of South Carolina is now receiving into her bo som an English manufacturing company. With English capital and English operatives, she is about to furnish to her citizens that which, if it succeeds, will be in truth their natural market o f purchase as well as sale. This English cap ital will thus be added to our own, and these English operatives will no doubt soon become good American citizens, I read from the news paper which I hold in my hand some account i of this establishment: “ Elbrrt CncsTY, Feb. 22, 1844. i « Messrs. Morgan & Joke*:—I proceed to eite von history, briefly, of a mannfact'irinj establishment on what, in a question relating to revenue, was more important, its tendency to increase the quantum of imports for consumption in the country, from which the revenue was to arise. The honorable Senator will. I think, find a full explanation of our extraordinary prosperity during this period, in the fact, to which he has adverted, though for another purpose, that the stars and s'ripes of this young nation then floated over a great part of the commerce of the world ; that the wars which grew out of the French revolution, and made Europe one great battle-field, made us also the caniers of all nations ; and that these wars— commencing in 1793,and only temporarily inter > our moumimis in scare a oi pH-iureatiu*; » i « » - . tom ...k- u ill be as much disappointed us Rousseau was when rupted by the peace of A.mens m 1801, wh.ch he stumbled upon a stocking factory in a romantic glen in the Swiss Alps, where he fancied he could Itve retired, forgetting the world and by the world forgotten. Shady and leafy glens, and tumbling cas cades, tint make those precincts vocal where.. * Human foot hath ne’er or rarely been,’ are very good in their wav: but they are better in summer than in winter, and liie plashing of one good waterwheel that aids in manufacturing comfortabh might more properly be denominated a truce— extended beyond the first period embraced by his table ; although after 1808 our own situatiou denied to us the benefits which we had before en joyed from that of the European world. We were during this propitious period, in a condition similar to that of Holland before the British nav igation act, and the awakening of other nations to the conviction that thev could do for them- meet the question, if then presented to me, with I f(,ot ill this part of the country, which may not be unin- in M.uiiui nr« influenced by local or sectional feeling. I am I ^anufacturi'i^.Vestnbiuhment. The result i*. tbnt sairl not, I need hardly say to you, an untried man in ; P?Pnt has settled down open » location at the heao of respect to my disposition or ability to disregard i Xrntter’s Shoals, on the Savannah River, nine miles anv feeling of that character in the discharge of of- i „hnve Petershurj. The situation was the pmnertv of ficial duties. You, as well as a 1 ! others, have j Jntn-s Edward Calhoun, and w-as purchased bv ther therefore at least some grounds on which to j nsent at sixtv thousand dollar*, inebtdins eiebt tbott- forill an opinion as to the probable fldelltv with ! 'and nrres of land. Tt is said that fortv fumiUPs rom which these assurances would be observed. | Manchester are on their wav. or are on ninsr on , , ,| j , r- , i . f i to prepare for a verv large htieinpss; hence entscorer 1 sha add a few words on another aspect of i ; p y . f , „ „r , . ... 1-1 t • . lliaf the manufacture of everv description ot roltmx the question, and then dismiss the subject.— Mexico may carry her persistence in refusing to acknowledge the independence of Texas, and in destructive but fiuitless efforts to reconquer that State, so far as to produce, in connexion with other circumstances, a decided conviction tin the part of a majority of the people of the Uni ted States, that the permanent welfare, if not absolute safety of all. make it necessary that the proposed annexation should be effected, be the consequences what thev may. The question may be asked, what, under such circumstances, would be the use you would make of the execu tive power, if intrusted to your hands 1 Would it be wielded to defeat, or to carry into effect the ascertained wishes of our people ? My reply to such a supposition is, thai I can conceive of wn«l. ^ _ no public questions, in tespect to which >t is I “ T f ’* eratifvtnar to t .e rv-or ' . j 11 . . j • vvp shall n Inr"** fimnnFuotii more eminently proper that the opinions and 1 ipt*# 1 to believe tlmt. r town spring up n* by mnorir on tbe mnr<rm of obi K!b r rt. “ Land* in tbn viri. itv will -n <lo>ibt advance, nnd indeed have advanced atreadv. People living near will find sale for everv tiling thev have to snare, nnd the old women are beeinnine to talk prettv strong about turkeys, chickens, p£T2*, &c. for the factory*. C. But the march nf this manufacturing spirit is 1 still onward and southward. Georgia is awak- i ing to the conviction that a portion of her pro- I ductive labor mav bo better emploved. Hitherto she has confined it lo the cultivation of two great staples. A propitious season and a favorable market gave an abundance which tempted to prodigality. The failure of either subjected to genera] embarrassment. She is becoming daily- more and more convinced of the advantage nf a division of labor. Here is some account of her progress: “Among tbe resource* of Georgia pow Hevelopinr- fbetpselves. are her mnuufnrtures of east ami wrought, iron, located in onr mountain region Several are now in operation or springing into existence. \\ e will only mention that in Cn = * rountv. twelve miles from Gnss- ville nnd six east nf tbe railroad, is a furnace where large quantities of hollow-ware nnd other eastings nre - ade of a very fair quality. These sell at tbe factory at four cents per pound. Bar iron is also made there and sold at six rents, nnd enough demand. A new es tablishment for the purpose nf rolling nnd cutting nails is erecting on the Hightower river. On the Altoonev creek, nrte mile from the railroad, another furnace is now erecting for tile purpose nf manufacturing wrought iron only. In a few years th" people of Georgia need not look bevond the limits of their own State for anv of these articles, and will also supply most of the cotton manufactures necessary for her consumption [What tio tbe Georgia manufacturers of cotton and iron think nf the tariff 11 There are also mnnv articles of provi sion*, such a* flour, bacon, Irish potatoes,butter. Arc., which will soon be furnished hv onr Cherokee region sufficient for our consumption, and distributed by our railroad* through the State.” In Clark connty alone, there are five or six factories, one of which runs some 3,000 thros tles. For instance, there are the Athens Facto ry, the Princeton Factory, the Georgia Factory. Dr. Poullain'a. known as the Skull Shoals Fac tory. besides which, there is one on Barber’s Creek, and another, whose name and locality we, do not remember. In Newton county, there are the Cedar Shoals Factory, the Jackson Com pany Factory, and the High Shoals Factory. Tn Pike county, there are two factories, the Flat Shoals and the Campbell Company. There are two factories in Upson county; there are two in Muscogee near Columbus ; there are two in Richmond county; there is one in Elbert county ; and ihere is the McDonough Factory in Henry county; and there is one going up in Lowndes county. In Cobb county, there is the Roswell Factory, which employs 75 hands, runs 2500 throstles, has 20 power looms, and operates with a capital of $70,000. Tueywtll consume, the ensuing season, about 1,200 bales of cotton, making 800 yards a day of various kinds of cloth, and a superior cotton bagging. There is, too, in connection with this factory. running several machines, and clothing for an industrious population, is worth all the j se | ves what Holland had heretofore done for cascades in creation. But we can have the cascades J | ia( ] deprived her of the privelege of being and the mills too. The falls of Montmorency tui n a \ carrier of the world. It might well there- m.ll without any disgrace to the water. j p ore happen that a population amounting to from Our Northern brethren will not. therefore, it i p ollr to sev en millions, during a period of pros- would seem, be permitted any longer io play this | |> e rity like this might sustain an amount of im- game altogether alone. They must divide the j poriation, and consequently produce and steadi- “ plunder,” and share with us of the South some j j y preserve an amount - of revenue, much great- ot those ‘‘enormous profits’ which they have’ er than even double their number could have been hitherto exclusively enjoying. | sustained and produced during the last epoch of Mr. President, if we could divest ourselves of the honorable senator, without looking to the a long cherished attachment to iheoiies—an at- j rate of duty to explain the diversity, tnebment which has become stronger from the j This would be more obviously true, if, at the exciting scenes through which the defence ol | commencement of the latiet epoch, the country them has conducted us—and come to the con- j was just emerging from a war. which had exhaus- sideration of this question of protection in a bet- ; ted her resources, and broken up. however tein- ter and calmer spirit, it would be found that the) porarily, the pursuits of industry of all classes of diversities of opinion which exist between us are ; her citizens; and if its progress had been mar- not so great as he who listens to the denuncia- I ked by a series of commercial revulsions, neces- ‘ tions which are uttered here and elsewhere would j sarily and directly affecting a revenue almost ex- be led to imagine. The advocates ot protection , clusively derived from imports. In both cases claim, as I understand them, that the expert-' the operative cause was from without. The ses of the Government shall be defrayed by a dn- condition of the country was, I apprehend, very ty on imports, and that, in collecting the neces- I little affected by the rate of duty which was im- sary revenue, a discrimination shall be made for J posed. But l will not pursue this inquiry fur- the protection of domestic industry. This pre- \ tlier. I cannot avoid, however, adding that I sents three questions : ! marvelled at the regret expressed by the senator 1. The power to discriminate. ; at lhe falling off in the exportation of bread 2. The expediency ol so exercising it. j stuffs; which, notwithstanding the diversion ol 3- The extent of the protection to be afforded, j agricultural labor to the cultivation of cotton. On the first question there is, I apprehend, | have still been produced in greater quantity, but verv little diversity of opinion. The mere pow- j have been consumed at home. 1 nis has result- er seems to be either expressly Admitted, or to j from the increased demand and increased a- be a necessary inference from what is admitted, j biliry to consume, created by the protection af- even by the advocates of the present bill. The forded to our domestic industry employed in power to impose taxes, ex vi termini, implies the j manufactures. That our farmers should have right to determine what shall be taxed, what; found a market for their flour and corn at home, articles shall be free, and what shall be the rate of J instead of being obliged to send it abroad, seems taxation ; in other words, to discriminate. This! me matter of gratulation, rather than of re power of discrimination may, however, be exer-! ? ret - cised for two purposes: first for revenue; sec-1 Mr. President, it is pressed upon us in this ond, for protection. The Senator from South ’ argument that the act of 1842 imposes undue and Carolina admits the first, in the definition : peculiar burdens on southern industry—on the which he gives of a proper revenue tariff, and planting interest of the South. This, sir, is to i in the different rates of dutv which he pro- me an awakening suggestion—the burden, if proves on the luxuries of tbe rich and the'ne-j it exists, operating alike on my constituents and cce jsaries of the poor. The Senator from Mis-j myself, and upon me personally to the whole son ri admit both, and is unwilling to abandon! extent of the productive property which I pos- the protection to a proper extent “and in a pro-! R ess. A little reflection, however, relieves me per degree, of the domestic industry of onr peo-j from apprehension. 1 know that any tax which pie. As between him, therefore, and those who the government can impose, in so far as it oper- are denominated advocates of protection, the ares upon consumption, can only compel thc difference is merely a quesiionufdegree, Buti southern planter to share in the burden which doe s not the same consequence, as to the ques-l a h consumers have to bear. Experience satis- tioa of power, result inevitably from the argu- me, too. that this cannot be to the whole limit of the senator from South Carolina ? He! amount of the duty, but that the foreign produ- wo;i Id discriminate for the purpose of revenue ; j cer must bear his proportion ofit in the diminish- tha? is, he would impose duties on such articles «1 profits of capital. I knot/ that the price of and at such rates as would best secure an ade- southern produce has not fallen since these qua? e income to the government. Thus far 11 dmies were imposed. I know, too, that the agre \ his discrimination is for revenue merely. 1 prices of articles of southern consumption have I But he goes further : he would discriminate be- not risen, but have beet, sensibly diminished — ! ttvetr n the articles which minister to the luxury • I find, therefore, that the injury which we have i of ill e rich and those which subserve the neces- sustained must consist, not in what we have ac- fsitiei of the poor, and in favor nf the latter. The t inot-t.-e is good ; the act would be praiseworthy, {ifth s purpose could not he better accomplished j othi trwise; but this surely is not discrimination I for . .he purpose of revenue. On the contrary, i that in many cases would require an exactly op- i posi te course, as revenue may be collected ini i area iter abundance and with more certainty from experience. I nee jssaries than from luxuries. The discrimi-! Sir, this doctrine, that the whole of the duty 'nati an then would be made for the purpose of imposed on an article of import falls upon the ; relit -ving the poor from the pressure of tnxa- consumer—and not only so, but that he is com- I a t io a—not for revenue, but from motives of pelted also to submit to an equivalent increase Icha. *ity. In my judgement, sir, this vields the '» the price of similar articles manufactured at who leargutnent. lf we may thus discriminate be- home—I think finds no countenance in any work I twet >n the rich and lire poor, not to increase rev-1 on political economy, whether of domestic or ot j ent. e, but to lighten its pressure on the victims foreign origin. 1 do not so read either Adam inf | loverly—if we may thus discriminate for Smith or Jean Baptiste Say, though both are i the relief and protection of the poor, so far as advocates of free trade. On the contrary, I find i the * question of 'power is concerned, the advo- the latter, to whom alone I have recently refer- i t .aie s of protection may well ask whv we may red, stating that the distribution of these bnr- j not i in like manner discriminate between foreign dens between producers and consumers is infin- and domestic labor, for the protection of the; itely diversified according to the circumstances I latte r ? It would be difficult, I apprehend, sir. j of the individuals, and distinguishing the various to a nswer this question, enforced as it might be cases in which they fall on the producers, or bv t be suggestion that this exercise of the pow- are divided between them and the consumers of eroi 'discrimination must have been foreseen by j the commodities which are taxed. This is af- . the convention, since such was the usage of ail firmed in relation to taxes which are internal.— com mercial nations, and adding that it was actu- It may be more strongly asserted where the allv resorted to, and for this avowed purpose, by producer of any article has to encounter an im- the! irst Congress which assembled under the con- port duty in the market to which he sends it; stitu tion. f° r tfi 60 ’ ” fi at portion of the tax can be thrown T ■ i _ , i , I upon the consumer must depend upon the de- I cannot avoid, moreover, the aeknowiedg- 1 . . . . , , ...... , r .. . mand in that market, and this w. of course be men t that there is much force in the argument _. , . , .’ . .. . . . ' whi. :h was so ably presented and so happilly ii- &,feclecl b * th f e ar ancles of do- lust rated bv the chairman of thc Committee or. ,neSt l ' C '"Mnfiictnre. The reduct.nn of profits Fin ince—that a just and wise discrimination in ° wb,cb h ? submits « the pr.ee which he pays favo rof the domestic industry of the countrv, ,or ,he P r,vlle K e <* that market, and the extent tually lost, but in what we might by possibility have gained, if this law had not been passed.— This opens a wide field for speculation, conjec ture, and for the exercise of imaginative power. Theoretical reasoning mav range over it at large, and revel in tile conviction that it is safe from the assault ot its natural enemies—those of fact otner meaos ol obtninin^ retCDiie. Can burden the people with direct taxes fo" .7 support of both governments? No sir. ty 6 too, must depend upon customs. Fre e U .J' cannot, then, exist between two nations so c * cuinstanerd. The true principle for us. is » n expressed by a periodical writer of the dav r quote from recollection : “ Reciprocal Voo. 1 merce with foreign nations, and perfect free t rHl i among ourselves.” The only question betwee* two such nations as the Unitod States and Gr* n . Britain relates to tfie comparative burdens win. k they respectively impose. That e»rapa ri8 L would show how much we lag behind her j n the butdens imi»osed upon commerce. I will d H t v you only to advert to two or three particulars, 'pj * amount of duties from customs in Great R r j, . in 1839. was c£22, 962.610—equal to 8110,220° 528. Of these, '.here was collected on article^ produced in the United States, and exporter! Great Britain. 826,849.477—nearly one-finm” of the whole revenue from customs. The whole revenue from customs in tbe United State. * that year, was less than eighteen millions, fa” Great Britain levies on two articles of our ejl ports—viz. cotton and tobacco—an amount of duty greater than we collect on all articles j m ported from foreign countries. Thus, the receipts from customs in the Uni’eJ Stales, in the years 1838, 1839 and 1840. „•... $52,798,227. On cotton and tobacco. Great {' ti ' tain levied during those years, $73,63g so* And yet cotton is subject to a low duty, becau " indispensable to her manufactures. 1 have before me a table containing a list of forty-seven articles, which we do, or could ex port to Great Britain, if the course of trade equal, on which the average rate of duty j 3 ->4 per cent. On thirty-three of these articles. makes a discrimination in favor of her own c ,; 0 nies, against us, of 102 percent. If we omit cotton, on which a regard to her own interest makes her impose a low dutv. t] Je average duty on these articles would be 330 r . fcr cent. Whatever motives may exist, then, for th* reduction of our tariff of duties, none certain y is found in the liberality of Great Britain towards us. Looking, therefore, to this question as an American cirizen, I do not fee 1 at liberty. i n tl.e actual condition of the country, to disturb t e existing system of tevenue, by the adoption of a measure so fleeting and transient as anv bill would be, which could become a law at the pre sent session of Congress. It could at most en dure only until the next should assemble. Tills is also my judgment as a southern min. my verdict as a southern planter. So far as tfet interest is affected. [ have as deep a stake as anv man can have, for whatever of productive oro- pertv I possess is employed in southern a ti- culture; and while no man has more, or mure imperative claims upon him than I have, this is the source of their supply. Sir, it is precisely because I am a southern man, with southern feelings and southern inter ests, because nothing which affects that people can be foreign to my heart—and because, in an swer to this appeal to our interest, I lee! that when the pocket nerve of the southern planter is touched, mine is as liable to vibration as that of another—that 1 have addressed you on this occa sion. I know how iittle influence mv judgment on this question will have, or can claim to have, with the great body of my countrymen.— Valent vtllere quantum protest. I desire to bear to them this testimony ol the unwillingness of one por tion ol the South at this moment, and under the circumstances iu which we are placed, to disturb all the pursuits of industry, for the purpose of instituting a vain experiment, which cannot en dure beyond this parenthetical epoch of our his tory. We have all much to to learn and to un learn upon this subject; and when we shall have passed away, many problems connr.eeted wi.h it, will yet remain to be solved by those who come after us. Theoretical reasoning will ex haust itself in vain attempts to accomplish it; and imperfect deductions from statistical tables, however accurately they may be collated, will be equally tallacious. It is thc part of wisdom to pause here, and to profit by the lesson which another year's experience will afford us. The polical darkness w hich overshadows ns. will then have been dispersed, and • brighter hour$ will come for whoever may be ‘ loro’s of the ascend ant,* we ahull have, (or a time at least, svstettv and stability. The interests of eighteen mil lions of people are confided to our care. We should not put these to the hazard of vain and trdYisient experiments. That year’s experi ence will show its the defects of the existing system of revenue, if it be defective, and will guide us in the application of the remedy. Let us not refuse its ;wd, nor be too confident in our own wisdom. I offer my respectful acknowledgments to the Senate, fur the attention with which thev have favored me, and will not further trespussupon their indulgence. j bv a tiding to the national wealth, and consequent- I ly t. j the ability o( individuals to consume, may \ tern I directly to increase the revenues of the ; gov eminent. Nor am I insensible to the high jeon sideraiions of public policy and of public !dut v which this question involves. If this pow-' , . r , , , . ere im be exercised for purposes so beneficial, 1 " ou d r a el . ,eve me from ,he P^mem of that duty, 'without unduly pressing on the productive in- | of it must depend upon the vigor of the com petition which he encounters there. As an agricultural producer of an article which is subject to a heavy duty on ils importation in to Great. Britain, where it is usually sent, I should be glad to learn that the English consumer itlm-lryof any |K»rtion of this great community i of iiiates, 1 cannot conceive any higher oliliga- j rough, or paddy, and another and higfier rate on rice which is pounded and fitted lor use. Ob- .tioi,. if we except those of maintaining the re- ? eirve ’ first ’ lhe f ca,e wll, . ch ? he tak " s t0 P rotec ‘ I gul ated liberty which the constitution secures. h * r , own »-«»«fociures.n these different rates j and.of preserving the public morals, than the ; “ ? 1 sh,ll,D f S ' per , qua ^ 1 dui.v of increasing national uid individual wealth j ter. equal to lOJd. per bushel ; on clean rice, it dut.y ot increasing national mo individual wealth . .. '.... , ’ . ’ ” , 1 by thus'stimulating the productive energies of !f 6 J>'fo r H2 pounds It takes twenty ou/ people. Sir, when 1 look to the condition ! bush . e!s of >?.?> t0 % . °^ r " T,*’ of this favored land; to the extent of itster.ito- I we, f bn !§ C°° bs. .net On 20 bushels of paddy, rv, stretching from ocean to ocean : to its diver- i at 10ld ’ per bush f ] ’ ,be du I?“ 17s ' 6d ’ , rile sky of clime; its variety of production ; the | quanmjrtO form of clean nee, makmg abundance which it yields of whatever may ex- j a barre ' of 600 Ibs ’ net ' at Cs ’ per 112 lbs ” pa >' s excise the skill or employ the industry of man: i a ™ ' ~ 3 .' rr , , , , , _ ,, when I consider the rapid increase of its popu-! ™us tt I send these twenty bushels of paddy latino, and reflect that there are those now liv-! f0 b « cleaned tn England, they will pay an tru ing, who, if this confederated government. ; P<»rt duty ot l,s. 6d. Ill employ American la- Ijuvanfe. shall happily continue brightening its 1 bor ’ a ' ,d bave “cleaned m this country they j bond of union and still preying onward with the ! pa >' 3 c 2s ' f / 1,18 d^erence .s, ol couree, for the same decennial speed wh.el. has hitherto marked benefit of tlie pound,ng mills m England But its progress; .hat there are those who are even j e,th . er ,:ase ’ ,he « paid by the planter; J now breathing this air of freedom, who will live to “ » « aken . mto account by the purchase, see a popular,on of fifty millions of men spread | ^re whether it is sold m the form of clean nee ! over this vast territory, speaking one and the or ot paddy What renders this less_tolen.b e, same language, animated bv one and the same j ,s \ that lh,s dut - v . '? exac,ed v > ola !'on of the spirit, trained up in the maxims of civil liberty j ex,stln « commercial treaty. Great Britain ad- under the influences of one and the same glori- ! ,nlts . rlC , e r “ m tl,e , west coast of A at , a n \ ere ous constitution, acknowledging one common ' l,nm,nal du *’ and vve ." e entitled under that bondol union, and bowing in fervent gratitude '; eal >'. 10 ‘‘ ,e 8ame P r,v, l?ge- Mr Stevenson for all these blessings at the altar of one and the thought, when he was England, that he had same God, the inquiry is pressed upon me with i ,ecured bm the P , re | s,deDt M5 " 9 08 ln h »™«- a force which I can very feebly express, can it j sa ? e , atthe opemugot the present sesston. that tt be that these myriads of freemen, thus furnished ! ,s yet ,n controversy, and st.ll the subject of ne- that State, and tbe Alabama Times of the 2/th ultimo has the following: - We are glad to learn that preparations are makintr to begin an extensive spinning and wearing esiabiisb- ment'at the Tallapoosa Falls, in the neighborhood of Tallasgee, twenty one or two miles from this city. The location and'waler power is thought in be as good or better than any other in the Slate. This is ju*t what the South ought to do.” The infection has extended to our extreme southwestern boundary- Hear the Van Burea (Arkansas) Intelligencer of the 24th ultimo : “ Cotton Yarn.—We have just been shown a hank ofcotion yarn manufactuted by Mark Bean, Esq., of Cane Hill, Washington county. Excellent judges pro nounce it a superior article, and equal to any manufac tured in the Eastern Slates. We take pleasure in no ticing this evidence of improvement in our State.- From the tokens before us, we can venture to predict that prosperous and happy times are in store for us if we but follow upthe enterprising nnd industrious course that we have commenced. Mr. Bean informs us that he manufactures six hundred dozen hunks of this thread per week.” And here is the comment of a southern editor on these various operations—a little rough, to be sure, but serving to indicate an awakened spirit; i my t by the bounty of Heaven with all which can j minister to their wants or to their wishes, can it i be that they are destined to be dependent on | the work- shops of Europe for the necessaries or ! the conve niences of life ? Mr. President, they are few in number, I be lieve, who will answer this question in the affir mative. ‘With the greater porton of those who advoeMe low duties, but who would be unwilling to withhold protection from manufactures, the question if* one of degree merely. That is an inquiry whiich, when the proper time arrives, I shall desire to examine with the utmost care.— The Senato r (rom Missouri supposes it is answer ed by the post history of our country. To show this, be divides that history into two great epochs, and scanninj; these with philosophic eye. seeks to extract from them the principle he maintains, thatflow dut ies conduce to the prosperity of the county- Sit, this is a high intellectual operation. It can be sue ccssfully performed only by an accu rate knowlea ge of results, and by a capacity to trace anddulw to estimate the causes, often various and sometimes seemingly contradictory, whose combined inf luences have contributed to produce them : rerun i coguoseere causas, et suani cuiqui tribuere. TI le defect, however, as it seems' to me, in the honorable Senator's argument, con sists in the failure to appreciate at its full value the peculiarl.v favorable condition of this coun try during the earlier epoch of which he speaks, and its inflitonce in producing the result which he exhibits. His attention had been called to the fact, for he notes ils influence “ in promo ting imports for re-exportation,” overlooking gotiaiion. But if the consumer pays this dutv, why are we so anxious to obtain its remission ? Why do we seek to obtain the admission of this and other articles of our produce into foreign ports, at a moderate duty? And if we have to pay this duty for the privilege of the English market, how is it that the English manufacturer can escape the same consequence, in relation to duties imposed here, to enable him to enjoy the privilege of our market? But the most extraordinary of all the proposi tions which this debate has produced, is, that Great Britain is disposed to adopt a system of free trade, and that we ought to act in a recip rocal spirit. What is this free trade, and where does it exist ? Is it in England ? Is it here? Can it be tolerated by either country ? Can Great Britain tolerate it, encumbered as she is bv debt, the provision for the interest on which, demands all her resources ? She receives rom customs annually upwards o( twenty-three millions sterling. Can she dispeuse with this? And how would she supply the deficiency ? She has already, in addition to all her other burdens, an income tax, which has been heretofore resorted to, only in times of great emergency. She has already taxed almost every thing which is taxa ble ; but after all, the heaviest of her taxes is that which she levies, or attempts to levy, ou the credulity of other nations, when she affects to be the advocate of free trade. Can we dispense with duties and imposts as the chief source of our revenue ? adopt this prin ciple of free trade, and throw your ports open to all nations freely and without charge ? Can we LETTER FROM MR. CLAY. To the Editors of the Salional intelligencer. Washi.xgton, May 3, 1644- Gextleme.v :—I’rior to the comrnencemen 1 , and during the progress of the* journey which I have recently made to some of the Southern Slates, I received numerous invitations to visit my fellow-citizens at various points of tfie Union- I was compelled ro decline accepting the great er number of them, and, in most instances, trans muted answers accordingly ; but. as I may have omitted to reply to some of them, and as otbers addressed to me may not have reached me, to all such I request to be allowed, through the National Intelligencer, ro communicate a gen era! and respectful answer, and to state the ground on which I shall feel constrained to place any similar invitations with which I may be in future honored. These popular demonstrations of friendship, attachment, and" confidence towards me, aie high ly gratfving to my feelings, and are entitled ro an expression of my profound and grateful ac knowledgements. If it were suitable aad prop er, in my judgment, to meet assemblages of mv fellow-citizens no tbe occasions proposed, 1 would embrace the opportunity with pleasure, and should exchange friendly salutations wi them with a warmth and enthusiasm, oa my pam not exceeded by their own. But an event ot im portance took place on the first instaot in Bala- more. A convention of Delegates from the Whig party, coming from all parts of the Uoii«2 Stares, acting in conformity with the well-as certained wishes and sentiments of the. YY1 8 I of the U. Stares, has formally announced mj j name as a candidate for the office ol President I of the Uoited S'ates, and from a high sense ol duty, I have accepted the nomination. It has been, moreover, ratified bv another Convention, composed of Delegates from every part of the United States, who its.serubied on tbe 2d instant in Baltimore. Being thus placed, with my o»n consent, in tbe atti! tide of ;> candidate for th^ high offii e, I feel mvselt bound to respect and pei form all the duties ond obligations which aj>- pertain to me in that chararter. The election of a Chiet Magistrate of a free, great, and enlightened nation, is one ot^the gra vest and most momentous functions wnich the People can exercise. It is emphatically, and ought to be exclusively, their own busiuess - Upon the wisdom of their choice depends tb* preservation and soundness of free instituiions. and Ihe welfare and prosperity of tliemselves.- In making it, they should be free, impart^- and whollt unbased by the conduct of a cau date himself. Not only, in my opinion, is it b» dutv to abstain from all solicitation, director in direct, of their suffrages, but he should avoid j being voluntarily placed in situations to seek, m in w hich he might be supposed to seek, to .n - fiueoce their judgment. Entertaining these views of what becomes a candidate for the exalted office of President f' 1 the Uni’ed Slates, I shall act'in strict conform- ity with them. Hereafter, and until the pending j Presidential election is decided, 1 cannor acre;* I nor attend any public meeting of mV fcfto* I citizens, assembled in reference to that ob F'' 1 ' to which I may have been or shall be invited *' I It is rr.y wish and intention, when I feave tbis cHJ. I to return home as quietly and quickly as P 0!- ‘ | hie, and, employing myself in my private busm 1 * j and affairs, there to await the decision ol t-* Presidential election, acquiescing in it, wbatei | it may be, with the most perfect submission. I hope those who have honored me with « tations to which I have not yet leplied, anu t "* _ who may have inteuded ine the honor of !r milling others, will accept, without disappro tioc, this exposition of the motives by w. ic am governed. , ol I am, gentlemen, your friend and o > ■ fipru:.nt. H« EL Virginia-—Tbe Richmond Enquirer Virginia Senate will consist ot 21 Locos and , Jjj and tbe House of 61 Locos and 73 l' 1 h'r the JVliig m’.joriiy on ioiiit ballot, trc.