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Speech of Lord Ellesmere at Boston.
Lord Ellesmere attended the annual
School Exhibition in Boston, on Tuesday,
and in the afternoon, at Fanieul Hall, de
livered his first speech in America. The
Mayor preceded him in a bx-ief address,
welcoming him to the city, and acknowl
edging the indebtness of this country to Eng
land. “To her,” said he, “we owe some
four most cherished and most glorious in
stitutions ; and wc shall never forget the
debt, until that time conics when wc for
get everything that lias made us a happy
and prosperous people.” Lord Elles
mere rose to respond, and was greeted with
long continued applause. lie spoke as
follows :
I accept the honor, for such as a stran
ger and sojourner within your gates, I es
teem it, of addressing you, with every feel
ing of satisfaction but that of any confidence
in my ability to do justice to the occasion
or my own feelings. They are, in c^ery
othcr respect, feelings of unminglcd gratiii
cation, not the less intense because totally
unexpected ; for I reached Boston, after a
night journey from New York this morning
unconscious of tiie pleasure of the duty
which awaited me. 1 have not wasted or
misused the short time which my engage
meats have permitted me to bestow on a
visit to this country. I bavc accumulated
and shall carry away avith me a store of
recollections, but i can truly say that
among the memories of sconces of natural
beauty, or evidences of human progress
none will be more grateful to me than
that of the scene I am now witnessing, and
of the occasion at which I now assist,
have, indeed, one regret in the absence of
certain companions of my journey from
whom for a few hours only, I am to-day
seperated. When, gentlemen, I resolved,
at the bidding of my sovereign, to under
take this journey, I did what I recommend
every American gentleman who visits
my country to do—I took the precuation
to take my wife and daughter with me.
had heard that in virtue of the social usa
ges oi these States, a charity which in the
pages of a popular periodical of my country,
has drawn tears, though not of grief, from
many readers, that of an unprotectedfemale
was absolutely unknown in America. I
felt that if I, as was too probable, should be
incapacitated by infirmity from prosecut
ing my own researches, I could send such
female cmissories even to the further west,
if need were, to observe and to report. I
the more regret on this special occasion, the
absccncc of one whose time, I may say
whose life, in her country residence at
home, Is unceasingly devoted to the task of
popular education. Lady Ellesmere, like
my self would have been pleased to see, in the.
attendance here so many fair and living
proofs of the interestwhichherown sex takes
in that subject A poet of my country has
said that Paradise itself was but a poor
abode till made perfect by the presence of
woman.
“The wont! was s;ul, the garden was a wild.
And man, the hermit sighed, till woman smiled.”
I know not how this may have been, but
of tins I am certain, that when and where
women abstains from, or is exluded from, a
large share in the education of the youth
of a community, education will bear bad
fruit and cease to be worthy of the name.
I have heard since I came into tills room
from the Mayor, that formerly this time
honored ceremony was more restricted than
now, that it ended at least in a banquet at
which gentlemen only assisted. I congratu
late on the change of practice, of which I see
t no evidence. I hear with pleasure, also,
trom the 3Iayor, that the growing facilities
of intercourse between our two countries,
arc daily attracting more and more of your
citizens as visiters to my own. I am, then,
probably addressing many who have made
that not difficult, and I Lope pleasant ex
periment. If so, am I wrong in supposing
that you have visited with something of a
filial interest, the haunts of your ancestors,
near or remote, that in contemplating the
relics of antiquity there preserved, you
have experienced something of the respect
ful interest with which the younger mem
bers of' a noble bouse may be supposed to
contemplate the grey hairs and seemly
wrinkles of a father of the races i I do not
mean legacy hunters or needy relatives
gathering round to watch the symptoms of
decay, courting favor and eager to screw
down the coffin and open the will, but in the
pride of their own asserted independence,
and of affluence, won by their own indus
try. If I may suppose such to be the char
acter of an American visiter to England,
may I not claim to myself something of a
patriarchal pride and joy, as from the decks
of your gorgeous steamers, of the windows
of your cars, I obtain but too rapid
glimpse of the evidences of your prosperity,
and of the flourishing adolescence of the
scions of our common stock ? It is not for
me to acknowledge, nor do I in my con
science recognize, the symptons of cureless
canker or irremediable delay in my own
dear country.
We have our evils to remedy, our errors
to repair, and our difficulties to struggle with,
many of them unknown to you. I have
seen great changes, and may sec more, but
those I have seen I think on the whole are
for the better. I trust that the time is yet
distant when some Layard from this or any
other country shall explore the mounds of
our Houses of Parliament, or seek in the
ruins of St. Paul’s to identify the crypt
where the ashes of our greatest soldier.—
Still, the designs of Providence arcinscru-
tiblc. I how by anticipation to Ilis will
—but as an Englishman looking to this
country, I feel and I say, where or how it
will, our chastening, “non omnis mortar
The history, the language, the intellectual
feats of my country shall survive beyond
the Atlantic. As I look around this room
I am reminded of some lines which one of
our minor poets has put into the mouth of a
young husband addressing his bride, yet in
the bloom of her charms, when, not shrink
ing from the future, he tells her—
Sew Party Organization.
The following circular appears in the
Northern papers :
INDEPENDENT NATIONAL UNION PARTY OR
GANIZATION.
Patriotic call of the Union Men of 1Massa
chusetts for a State Union Party Con
vention, at Newbi/ryport, Sept. 5, 1853.
The undersigned, Independent Union
Men of Massachusetts and citizens of New
bury port, without distinction of party, be
lieving that the present organization of po
litical parties throughout the country has
a tendency to create sectional prejudices,
and to endanger the peace, union, liberty,
and independence of the American people,
if not the permanency of our republican in
stitutions and Government; and that under
the present system of conventional misrule
and party dictation they are wholly misrep
resented in their constitutional rights, and
in their appreciation of the inestimable val
ue of our national Union, and are made
subservient to the interest of sectional and
political parties, regardless of the great na
tional interests of our country, unite in re-
commenrfing an Independent Convention
of ilie Union Men of all parties, to be liold-
en in the City Hall, at Newburyport, on
Monday, the 5th day of September next,
to take into consideration the ways and
means, then and there to be presented, for
the total abandonment of all existing par
ties, and the organization, under entire new
issues and measures, of an independent State
and National Union Party, upon a broad,
deep, and lasting foundation.
A full attendance of the Union Men of
Massachusetts from every town, city, and
county of the State, is requested at this con
vention, independent of all existing parties.
This new party will be devoted to the
cause of National Union. It will be pledg
ed to uphold the Constitution, the Union,
and the Laws, and to stand by our country
and National Government long after all
other parties cease to have an existence.
Under its State organization it will with
hold its support in all future State and na
tional elections from eveiy clement of dis
union, and from all candidates for office
not pledged to carry out the principles,
policy, and measures of this new party.
We also unite in a call for a National
Union Party Convention, in the city of
Washington, on the 22d of February next,
to be fully represented by the Union men
of all parties, anti by the American people
from every Congressional district, State,
and Territory of the American Union.
In the belief that the present organiza
tion of political parties under their antiqua
ted issures, policy and measures, tend to
separate tlie Government from the people,
and endanger the Union, liberty, and inde
pendence of the.American people, we ur-
ently recommend an immediate abandon
ment of all existing parties, and a simulta- ; professes "to be a Compromise man, or "lie
slave instead of free. Take his oilier great
speeches during 1850, and what man South
or North stood firmer with one half the elo
quence in defence of the rights of the South ?
He not only defended the Territorial bills,
bitterly opposed by the-abolitionists—but
while Rhctt and liis friends in Georgia,
were declaring the Fugitive Slave law un
constitutional—that it could not and ought
not to be enforced upon tlie unwilling North,
Webster defied tlie fanatical tempest in
defence of the interest of slavery. They
closed the public Hall of Boston against
him—they abused and villified him ; but
there stood Werster and there died Web-
ster, leaving liis fame and the thoughts of
his great intellect, as a legacy to the lov
ers of Constitutional liberty.
Ami now these disunioiiists pretend to
think it unfortunate that Mr. Jenkins
should have been politically associated
with such a man ! A man who stood with
Olay, with Cass, with Dickinson, in the
storm of 1850 ?
The following remarks upon this subject
we find in an article written for the Chron
icle § Sentinel. It is an honest statement
of truth :
On the 17th day of June, 1850, when the Com
promise was under consideration in the Senate, the
following proposition was voted on :
“And when tlie said territory, or any portion of
tlie same, shall be admitted as a state, it shall be re
ceived into the Union, with or without slavery, as
their constitution may proscribe at the time of then-
ad mission.”
Those who voted for this amendment were Messrs.
Atcliinson, Badger, Bell, Benton, Berrien, Bright,
Butler, Cass, Clay, Clemens, Cooper, Davis of Miss.,
Dawson, Dodge of Iowa, Douglas, Downs, Foote,
Houston, Hunter, Jones, King, Mason, Morton,
Norris, Pearce of Maryland, Pratt, Busk, Sebastion,
Shields, Soule, Spruauce, Sturgeon, Turney, Un
derwood, Wales, Webster, Wliitcomb, and Yu-
lee—38.
Those who voted againstit were Messrs. Baldwin,
Chase, Clark, Davis of Mass., Dayton, Dodge of
Wisconsin, Greene, Hale, Miller, Smith. Uphani
and Walker—12.
The amendment was carried. It was
put in the Compromise. It was what se
cured the passage of those Bills known as
the Compromise. Without it, they never
could have passed. This recognition of the
rights of the South, was the basis upon
which the whole Compromise rested. Such
a recognition, covering all the territories
belonging to tlie YvAWd States, had never
before been made since the formation of the
Government. And for this open and dear-
recognition—this express declaration—that
new States, out of all these territories, may
hereafter be admitted with or without slave
ry, as tlie people there may determine for
themselves, when they apply for admission,
Mr. Webster voted. ! So stands the record!
You can sec it in the Congressional Globe,
for the 1st Session 31st Congress, part 2,
page 1239. And in the face of this l-ccord,
with what justice can Judge Ilillyer charge
Mr. Webster with being unsound or untrust
worthy xipon this subject 1 Judge Ilillyer
It was not a Southern*Eights party in
the Union that Judge’Johnson so much de
sired or his place would now be with the
Republican party of Georgia. He was
dreaming of something else. In the course
of his long letter he intimates very strong
ly his meaning, a glance at which may
be had in the following paragraph :—
“ We have been yielding inch by inch, and step
by step for the last fifteen years, until we have be
come almost insensible to the wrong, and afraid to
avow our rights. If acts of aggression, such as
these of -which we now complain (the compromise,)
had been perpetrated in lc32, the South would not
have submitted “ thirty days, and any man would
have been “ tarred and feathered” who would have
counselled submission. Our tendency has been
and continues to be downward, yielding position
after position, in the vain hope that we would final
ly reach a point, at which Northern fanaticism
would be satisfied and permit us to enjoy tranquili
ty. But it has not abated one jot or tittle of its de
mands; and every year we grow less and less in
clined to take a tirm stand and say to the fiery flood,
“ thus far and no further shalt thou come.” How
then can we trust ourselves, or believe others, if we
continue to say, not note but when the next act of
aggression shall be consummated, we are resolved
upon resistance t Gentlemen, l think the time has
now come, when the South should look this question
full in the face. Let us not listen to the siren song
of peace, tv hen there is no-peace.
COMMUNICATMS.
For the Recorder.
Fine Woods, Muscogee county, }
July 27, 1853. )
To the Editors of the Southern Recorder :
Gentlemen—During tlie last year, the organ!
zalion of the Union party having been broken up
for the time being, first by the “Supplementals,”
who wished to go to the Baltimore Democratic Con
vention, and subsequently, by others who desired
to go to the Baltimore Whig Convention, with the
hope of nominating- Mr. Fillmore—and the Demo
cratic party having nominated General Franklin
Pierce, for tlie Presidency;—being well pleased
with Gen. Pierce’s course whilst in Congress, upon
the subject of slavery and other questions, and also
pleased much with his then more recent course in
New-IIampshire, in relational? Hale; and in his de-.
r> of tho ('nnmrnrmso measures, and especially
neous action of the Union men of Massa
chusetts with those of tlie South and great
did profess to be one, two years ago, as tlie
whole Union party of Georgia did ; and
West, under entire new measures, in which f nothing is more notorious in this country,
all can consistently and harmoniously unite " ~ * “
in advancing the great national interests of
the American Union.
Upon the firm stand, determined purpose,
honest, bold, fearless, and independent ac
tion of the Union men in carrying out the
principles so often urged upon the American
people by the illustrious Washington, Ad-
xms, Jefi'erson, Clay, and Webster, and in or
ganizing this party, now hang the future dcs-
inies of our country, the stability of our re
publican institutions and government, and
the permanency of the American Union.
Invitations to the above-named conven
tion have been extended to the Hon. Mil
lard Fillmore, Thomas H. Benton, Edward
Everett, Daniel S. Dickinson, Rufus Choat,
Robert Toombs, A. II. Stephens, Abbott
Lawrence, Lewis Cass, and other distin
guished men of the southern, middle, and
western States, many of whom will honor
the convention with their presence, and ad
dress the L T nion men of Massachusetts and
our country.
Newburyport, July 4, 1S53.
“ And when with envy time transported
Shall think to rob us of our joys,
You’ll in your girls again be courted,
And I’ll go wooing in my boys.”
Yes, gentlemen, I’ll go wooing in my
boys, and the bride will be fame and em
pire, and the dower will be the waste re
claimed from savage beasts or man more
savage, and the issue xvill be freedom and
and civilization—freedom tempered by a
willing submission to legally constituted
authority, and civilization founded on the
great text book of true civilization, the re
vealed word of God to man.
Lord Ellesmere was frequently inter
rupted by applause. At the conclusion of
his remarks the band played “ God save the
Queen.
Punch says men in a passion should be
treated like kettles—when they boil over
they should be taken off.
A Silver Shovel was recently used in the cere
mony of breaking ground for the Mountain Lake
Water Company, at San Francisco. It was hand
ed with gold, ami cost a thousand dollars. The
same shovel was also employed at the dinner table
in shoveling into the plates of the ladies present
generous quantities of large ripe strawberries from
a hall-bushel measure, which was tilled with this
Massachusetts Union Party—I.xreou-
tant Movement.—We publish elsewhere
in this paper, an important call for
State Convention at Newburyport, Massa
chusetts, for the organization of a Union
party in that State. We think the time
has at length arrived when such an organ
ization will stick, take l-oot, and spread
its branches all over the country, if the
movement is only properly followed up.
Georgia is already organized—Mississippi
and Alabama have nearly shuffled off the
last remnants of their old party distinctions
North Carolina is in a condition of most
promising effervescence—Virginia having,
with all the required formalities, killed off
and buried the old whig party, offers a fine
I opening for -something new, and better
i adapted to the spirit of the age. The de
lightful harmonious reunion of the New
York democracy offers also, a magnificent
invitation to a new party upon the Union
platform, straight and square. The old-
Castle Garden Union Safety Committee was
simply a humbug. But areal, bona fide Un
ion organization, about these times, in New
York, would make terrible work with the
estimates of the trimmers of Tammany
Hall, and the Seward school of political
philosophers. At all events, we recom-
mend to the Union men of Massachusetts a
vigorous prosecution of their work. Let
them work first to get up a strong convention.
That accomplished, the rest of the business
necessary to the organization of a formida
ble party will be comparatively easy. We
shall be disappointed if the forthcoming
Georgia election does not give the project
of a general Union movement a good lift-
The present state of things cannot last.
[IV. Y. Herald.
than that Mr. Webster was one of the ear
Best and ablest advocates and defenders
of all those measures, the “faithful execu
tion of the fugitive slave law included.”—
Mr. Webster stood by the Compromise at
first; he stood by it in its progress ; he
stood by it to the last. He periled his all,
politically, for its maintenance ; lie literal
ly “died upon it." And while it might not
have been thought strange to hear those
who supported Gov. McDonald, in 1851,
and who then denounced Mr. Webster as a
Frcesoiier and all Georgia Compromise men
as “unsound and untrue" to Southern inter-
csts,” repeat the same unfounded accusa
tion now, yet who could havp expected to
hear such a charge, at this day, revived by
Judge Ilillyer ? And xvith what sort of
gi-ace, or face, can he, or aixy Sontheni man
bring such an accusation against Mr. Web
ster, Avhen lie himself stands in the posi
tion of asking the people of the South to
detend, and endorse Avith their approval,
the administration of Mr. Pierce, notwith
standing tAvo-thirds of his patronage at the
North may have been green to such knoAvn
and admitted Freesoilers and Abolitionists
as Campbell, Maloney, Dix and Vroom ?—
Men avIio denounced Mr. Webster for stand
ing by the Constitution of his country in
the defence of our rights as secured in the
Compi’omise “Oh ! shame where is thy
blush ?” Hamilton.
CoraiiieKfcnifiit Week at Athens.
Again is our beautiful town croivdcd
Avitli the fashion, beauty, wealth and intel
ligence of Georgia and some of the neigh
boring States. Learning, literatui-e and
politics are all ably and very numerously
represented.
The public exercises began at the Chap
el on Sabbath morning, on Avhieh occasion
the Rca\ W. Preston, D. D., of Savannah,
according to appointment, preached the
Commencement Sermon. We Avcre not
present, but understand it Avas a beautiful
pi’oduction—Avortliy of the occasion and of
the fame of the author.
At 4 o’clock on Monday afternoon, a nu-
mei'ous audience attended at the Chapel to
witness the contest in Prize Declamation
by the Sophomore Class. The young gen
tlemen, avc understand, acquitted them
selves Avith great credit.
On Tuesday morning the Junior Exhibi
tion took place, which consisted of the de
livery of original speeches by a portion of
the Junior class. Both the manner and
matter of many of them creditable indeed.
We have not in this brief sketch time to
particularize. The following was the pro
gramme of the exercises:
D. E. B. Hamilton, Cass county.—Example (/
Pulaski.
N. \V. E. Loup, Bussell county, Ala—Usurpation
of Napoleon III.
Joseph B. Gumming, Augusta.—Chatham and
Clay.
T. M. Daniel, Daniels ville.—Poetry of tlie Bible.
Thomas B. Cabaniss, Forsyth,—Genius of Milton.
Edward N. Brown, 8aa Francisco.—British Depre
ciation of American Literature.
Madison L. Lenoir, Gwinnett county.—Cuba.
John Harvie Hull, Athens.—Burke and Webster.
K. D. Blackshear, (Excused,) Thomas county.—
The Jews.
G. A. Bull, Lagrange.—Uncle Tom’s Cabin.
At the conclusion of the speeches above
the lion. Ilerschell V. Johnson, after a
beautiful and appropriate address, deliver
ed the first medal to Geo. W. Calloway
and the second to E. 8. Law, to whom they
had been awarded.
COMMENCEMENT DAY.
Hon. T. Butler King.—In our tele
graphic column yesterday Avas a paragraph
stating that the Hon. T. Butler King, late
Collector at Ban Francisco, had been char
cd with the using of a hundred thousand
dollars of Government funds. We learn
this morning that tire charge is said to have
originated in a journal published at San
Francisco. It is a pure fabrication. Mr.
King organized the custom-house at San
Francisco under circumstances of peculiar
difficulty, and Avas compelled to assume
many responsibilities in cases not proA-ided
for by haw. In all such instances bis course
Avas approved by the Treasury Depart
ment ; and though as a public officer be
was not acceptable tothe laAvless part of the
population of the city, he received the most
flattering testimonials of respect and confi
dence from the most eminent of the com
mercial community. No man living lias a
more nice sense than Mr. King of duty and
responsibility, and avc do not hesitate to
pronounce any imputation upon his integri
ty as a public officer as a base calumny.
[Boston Transcript. July 28.
ri t i ">
-.1 iii tire
From tlie Constitutional Union.
Judge Hiilycr & the Fire-eaters on Mr. Webster
We have i - eccntly noticed, in tlie seces
sion presses, labored efforts to prove that
the immortal Webster, Avas unsound on con
stitutional Ltav affecting slavery. The ob
ject of these attacks upon the political his
tory of Mr. Webster is, of course, to dis
parage the claims of Mr. Jenkins, who Avas
associated with the great statesman in the
late Presidential canvass. Great injustice
has been intentionally done to the fame of
Mr. Webster—Avhose expositions of Con
stitutional law, whether it affects the insti
tution of si avery especially, or the general
powers of the federal government, have nev
er been and will never be successfully con-
ti’overted. We arc acquainted Avith no au
thentic opinions of Mr. Webster on si a vei'y
as it exists in the Union, prior to the fear-
ftil contest of 1850. At least his position
then—his declarations among abolitionists
then, is the beat exridenee of bis having been
sound or unsound on this great question.
The secessionists will here tell us of his
Buffalo speech. That proves but this.—
“That Air. Webster bad. been opposed to
the acquisition of foreign territory, Slave
territory included,” and if our Southern
Rights friends will consult Air. Jefferson
they will find his opinion to have been
that Congress had no poxver under the con
stitution to acquire territory ! Air. AY eb
ster may have opposed acquisitions on this
ground—lie may have opposed it as being
impolitic and dangerous to the perpetuity
of the Union—but it cannot be shown from
his Buffalo speech that he opposed acqui
sition solely because riic territory might he
From the Constitutional Union.
What sort of Democrat is Judge Johnson ?
In a published letter written by II. Y
Johnson dated Dec. 5, 1850 we find the
folloAving opinion. Will our readers be
lieve that he now has faith in the national
democratic party ?—Ought he not to come
doAvn and support Air. Jenkins, who be
longs to neither of the “accursed alliances”
instead of attempting as he does to defend
the present administration in fostering the
freesoil influence of the North l But here
are his opinions of democracy in 1850 :—
“ A very few reflections will detect the most
fruitful source of all the evils inflicted upon the
South. Prior to 183(5, there were scarcely any di
visions of oj,inion in the South, in relation to the
national questions. In 1840, the derision of the
South was completed, and, under the banner of
whiggery and democracy, the respective parties
rallied to the support of Gen. Harrison and Martin
Van Buren. Each allied with corresponding par
ties of the North and formed what were called
great national organizations. Since that time, each
party has tied with the other in making advances and
surrenders, so as to meet the North in "support of
candidates for the Presidency, nominated by nation
al party conventions. At every step the South has
grown weaker and the North stronger: and to pre
serve the integrity of these national parties, wc
have yielded and yielded until our power is penali
zed : and for tlie sake of elevating particular men
to the Presidency, and their Minions to subordinate
honors, wc have, to some extent, closed our eyes to
our constitutional rights and grown insensible to
wrong.
What then, is the first thing to be done ? Re
trace our steps avc cannot, lint wc can c.t least
terminate these accused alliances. Then, let the first
ol ject of our State convention be the construction
of a true Southern Bights Platform, on which may
be rallied and organized a true Southern Bights
Party, whose watchward shall be uncompromising
hostility to all men and all parties, either North or
South, who arc not only abate suspicion, but openly
and unequivocally in favor of the constitutional lights
of the South. Such a party will hold the balance of
power between contending aspirants for the Presi
dency. Its support and suffrage will be courted by
the North ; and it will very soon result in the for
mation of a sound Southern Bights party at the
North, who in their turn, will exert a salutary check
upon the action of parties there.
Jas. D. Waddell, Greencsboro’, Ga., (2d honor.)—
Latin Salutatory.
Isaac Hardeman, Jones county, Ga.—Tlie genius
of Voltaire.
Henry F. Hoyt, Athens Ga.—Wealth unfavorable
to the doA-clopement of genius.
Valerius C. Mason, Auburn, Ala,—(1st honor.—Ex
cused.)
Robert N. Howard, Bussell county, Ala. (4th hon
or.)—Pulpit eloquence.
John II. Echols, Auburn, Ala.—George McDuffie.
Jas. N. Lc-Conte, Macon, Ga.—(Excused.)
W. II. M. King, Hamilton Ga.—Excess of litera
ture idicative of a feeble age.
JohnS. Baxter, Athens Ga.—Waterloo and York
town.
A. M. McCulloh, Early county, Ga.—(1st honor.—
Excused.)
Joseph M. Carey, Chunnenuggcc, Ala.—A spark,
tho’ a molecule of matter may set the xvorld on
fire.
G. T. Barnes, Augusta, Ga.—(3d honor.) Story and
AVebster—the judge and the advocate.
Jas. D. Waddell, Greensboro’, Ga.—The periodical
press and political institutions.
John F. Cooper, Ga.—(1st. honor.) Valedictory.
[Athens Herald.
At the conclusion, of the speaking, the
degree of A. B. Avas conferred on thirty
five young gentlemen, and that of A. AI. on
twenty-four graduates of the College.
The degree of D. D. was conferred on
Rev. James Shannon, of Alissouri,formerly
Professor of Languages in this College.
Hon. Jno. A. Campbell, of Alabama, Avas
complimented Avith the degree of L. L. D
The exercises were concluded with a
Baccalaureate Address from President
Church. If we are coi’rectly informed,
this is the twenty-fourth Baccalaureate Ad
dress which lias been delivered by the ven
erable President. We trust that the Col
lege may enjoy for many years to come,
the benefit of his judicious direction. AYe
can conceive of no sentiments more inxpor
tant, and more pertinent to their circum
stances, than those which Dr. Church ad
dressed to the-graduating class on the pres
ent occasion. If they willcherishhisprudent
counsels, success in life will he theirs now,
and an enduring inheritance hereafter.
Our University was n ever so flourishing
as at the present time. The Class just
graduated was tlie largest which it has ev-
er sent forth from its halls. No Institution
offers opportunities for education, superior
to those which are enjoyed at the Univer-
sity of Georgia.—Banner.
Russia and Turkey
Thirty years ago Russia was at Avar
with Turkey. As that event may pos
sibly again occiir, it is interesting to re
cur to the sentiments of two of the most
eminent men that existed at that time, of
the merits of the question, and of war in
general. Jefferson, Avlien he xvrote this
letter, was 82 years of age, and John
Adams 90 :
Monticello, Jane 1,1822.
* * * * “To return to the news of the day;
it seems that tlie Canibals of Europe aro going to
eat one another again. A war between Russia and
Turkey is like the battle of the kite and snake;
whichever destroys the other, leaves a destroyer
less for the world. This pugnacious humor of man
kind seems to be the law of liis nature ; one of the
obstacles to too great multiplication, provided in the
meclianicism of the Universe. The cocks of the
hen yard kill one another ; bears, bulls, rams, do
the same, and the horse in liis wild state kills all the
young males, until, worn down with age and war,
some vigorous you tli kills him. * * I hope ice
shall prove how much happier fir man the Quaker pol
icy is, and that the life the offeedcr is better than that of
the fighter. And it is some consolation that the deso
lation by these maniacs of one part of the earth is
the means of improving it in another part. Let the
latter be our office ; and let us milk tlie cow while
the Russian holds her by the horns, and the Turks
by tlie tail. God bless you, and give you health,
strength, good spirits, .and as much of lite as you
think worth having. “Thomas Jefferson.”
MR. ADAMS REPLY.
Quincy, June 11, 1822.
“Dear Sir :—Half an hour ago I received, and this
moment have heard read, for tlie third or fourth
time, the best letter that ever was written by an
octagenarin, dated June 1.
* * * * This globe is a theatre of war: its
inhabitants arc all heroes. Tho little eels in Vin
egar,and the animalcules in pepper-water, I believe
are quarelsome. Tho Bees are warlike as the Ro
mans, Russians, Britons, or Frenchmen. Ants,
e&tapiilars, and cankcrworms arc the only tribes
among whom I have not seem battles; and Heav
en itself, if we believe Hindoos, Jews, Chrisiains
and Mahometans, lias not always been at peace.—
We need not trouble ourselves about these things,
nor fret ourselves because of evil doers; but safely
trust the ‘Ruh r with his .-,kh .• “John Adams ’
fence of the Compromise measures, and especially
in relation to his opposition to and defeat of At
wood, who denounced those measures, I entered
into liis support with a warmth and an enthusiasm,
not common xvith me, these days. Of the manner
inAvhich I gave that support, and the effectiveness
of it, it may not become me to speak—suffice it to
say, that, in this section of Georgia—with my pen
and my voice, in a conversational manner, I left
“no stone unturned," that could be honorably turn
ed, to rally all parties to his support. And it was
with a merry heart that I saw him triumphantly
elected to the Presidency, for I then thought that
the government would be brought back to its origi
nal purity and simplicity—that Gen. Pierce would
call around him, and appoint to office, the sterlin
and steady, the Constitutional and Conservative
and law abiding men of his party, in the A*ariotis
sections of the country. And with these views of
Gcu. Pierce, and conceiving that there would be
hut two parties in the.country hereafter, viz: the
National Democratic, and National Whig parties,
and bcliving the former to be more reliable than the
latter, especially upon the slavery question, I had
concluded to ally myself, fully, with the Democrat
ic party, both State and Nationally. But recent
events (of which I will be sufficiently explicit be
fore I close this letter) and tlie action of the late
Georgia Union Republican or Conservative Con
vention, brought me to a pause, and to reflection,
and the result of that pause and that reflection—the
conclusions I have come to, after scanning closely
mcn and parties, and recurring to tlie past and
looking to the future—I now propose to offer you for
publication.
The “ Union” or “ Conservative” Convention,
then, has not only presented to the poople of Geor
gia, for the office of Governor, the lion. Cuakles
J. Jenkins—one of the purest and best men, not
only in this State but in the whole Union—it has
not only presented one, of whom it may be and (if
it can be said of any man,) “he is without guile,”
and surely without reproach, from any intelligent
and honorable mind, and one who lias served Geor
gia long in the councils of the State, and as the re
cord and experience lias shown, has ever been true to
her brst interests, under any and all circumstances.
Whether it was, in opposing Federal encroach
ments during the days of “Troup and the Treaty,”
the days of High Protective Tariffs, or the still later
day when the sovereignty of the States were as
sailed as in the New-Jersey case—or, whether in
the councils of the State he opposed that demagog
ical and ruinotis spirit that run the State in debt,
without providing means to pay out; that attempted
to build a great Railroad and carry on the gox-em-
ment without taxation, or the means in the Treasu
ry to do so—and issuing State Bonds without provi
ding for the payment of the interest, or redemption
of them, and thereby destroying the credit of the
State. Whether in opposing that ruinous and de
structive and demoralizing policy (by which the
State has already lost hundreds of thousands of
dollars) of issuing State Bonds and borrowing mo
ney to pay the debts of the profligate and extrava
gant ; and which did sink still lower tho credit of
the State, until Mr. Jenkins' policy was adopted and
carried out, viz : of raising by taxation, the credit
of the State—or, whether, in a still more recent in
stance he rallied with Democrats, Whigs, and all
other true Union men of tlie South, to save the Un
ion, and at the same time to protect the rights of the
South, and to prevent Georgia being “ hitched on”
to South Carolina, in her madness—still he has ever
been true to Georgia ! But the members of that
Convention have re-adopted and planted them
selves upon the Georgia Platform—which the
Democratic Convention lately assembled failed or
refused to do—audit not only did this, but it went
still further, re-adopted those good old Democratic
Republican principles, upon which the Georgia
I'.hig party was originally formed! And those
principles are not only such that every old consis
tent “ Georgia Whig” can support with his whole
heart; but every true Democrat, every Constitu
tional Democrat, whether Union or Southern Rights
men, can subscribe to and support them with equal
fervor. With this party—with this organization
that now supports tlie Georgia Platform and
those principles, tlie dictates of duty now tells
me to plant myself, Avhieh I now do. And, Messrs.
Editors, if you and all others associated in this
“Union” organization xvill support and maintain the
principles put forth by it xvith the same fidelity and
zeal, without faltering, that I will (for I am “per
fectly at home,” and “ever have been” in such a
cause,) there xvill be no such xvord as fail, m this
Republican organization in Georgia—and hope
tells mo that xvith its success, the dulcet notes of
“Progress’’ in other States, xvill soon return to us
from the North, tlie East, the West and the South—
xvith the assurance that the efforts of the “Empire
State of the South,” to bring back the government
to its original simplicity and purity, was not a x-ain
effort.
And does not the present situation of our State,
and of the Union, at fliis time, especially call for
such an organization ? Let us look around and see.
As to our State affairs, xvherc is there in the whole
State, a man, whose past course in the councils of
Georgia, xvhosc dex-otion to bis oxvn native State,
xvliose admirable foresight and integrity, and xvhosc
firmness and noble conduct, that dares vindicate
and maintain the right, against the assaults of the
demagogue and time-server, and best fits liim for
Governor, than Charles J. Jenkins ? Lot me re
peat, where is the man, such as the people of Geor
gia know Mr. Jenkins to be, whose past course
gives a surer (or as sure) guarantee, that in his el
ection Georgia xvill go on prosperously and prosper
ing? Echo ansxvers “where!’’—and a “still small
voice” responds, “ surely not his opponent'.'’ And
with such a man before the people of Georgia, as
Charles J. Jenkins, for tho office of Governor;
does not such an organization as the Conservative
party, confer a benefit upon the country, when it la
bors to elect him ? The “records” and my oxvn re
collections of tho past speak, and my oxvn mature
judgment tells me that it does.
But needful as this organization is, for the impor
tant consideration above alluded to—it is still more
important and essential, for a more widely exten
ded and important purpose. Its purpose is not to
promote tlie groxvth and prosperity and defend cr
protect the rights of Georgia alone—but its purpo
ses also, are : to stand by the Constitution as it is;
to defend and protect the rights of the whole South;
to stand up for and contend for the claims and rights
of the Constitutional or Conservative men of the
North, East, West or South, be they Democrats or
■Whigs, to a just consideration in the distribution of
tlie offices and in the administration of tlie Govern
ment, and to contend for their control of it, in pre
ference to permitting it to be controlled (as it noxv
appears to be, so far as the offices arc concerned)
by Free Sailers and Abolitionists on the one hand and
known Secessionists on the other—and in the way
the Conservative party hope to preserve and per
petuate the glorious Union—handed doxvn to us by
our fathers. And is there no cause for this organi
zation, and for xvatchfulncss and activity noxv ? Is
there no cause for the people (the common people,
xvlio are to suffer most, if there be any trouble) of
the South especially now to act, and in a peaceable
and constitutional manner rebuke the present Ad
ministration, lest further delay may bring on part
evils, and at no distant become neces
sary to resort to arms td^fflfTthe Government ot
the tyranny and madness of the Free Soilers and
Abolitionists. The “signs of the times” tell me
now, now is the time to act. And feeble as my pen
may be, and feebler still though my influence may
be, yet I, for one, shall not “close my ears and shut
my eyes,” but, I xvill “heed the warning,” at once.
And what arc those “signs ?” Have you not seen
them, Messrs. Editors? But, for the present, I will
only go back twelve montlis.
A little ox*er twelve mouths ago, the two “Na
tional" parties, the Whig and Democratic, nomina
ted their respective candidates for the Presidency.
On the part of tho \VLigs, Gen. Scott was nomina
ted. From the general unsoundness of the Whigs
of the North, upon the slavery question—from the
defeat of Mr. Fillmore, by the Whigs in Conven
tion, for no other cause, than that he preferred to
stand by the Constitution of bis country, rather
than by the passions and prejudices of the North—
from th^fcaorwn influences that defeated Mr. Fill
more and nominated Gen Scott; from Mr. Sexvard’s
supposed influence xvith Gen. Scott—and from the
declaration on the part of Gen. Scott, in his letter
of acceptance, of the substance, that, he xvould ap
point Free Soilers, Abolitionists, or any other, call
ing himself Whig, and acting with the Whig party
—on account of these various considerations, the
Whigs of tho South and of the Union xvould not
unite upon him. On the other hand the Democrats
nominated Gen. Pierce. And from his Conserva
tive course xvhilst in Congress; from his opposition
to Hale in '44 or ’46; from his opposition to At-
xvood in 1851; and from liis general “pugnacious’
opposition to Free Soilers and Abolitionists gener
ally, and warm support of tho Compromise—and
from the representations of friends and the general
supposition, with the great body of his supporters
that he not only would not appoint Free Soilers and
Abolitionists to office, but that he xvould continue to
spurn and conquer (not buy, by the wholesale, a truce
from) them—he not only received the Democratic
x'ote of the South, but also Union W r liigs, Southern
Rights Wings, and also “Silver Greys," and many
conservative men throughout the Union—and upon
this “Platform” he xvas elected by an overwhelm'
ing majority.
And noxv what has he done, since he has been
elected to the Presidency ? In the only thing of
importance he has done, has he come up to the ex
pectations of the country ? lias lie called around
him the steady and sterling and conservative men
of the country? Look at McLeiland, the Free
Seiler, and one xvlio, I learn, denies “that the Consti
tution recognized any right of property in slaves;"
look at Davis, the Secessionist, and Marcy, the New
York Barnburner or Free Soil coalitionist, and the
bitter opponent of that noble old Democrat, the lea
der of the Conservative Democracy of New York,
Ac. &c. And iu liis local appointments, and espc
daily at the North, has he not dcceix-ed the lar;
majority of his supporters at the South, and perhapi
at the North too—and indeed, lias he not been made
to deceive himself, too ? I have lately seen going
the rounds of the papers, a little paragraph, tliat,
could not but make an impression upon me, whilst
noticing the complaints of the Conscrx-ativc or
Compromise Democrats at the North; and it is to
this effect—the paragraph 'stated, that not long
since, in the Crystal Palace, when President Pierce
met Gen. Scott, the former said to the latter; “Ah,
General, I never expected to meet you on the same
platform/” This xvas, I know, a little pleasantry’
on the part of the President, and' was intended to
apply to tho “platform” in the Crystal Palace; but
I think it quite applicable in a political sense.—
And I, too, can say that txvelve months ago “I ne
ver expected to see Gen. Pierce on the same plat,
form as that avowed by Gen. Scott, in relation to
“Free Soilers and the Abolitionists”! Bat of what
we see generally, and if xvliat President Tierce’s
present supporters at the North noxv say of Ids sp
pointments be true, he Las not only got on General
Scott’s “platform,” in relation to the appointment
of Free Soilers and Abolitionists to office, but he
has even gone far ahead of Gen. Scott, in the (to
us southern people, especially) most objectionable
part of liis letter of acceptance. Gen. Scott only
xvent thus for, viz:
“In regard to the general policy of the adminis
tration, if elected, 1 should, of course, look among
those xvlio may approve that policy for the agents
to carry it into execution, and I should seek to culti
vate harmony and fraternal sentiments throughout the
H'hig party, without attempting to reduce its members,
by proscription, to exact conformity to my own views.
But I should at the same time, be rigorous i:i re
gard to qualifications for office—retaining and ap
pointing no one, either deficient in capacity or in-
of men and parties in Noxv York.L^,..
the Southern Democracy, as well a. * .!
Democracy—and when its old friend
patron “flexv the track” in 1848, and*77 " 6f: -
Free Soil ticket, it still remained true to^
cratic party. It noxv supports Gen. j U
how this old organ of the Democracy ( ar j
the Capital of the State) “hnmbly” co , ;
notices this article. After copying the al *
the Post, the “Argus” attaches to it this re-" ■
to xvhat has been done in Nexv York:
“An analysis of the list of appoint •
in this State, recent and remote, won!
ilar Free Soil triumphs here—proporti
greater than those iu Massachusetts. i~.
least, of the whole number, belonn- , j-i "
Free Soil—or, xvhat is infinitely wor^ L , tt, ' ‘
litioa” category.”
tegrity, or in dex otiou to liberty, to the Constitution
and the Union.
Iu this declaration Gen. Scott only promised that
he would not proscribe the Free Soilers and Aboli
tionists, provided they called themselves Whigs.—
He did not say, either, that he xvonld pass over gen
erally the Conservative Wrings, and give the Free
Soilers and Abolitionists, xvho called themselves
Wings, three-fourths or “four-fifths" of the offices of
the country, as Gen. Pierce has done, iu Nexv York,
if the Albany (Democratic) Argus is any authority.
And for this avoxved policy on the part of General
Scott, last year, xvho does not recollect hoxv icc
Pierce men, ire “good Democrats'’ denounced Gen-
Scott, as the mere “tool of tlie Free Soilers” ?—
Who does not recollect that while many of us xvere
not prepared to say that Gen. Scott xvas an Aboli
tionist, yet from his avowed policy, and in ihe man
ner in which he xvas brought forward, we could not
but truthfully say, that xve believed “he xvould ap
point Free-Soilcrs and Abolitionists to office; and
that he xvould be controlled by them,” See. 1 Then,
xvherc now are all those noble-minded and consistent
Democrats, those Free-Soil4a/i»g and Abolition-
huting Democrats, that ranted so much against Gen.
Scott last year, about “appointing Free Soilers and
Abolitionists to office” ? Arc they noxv “giving it”
to the “Goose” thus, xvhat they gave to the “Gan
der," in anticipation, last year?—are they now de
nouncing Gen. Pierce, as they did Gen. Scott last
year ? But, .perhaps, they are not informed upon
the subject. Vx ell, if it 'oe so, to a limited extent
they shall not be ignorant any longer, if I can help
it. I xvill give them the testimony I have, and not
H big testimony either, but pure Hunker or Conser
vative Democratic testimony and pure Frcc-Soil or
Abolition Democratic testimony. I xvill offer both
together, and mv good Democratic friends may be
lieve either. Both witnesses are the “organs” of
the different xvings of the Democratic party in New
York—and one boasts of the “good fortune” of his
xving, and the other, in “humbleness and sorroxv,’’
admits the “bad fortune” of bis side. If all qnes.
tions were like this, there xvould be no use fora jury
in this country. It is true the testimony only re
lates to two of tlie Northern States—but from ap-
perances, similar results hax’e occurred iu other
States. And what says the Nexv York Evening
Post, the organ of tho Free Soil and Abolition wing
of the Democracy of Nc w-York. A Boston cor-
respondent, in that paper of the 14th ult., thus
writes, viz:
“Coalition stock is rising first in Massachusetts —
Almost all the recent appointments to office are
of men who have been prominent coalitionists and
FRIENDLY TO THE ELECTION OF Mil. SfMNER. Tile
Cambridge Post-office, one of the most valuable in
the State, has been given to a xvorthy democrat, xvho
is not only a thorough-going coalitionist, but xvho
VOTED STEADILY FOR Mil. P.VLFKFY, SO long HS that
gentleman was a candidate for Congress. Tlie
newly appointed Postmaster at Salem, Mr. Loring,
not only exerted himself to elect Mr. Sumner, but a
fexv years ago xvas an out-and-out abolitionist.
I have in my possession a copy of an anti-slavery
attack of the Boston Post on the English Govern
ment. Tho new Postmaster at Gloucester is also a
thorough-going Abolitionist, so much so that he left
the free democracy because they xvere not sufficient
ly anti-slaxx-ry for him.
“Several anti-slavery editors have also lately re
ceived appointments, among them Josselynof Lynn,
who voted for Van Huron in 1810; Colby of the
Newburyport Union and Kr.owlton of the Worces
ter Palladium. Mr. Knoxvlton is one of the ablest
and most popular Democrats in tho State. He
made a very decided speech in the Senate against
the Fugitive Slave Law, and is in high favor
with the free democrats. He is a member of the
Convention from the anti-slavery city of Worces
ter.”
And to this boast of the Post's correspondent,
hear now xvhat the Albany Argus, that sterling old
Hunker or Conservative Democratic organ, says :
This paper, amidst all the changes and vascillation
or “coalition' 7 category
And xvith tins testimony before me, can I •
And yet there are men, in Georgia, if I am ,
informed, xvho contend that Gen. Pierce h
pointed any Free Soilers or Abolitionist. •
With this ex-idence before me, from t’,
xvhich these appointments are made, it w
quire more swearing than all the m.-u ; n (
could do, with the Washington Union in
make me believe that Gen. Pierce has uot
to office a vast number of Free Soilers .--d f
tionists, in the Northern States. In Illkok7
bell, Maloney, Hay, and the officer of the,
at Chicago, all rank Free Soilers, have b . a „
ed—and in New Jersey, Gov. Vroom,air . 7
who made a strong speech, as Lis friends a?
favor of the repeal of the fugitive slave ’- w J
been appointed Minister to Berlin, ami j - , ’
the object of especial favor of the Pre i J. ; *...,
Cabinet. '
And just here, I would call upon my h
true hearted Democratic friends, especially -
this appointment, and examine themselves a E j
if they dont feel a little indignant! Le t tL : > „„
and reticct, and I hope that they will coDvar 7
me, that it is belter to strike a lick that xvill ;•
once, by electing Mr. Jenkins, and thn* r ,
the Administration for such appoints
than endorsing such appointments, by ;
Judge Johnson. But xvliat are the facts i,.
case ? Among those applying for this appoints
given to Mr. Vroom, xvas the Hon. Mr. li
Michigan. He is a gentleman of high chan
great intelligence, I learn—he was in Comm
1850, and xvas among the few Northern u.-n v
voted for the fugitive slave laxx-—his election?
off that fail, and he was beaten by a Fru-Sailcr
account of that vote. He applied, or Ids ffi,.
did for him, for the mission to Berlin—he w.. ,
qualified, and is a true and noble man, xvho. «'
others from liis section were skulking am] r,
to vote, he dared to stand by the Constitution
grant us our rights under it. Here was a c
above al! others, in which the President could 1
shown liis “faith,” by his “works,” if he continu
a friend to the fugitive slave law,—and a ehs
has not “come over tlie spirit of his dream,” in -
lation to Free Soilers and Abolitionists, sine-.-
clection to the Presidency. Here xvas a case
which he could not only be putting in office ahigk-
qnalified gentleman, and rexvarding a good and vr.
tuous and patriotic act, done under trying tin :
stances, and for the doing of winch Mr. Buell »a
sacrificed at home—but in this case Gen. I'i.-r
could have emphatically given tlie Free Soiki-
underatlind (xvas he afraid ?) that in all eas s wl.
they “cut doxvn” those xvho were faithful toil;
Constitution—and he had the poxver—lie w.
raise them up again. But instead of taking tHi
bold and manly course, and carrying out tk mi-
ciples and feeling upon which he was elected to ti.
Presidential chair—instead of giving this missis
to Mr. Buell, Gen. Pierce conferred it upon P.
D. Vroom, a Free Suilcr of New Jersey—and .
man, who it is said, last year denouncal the fus.’
slax-e iaxv, and xvho has never, to this day doia- i
any change of opinion that I have hoard of or
lieve! Buell, though poor and a sacrifice on tL
Itaar of liis country, has been set aside for ont
our worst enemies. And because I voted for 0
Pierce, I am noxv called upon to endorse this, a...
his other appointments, by voting fnr the .l .r ; .-
traticxi candidates, xtiz: Hon. II. V. Johnson, ml
other candidates of the Democratic party'. I si
do no such thing. To say to me that in acting will
the Conservative party', you will be with tho -op
position to Gen. Pierce,” does not annoy orfenii)
me at all, when Gen. Pierce acts as he has, in ;i.
appointments to office. I want to be krurm as is-
opposition, to all suck appointments! and this ti
grand reason, xvhy I separate from associates who
have sure ly been personally very kind to me during
my short co-operation xvith them.
I might go still further gentlemen, and cati in
question the morals as well as the Free Soil ar.--
Abolition tendencies of the Administr ::i >i;. < s. i
bited in its appointment of Wm. J. Brown of In
diana, to an important appointment—in its app suit
ing not only a Free Soiler. but one who xvas pul
licly detected in falschooel and deception, and ex
posed and disgraced in the Halls of Congr ss but a
few years since. But I will stop with these parJ> •
lar cases.
But at this time, Messrs. Editors, it npp-- ' 1
me much tlie largest share of Executive pat tc’
at the North, has been green tothe Free Soil ecu i
the Democratic party. And have 1 not off red ri
strongest kind of testimony to sustain this asser
tion ? And this I lock upon as ominous of uri!.—
Men xvho stood by ns and our rights in the dark
hour had the cold shonlder turned to them, ivLL
open enemies hax-c been basking in the sunshine of
Providential favor—as in the case of Banff aid
Vroom. The National Democrats at the X- ‘ ■ J ’
a class, have been ignore d (as the lawyers ro d 1
say) by Mr. Pierce—-just as tlie National aien at
the South hax-e been, who xvere for the Union up®
the principles of the Constitution. What eff rt im
policy will hax-e upon the National Democr 'snH-
X'orth, xve can only conjecture, and my conjectnn a
that it will be bad—the result may be that the who;
party may be Abolitionizcd. Tlie passion F
prejudices of those around them, and cum: mtly
playing upon them in various ways, is a str- ’ -
temptation, and when it is seen by them that Free
Soilers and Abolitionists stand higher with the M-
tionnl Administration, than they “the old and stea
dy regulars,” the temptation to wrong is stronger
still. As for the statement of the Union, that D"
man has received Executive patronage from f' vi ’
Pierce, who docs not noxv stand upon the principi. -
of liis Inaugural, that is simply a bold and !
falsehood. I xvill simply give you an imuace«
them. Tlie Union some weeks ago proclaimed ri
tlie X r . Y. Evening Post and Buffalo Republic wert
Abolition papers, and denounced them as arch- - "
Well, noxv, it is a generally understood fiu :- t; ’ a!
this same Buffalo Republic is one of the nexv?; ’p r ’
selected in Nexv York to publish the Laws, a •
profits of which are considerable—and it is
that, about simultaneously witli the deuuneiali
tlie Union, the Republic got an Executive j - “
printing worth One Thousand Dollars U V 1
xvhat Georgian is xx illing to endorse such a p'-'
cy? I am not! Consequently, I am deter ni- •
to act with the Conservative party, and thoa_ : - r
the present xve may not make Mr. Fierce c/' V
altogether this policy. I am not without some M e
if we succeed at all events, we can hold on?
the Conservative Democrats and Whigs o’
North some inducement to stand firm by tin ir '-rsn-
ciples, and not give "xvay, but look to the
time, coming!” For myself, I am xxilling to?-
by the hand and heart as brothers, all men at ’
North, who are time to the Constitutional guars- ‘ ’
of our common gox'emment—I dont care xvhat r- :
have been his past party relations—I believe tki?
this common ground can only be preserved byre 1 -
class of men coming ont from the old party J. v:u
ties, and acting in concert xvith the friends «.? ?-*"
Union at tlie South. Whether this xvill ever ta* 1 '
place, is one of those events xvl.ich time alone
disclose. All a patriot can do, is to discharge-
duty for the present, and ieave the future to
Power xvhich guides the destinies of not only
dix-iduals, but of nations.
In our State, I look upon the approaching ^
tion with deep interest—great consequences, in"■
opinion, depend upon it—both in a State and -
ticied poiut of view. With Mr. Jenkins,
finances would be properly managed—xve il- 0 * 1 ‘
have fidoBtv in all the sub >rdin ;• in a v> 1