Newspaper Page Text
From the Chronicle &- Sentinel.
Plain Talk and to the Point.
Messrs. Editors :—If you think the fol
lowing sketch of a political conversation
discussion would he of interest to your read
ers, you are at liberty to publish it—the re
al names of the parties are ol course sup
id others substituted. To ap
pressed, and others
preciate tho conversation, it must be un
derstood to have come off at a Justice
Court ground in one of the Districts in
county not a hundred miles from Cassville
on last Saturday, the regular Justice’
Court day for that District. The hour of
tli c day was about two o’clock in the after
no .n. The business of Court was over, and
all the company that had assembled were
enjoying themselves under a large oak
shade,conversing about the dry weather,the
late showers and the prospects for crops, &c
This was the condition of things, when a
new comer made his appearance. It was
William Shallow, Esq., or ns he is fatnil
liarly known and called Bill or Billy Slial
low, a lawyer from the county town. Now
you must also know that the said Billy had
no business at court that day, and his sole
object in riding out there was to look after
the politics of the District. He is one of
the “working” men of the Secession party
as the Federal Union styles the members of
the late Johnson Convention at Milledge
ville. lie was a Nashville Convention man
in 1850, a warm supporter of McDonald in
1851, and was also a member to the Con
vention that nominated Johnson for Gov
ernor. His business at the aforesaid court
ground therefore was to see after his can
didate’s prospects. And one of the rea
sons that induced him to go was, that he
had heard a day or two before that Mr
Truegrit, one of the Justice’s of the Peace
for that District, (a Union Democrat,) had
declared himself for Jenkins. It so hap
pened that. Squire Truegrit was sitting in
the group when Billy came up and joined
them. This explanation by way of premise
No sooner had Mr. Shallow joined the
company and the usual salutations were
exchanged, than he commenced with what
was uppermost in his mind. “They tell
me,” he said, “Squire Truegrit, that you
are going to vote for Jenkins?”
Truegrit—Well they tell you truly. 1
do intend to vote for him, if I live and am
able to get to the election to vote at all.
Shallow.—Why, you have always been
a Democrat, are you going to quit your
party ?
Truegrit.—There is one tiling, Mr. Shal
low, I never quit, and that is my principles.
Is Mr. Johnson a Democrat?
Shallow.—Certainly he is. lie is the
nominee of that party for Governor.
Truegrit.—How long has he been one?
He abjured the name two years ago—he
called himself, and I believe you called
yourself then, a Southern Rights man. We
heard nothing of the Democratic then, but
we heard a great deal about “resistance,”
“secession,” and “disunion.” Can Mr. John
son or you expect me to vote for him as a
Democrat, when in 1S50 he broke up the
Democratic party—became himself a South
ern Rights man, and denounced as a sub
missionist every Democrat who was for the
Compromise and the I nion ?
Shallow.—But all these issues have pass
ed away. The party has been re-organiz-
ecl since.—We have all agreed to let the
Compromise stand and to support the Ad
ministration of Mr. Pierce.
Truegrit.—Support the Administration
of Mr. Pierce ?
Shallow.—Yes.
Truegrit.—Do you support and approve
the Administration of Mr. Pierce ?
Shallow.—Certainly I do. Our party is
now based and organized upon that ground
—it is the Administration Party.
Truegrit.—We have not had much of
Mr. Pierce’s administration yet. We have
had his inaugural that I liked very well;
and I should like to know if you and Mr.
Johnson and your party approve that ? Mr.
Pierce says the Compromise measures are
“strictly Constitutional.” I think I heard
you, when you were running McDonald,
say that they were not only unconstitution
al but “degrading to the South,” and ought
to he “resisted.” Mr. Johnson, I think,
took the same position. You can correct
me if I am mistaken. And you went so
far up at Boling’s Mills as to denouuce as
“traitorsto the South all who were for main-
taing them and preserving the Union. You
see my memory is good. But, to let that
pass for the present, what I wish now to
know is, whether you have changed the
opinions then entertained and expressed 1
7A . Knlioro -vvlifit Air l > io.rco. snir!
Do you now believe what Mr. Pierce said
of the Compromise measures, and do you
now hold them to he ‘strictly constitutional?’
And have Mr. Johnson and his Southern
Rights party now calling itself the Demo
cratic party, changed their opinions touch
ing these measure ?
Mr. Shallow, (with a little irritation and
coloring some in the face,) I can only an
swer for myself, sir. My opinion of these
measures is* the same now that it was then.
I did not think the South ought to have
submitted to tliexn. But the people have
declared otherwise and I am willing to yield
and acquiesce.
Truegrit.—You do not then approve of
Mr. Pierce’s administration so far as his in
augural on these questions is concerned ?
Shallow.—I do not.—But you ought.
Truegrit.—So I do. And I am willing
to sustain him, and shall sustain him just
so far as he sustains these principles of his
iuaugural. But we have received nothing
IromMr. Pierce yet hut his inaugural and
his appointments toofhee—the one is words,
the other acts. And we are told that acts
often speak louder than words. \ou say
you do not approve his words. I now iv'isli
to know if you approve his arts l
Shallow.—What acts ?
Truegrit.—Do you approve of his ap
pointment of Dix to be Sub-Treasurer at
New' York ? or his appointment of Camp
bell, the open and avowed Freesoiler, of
Illinois, to be a Commissioner to settle Land
Titles in California ? or bis appointment of
Maloney, another open Freesoiler, of Illi
nois, to be Register of the Land Office at
Chicago ? or the appointment of t.ic A.io
litionist, Gray, of the Plaindealer, at (. lc\ 3-
land, in Ohio, to be Postmaster there ? Do
you approve
Shallow.—Oh, youneednotgo on. These
are the appointments that the opponents ot
the Administration are all making such a
fuss about.
Truegrit.—That may be. But my ques
tion is, C (lo you approve all of them, or ei
ther of them ? I had just begun to go over
the list. Is there a single one of them that
you approve?
Shalllow.—There are a great many ot
Mr. P ierce’s appointments I approve ?
. Truegrit.—What ones ?
Shallow.—I approve of liis appointment
of Mr. Soule, Minister to Spain ; Mr. Gads
den, of South Carolia, Minister to Mexico ;
Mr Colcock, Collector at Charleston, and
Col Jefferson Davis of Mississippi, to le
Secretary of War, and many others I could
Truegrit.—Oh, Yes. They were all Fire-
Eaters and “resistance men” two years ago.
They were just like you and Mr. Johnson,
denouncing as “submissionists” and “trai-
man in the South who was then
tors every
for upholding that very Government they
•are now so eager to be fed by. You u
a y
approve such appointments. But do you
approve the appointment of Frecsoilers and
Abolitionists ? That is my question. An
swer it.
Shallow.—Well, if you want an answer,
I will say that I do not.
Truegrit.—You do not. Well said. I
thank you for that. You, then, approve of
neither Mr. Pierce’s w T ords or liis acts ? I
don’t know but that I am a better adminis
tration man than you for I do approve of
what he said ; and yet you base yourself
and your party upon the ground of defend
ing and supporting the Administration. If
this is the only ground your party is based
upon it seems to stand upon nothing. You
must be poor supporters and defenders of a
President when you repudiate both what
lie says and does. Call you that “backing
a man ?” Is that what you call defending
and approving an Administration ?
Shallow.—Well, but we must take things
as we find them. We can’t have our way
in everything, and we can’t expect to ap
prove everything that any Administration
may do. We must take it as a whole.
Truegrit.—That is, you and Mr. John
son, and the whole Southern Rights party
are willing to defend and approve Mr.
Pierce’s Administration “as a whole,” even
if he does confer the highest honors and
greatest emoluments of the Republic upon
the open and avowed enemies of the Con
stitutional Rights of the South. Provided,
nevertheless, he will but, at the same time
heap like honors and emoluments upon
those at the South, who, two years ago, were
for “Resistance,” “Secession,” or “Disun
ion !” The Southern Rights men are will
ing to defend and approve the Administra
tion, “as a whole,” provided they are to be
fed out of the public treasury with the same
hand, and out of the same spoon with notori
ous Abolitionists ? That, sir, is about your
and Air. Johnson’s position. Is it not ?
Shallow.—Gli! sir, you are suffering
yourself to get too much excited upon the
subject. I only wanted to have a friendly
talk.
Truegrit.—Well, I do not wish anything
else myself. I was only presenting the case
clearly to you—and I will leave it to these
gentlemen here, if my conclusion does not
appear fair and legitimate. What say you,
Squire Goodwill ? [He is a Union Demo
crat, who had intended to vote for John
son and who had been an attentive listen
er to the conversation.]
Goodwill.—As you appeal to me for my
opinion I will give it to you by relating an
anecdote. I beard of a horse trader once,
who had a pair of fine looking horses which
lie wished to sell. A man who wished to
buy examined them, and enquired after
their qualities, whether they were genie,
Ac. The trader said they were perfectly
gentle and would work kindly in either
single or double harness. Whereupon he
hat wanted to purchased proposed to hitch
them in a buggy and try them. The tra
der consented. But tlie horses were no
sooner hitched and started, than they ran
with all possible speed, broke everything
to pieces, and nearly killed the man who
put them on trial. All occurred before the
eyes of the trader. The injured man, just,
caped from the breaking of bis neclx,
came directly back to the trader, and wal's.-
lg up to him said, “You arc a d d r?ts-
il, sir.” The horse seller seeing the ca.se
as so clear against him, simply replied,
It does seem so.” Now, sir, if you will
allow me to apply this to your inquiry about
the conclusion of your arguments being fair
and legitimate, I must say that to me, “rf j
does seem so.”
[This story excited a general laugh at
Mr. Shallow’s expense.]
Truegrit.—Now Air. Shallow, I have told
you that I intend to vote for Air. Jenkins,
and if you will but bear me I will give you
a few of tlie reasons. If Air. Johnson has
ever changed his opinions about resistance
and the principles of the Compromise he
has never said so. I was in Alilledgeville
at tlie meeting of the Union Convention of
1850—I heard Air. Jenkins when lie read
that report and those resolutions, which
will make tlie brightest page in our history.
I never felt so proud of being a Georgian
before. There was a general burst of ap
plause from the galleries when he got
through. Air. Johnson was in tlie lobby
and heard it read. A gentleman walked
up to him and asked what he then thought
of the Convention ? His reply v.-as that
he held the whole pad; in supreme contempt.
Now we are told that “out of the abundance
of the heart the mouth speaketh.” And do
you think that I would lie doing Mr. John
son the slightest injustice to say that at
that time he loathed that report and those
resolutions known as the Georgia Platform
from the very bottom of his heart. And
canyon or any body undertake to say tint
lie does not equally loath them to-day. If
lie has become convinced that he was
wrong and lias changed his opinions, wh\*
has he not said so ? It is not enough for
me that after tlie defeat of AIcD on aid in.
1S51 that lie then agreed to make no fur
ther resistance to the Compromise. I have
quite as little confidence in that man’s
change of sentiments, on political questions..
which comes upon himself suddenly upon
the first sight of a minority. 1 was a Un
ion Democrat then, and I am one still. I
was a Georgia Platform man then and I
am one still, and I intend to continue one
as long as the fiag fioats. And there is no
man in the State for whom 1 would more
cheerfully vote than for tlie renowned au
thor of that Platfoim. Tt is not enough for
me to jc told by you that you and the par
ty that runs Air. Johnson are the support
ers of the Democratic Administration of
Air. Pierce, when upon being brought to the
point you are forced to admit that you ap
prove neither what he has said or done.
Here Mr. Shallow grew uneasy—rose and
said :
“You are a hard case,” and after starting
away timid round and said—“Gentlemen
do all of you agree with Squire Truegrit ?”
Air. Goodwill answered—“It seems so.”
Whereupon all laughed, and Shallow sloped.
CHEROKEE.
The Dog that Loved his AIistress.—
An amusing story is told of a young Pari
sian artist, who lately painted a portrait of
a Duchess, with which her friends were not
satisfied—declaring that it was totally un
like. The painter, however, was convinc
ed that lie had succeeded beyond all his
hopes, and proposed that the question of
resemblance or no resemblance be left to a
little dog belonging to tlie Duchess, which
was sent to the hotel of the lady the next
day, and a large party assembled to wit
ness the test. The dog was called in, and
no sooner did he see the portrait than he
sprang upon it, licked it all over, and show
ed every demonstration of the greatest joy.
The triumph of the artist was complete,
and all present insisted that the picture
had been retouched during t]ic night;
which was actually so—the artist having
rubbed it over with a thin coating of lard l
The dog’s nose was shaper than the critics’
eyes.
College Education.—Yale College, with
a college history of one hundred and fifty-
three years, which lias educated more than
six thousand students, and which has a bril
liant career of usefulness still before it, is
asking the aid of its friends to the extent
cf -$100,000.
From tlie Chronicle A Sentinel.
TO THE PEOPLE OF GEORGIA.
You will be called upon, in the exercise
of a constitutional right, during the ap
proaching October to select your Chief
Magistrate, your Representatives in the
National Legislature, and the guardians of
your State interest and honor. L pon no
occasion, in my recollection at least, was
there ever a contest so free from those ques
tions which some years ago divided parties
in our State. The issues are all on one
side, and the calm, deliberate, honest con
victions of the people cannot fail to be—
Lowever.their votes may be cast-—in favor
of tlie Republicans who are now presented,
irrespective of their past party divisions,
have no taste or desire to indulge in person
al acrimony towards the individuals who
have been made the opposing rivals in the
contest for Governor. Air. Johnson, the
candidate of those who term themselves one
year the “Southern Rights party,” and the
next the “Democratic party,” (their princi
ples, so far as the public know or can judge,
remaining the same,) while lie is by no
means unknown, is not certainly distin
guished, in the history of his legislative or
judiciary career, as having imparted much
benefit to liis country, or reflected such
honor upon himself as to entitle him to any
high degree of statesmanship. Air. J enkins,
on the other hand, to whom I have no rea
son to be under personal obligations, stands
confessed, one of Georgia’s most gifted sons.
His character, “fertile in every great and
good qualification,” challenges tlie un
sought admiration of every citizen. His
life, in private as well as public, at the bar,
or in the forum, as a politician, or a states
man, commends itself to the approbation of
tlie wise and tlie virtuous. AYliilelieis el
oquent in debate, be is practical in all liis
views, relative to State as well as national
policy.
But it is not the personcl of this contest
in which tlie people of Georgia are most in
terested ; other questions of greater magni
tude demand your attention; on which, as
one of you, I claim the privilege of offering
my reflections.
The issues which have heretofore divided
the State into separate party organizations
have passed away—the Bank and the Tar
iff claim now the guardianship of no politi
cal party—tlie reason of this it is not ma
terial here to state; the fact alone is impor
tant. The wasteful expenditure of the
public money upon objects of Internal Im
provement never lias been advocated by ei
ther party in our State ; and if any politi
cians in this country have a better right to
father the doctrine, that right, it will never
be disputed, belongs exclusively to what is
known in Congress as tlie Northwest De
mocracy. In tlie foreign policy of this
country, heretofore, no difference has exist
ed; now, however, issues are forced upon
the people, which the Republicans every
where will have to meet. If tlie “ South
ern Rights” party of yesterday, or the
“ Democratic party” of to-day, or the “Re
united Democracy,” or whatever other
name they may choose to assume, have in
dicated their sympathies other than by vo
ting for Air. Douglas in tlie Baltimore Con
vention as their candidate for tlie Presiden
cy, I have not seen such manifestation.—
The people of Georgia, however, have a
right to know whether the Washington or
die Douglas policy meets their approval.
In the policy w hich should govern the State
in her varied interests, no indication lias
been given by Air. Johnson or Ids party
■wliatthey w r ill do. As the champion w ho
traversed the State with the late Governor
Towns, it may he fair to presume, if elected,
Mr. Johnson will follow in his footsteps in
the administration of the State Government.
' The friends of Air. Jenkins need only point
Ho liis past history to learn what course he
will pursue, if entrusted with your rights,
your interests or your honor. But this
■election will have an important bearing on
our Federal relations. The issue here, it is
tme, is reduced to a narrow point. But it
is the isthmus which separates your honor
from degradation, your exaltation from hu
mility, your rights from trespass, and your
integrity of' character from infamy. The
great overshadowing issue in this country,
so far as National politics are concerned, is,
W'ill you endoise the policy of the present
National Administration of building up a
coalition between the Frce-soilcrs of the
Nortli and Secessionists of tlie South under
tlie name and style of the “Re-organized
Democratic party ?” Air. Pierce professed
to be a Union Compromise man. He was
elected upon that truly patriotic and Amer
ican sentiment. And yet his Administra
tion is organized upon the principle of con
ferring power and emoluments upon the
bitterest enemies of the Compromise, North
and South, to the almost entire exclusion of
Union Compromise men from any partici
pation in the government. Arc you pro
pared to give this policy your approval by
voting for Air. Johnson, who was violently
opposed to the Compromise,who denounced
all who were its friends, and who now de
fends Air. Pierce’s appointments of North
ern men, who two years ago were our bit
terest assailants? This is an important
question for you, as freemen, to decide.
Can you, who were for the Compromise,
endorse this policy without a loss of your
own self-respect ?
It may not be inappropriate also, to say
that I was a warm advocate of General
Pierce’s election, and have, therefore, some
reason to know and feel what were the
controlling elements which decided that
contest. No well informed, honest mind
will deny hut that tlie conviction which
existed in the public mind that Scott, if
elected, would bring into power the tree
nail wing of the AYhig party, caused his de
feat. The American people had always
lionored those who had distinguished them
selves in the field, and it is reasonable to
suppose that he who had carried his coun
try’s arms to the highest pitch of military
glory would not have been made an excep
tion. It was the taint of “Sewardism”
that caused his defeat. So sensitive were
the people then, to that political virtue,
which is the palladium of their liberties,
that they cast aside and repudiated a man,
who, under other circumstances, it might
have been their delight to honor. In pro
portion as tlie public confidence was with
drawn from General Scott for fear he would
bring into poAvcr the free-soilers, was it
given to Gen. Pierce, because it ivas believ
ed be would not do this thing. But lias lie
not done it? Is Seward any aa'oi-sc than
Dix ? I put the question to every honest
3nan in Georgia; suppose it had been au
thoritatively announced, before the elec
tion, that Gen. Fierce Avould, in liis execu
tive appointments, favor the tree-soil wing
of the Democratic party in the North, Iioaa'
many votes Avould he have received in Geor
gia ? Could there lia\'e been enough found
to have formed an electoral ticket ? "VY here,
then, is the reason, or necessity, or proprie
ty of endorsing that which you do not ap
prove ? What good can result to the coun-
iry or to your real friends at the North,
such as Dickinson, Bright, and others, by
giving encouragement to a policy Avhich
puts than doAvn and keeps them there. I
would, therefore, rebuke this pandering to
free-soilism, if for no other reason than by
AA’ay of manifesting to your Northern
friends, that it does not and cannot receive
your approval or co-operation.
But it is not only the moral effect of re
buking the policy which general Pierce
has, in my humble judgment, so unAA'isely
pursued, that calls forth the necessity of op
posing AA'hat isnoAv misnamed the “re-united
Democracy” of Georgia. But it is your
security for the future, to guard against the
baneful results of that policy, which requires
that every party tie should be severed soon
er than your rights or your honor should be
jeoparded. AIucli is said about the old
Whig party under another name. Have
those Avho attempt to excite the prejudices
of the people Avith past party animosities
or frighten them with the ghosts of buried
differences, reflected, upon the present atti
tude of your leading statemen ? Those
aa’Iio advocate the election of Air. Jenkins,
heretofore known if you please, as leaders
in the whig party, and who have again and
again been denounced for affiliating Avith
the free-soil wliigs, have long since dissoli’-
ed all connection with them. Can or ought
Georgia Democrats to expect them to ap
prove in Mr. Pierce that which caused
them to separate from the National Whig
Party ? Have the people of Georgia sunk
so low' as to he duped into the belief that
AA'liat is a crime in Whiggenj, is a virtue in
Democracy ? I trust not—and those avIio
attempt it, will find OA'erAvhelming eviden
ces of their temerity in and about the Ides
of October. Air. Toombs and Stephens,
avIio seem to be the cause of most alarm to
the petty partizan politicians avIio assail
them, have not oi will not advise you to
separate from the Democratic party and
join an organization burthened with the
same difficulty, but they plant themselves
within an impregnable fortress, Avhich is
alike secure from tlie successful assaults of
partizan corruption or official treachery.-
They seek not and will not seek within or
Avithout the State any party alliance which
does not recognize in theory and practice
the rights secured to the South under the
constitution of their country. This was
the position assumed by the Union party
of Georgia at its formation. What the}
condemn in the AYhig party they will con
demn in General Pierce ; they approve liis
inaugural upon tlie subject of the Compro
mise. And they are now for holding him
to the bond wliicli be lias given in that in
strument to the people, and will claim dam
ages upon every violation of it Avliether in
part or in w liole. They arc statesmen in
Avhorn you can confide, not tied doAvn to
the damning influence of party fidelity
Avlien inconsistent AA-itli public justice and
public honor. What is the position of the
leaders of what is uoav termed the “return
i ted Democracy,” avIio yesterday assumed
the exclusive guardianship of Southern
rights ? Do they tell you not to affiliate
Avith free-soilers of the North, whether
Whig or Democrat ? Do they advise you
to recognize those only as your friends, avIio
are Avilliiig individually and in their party
organization to admit and protect your
constitutional rights? No! Their lan
guage is very diflerent; a taste of the spoils
lias caused a change to come over them,
and the only Avay to sustain their party is
to let Mr. Dix and his friends have a share
in the control of tlie Government. They
have found out they are mutually depen
dent on each other. The one’s disunion
is not so had after all, and the other’s free-
soilism is made palatable with a feAv mint
drops. Can you, people of Georgia, trust
such politicians ?
Let us look for a moment at the results
of this policy of uniting tlie Democratic
party by giving the Free-soilers the pat
ronage of the Government. In the first
place can any man doubt but that these
enemies of the country will be enabled, by
their position, to Avield a more dangerous
influence against you and yours, Avhcnever
it may suit their purpose to start another
crusade against your rights ? And Avill
they not do it ? AV T ho can trust them ? The
Washington Union argues that because
Air. Dix, and men of that class voted for Air.
Pierce, therefore, they are noAv sound upon
these questions. They liaA'c repented and
can noAA'bc trusted. If this be so it would
be an easy matter, for them to say so. But
AA'lien lias Air. Dix or any one -of Air.
Pierce’s Freesoil appointees, CA-er, by Avord,
“written or spoken,” signified a change of
principle or purpose ? Are you prepared
to say that tlie bare act of A'oting for Air.
Pierce absolves them from all their sins of
Abolitionism ? Why, Naaman was requir
ed to dip seven times in the Ri\ r cr Jordan
before he was made clean, and shall a Free-
soil Abolition leper be made whole by one
washing at the ballot-box? Should avc
not require better and more reliable proof
of conversion than this ?
But, again, if you should appro\-e, bv
your endorsement, such a policy, Avhat ef
fect will it have upon your true and tried
friends at the North ? What effect Avill it
liai r e upon Dickinson and Bright and Bucl,
and such men, who stood by you and your
rights, under the Constitution in opposi
tion to the hitter assaults of Dix and his
crowd ? Mr. Bucl, from Alichigan, voted
for the Fugitive SlaA'C Law in 1850—that
vote lost him his re-election. He is a states
man of high attainments as Avell as gener
al accomplishments. It is understood that
liis name is presented to Air. Pierce’s Cabi
net as a fit person to be appointed as the
representative of this country in Prussia.—
But the place Avas given to Peter D. Yroom,
an open denouncer of the Fugitive Slave
Law. If you should approve this rejection
of the claims of such men at tlie Nortli in
order to provide for your worst enemies, hoiv
can you expect friends to rise up in your
defence in the next hour of danger ?
I haA'e no disposition to indulge in accri-
monious complaints against Gen. Pierce.;
liis motive may be a good one, but lie w ill
discover, too late, that his policy Avas an
error. He had it in his power to have giv
en peace, w'licrc he has brought a sword.—
If the content and unanimity Avhich every
good man hoped was in reserve for the
South, is now lost, it is attributable alone
to the despicable policy Avhich reAvards
treachery to the Constitution Avith the trap
pings of place. The people, hoivever, must
not forget that they have a duty to perform
Avliicli cannot be measured by power or in
fluenced by partiality. Though you may
have carried Gen. Pierce with acclamation
to the highest honor in your gift on yester
day, if he deceives you to-day you oavg it
to yourselves to rebuke him in such lan
guage that lie cannot fail to understand
you. If avc do not stand forth and do our
duty in the present crisis, a fearful respon
sibility will rest upon ourselves. 1 de
spise the little policy of concealments.—
You ought not only to see your duty, but
be prepared to discharge it. Truth.
Caught.
We might take from the Federal Union,
pasmn for the last tAvo years extracts,
which Avhen contrasted Avith each other,
Avould make that special organ of Air.
Johnson, palpably contradict itself. The
following admirable specimens of its fair
ness, and ingenuousness, in conducting the
canvass against Air. Jenkins, will suffice
for this pmrpose, for the present. We take
them both from its own columns, of the 2nd
inst. “ The Pop-Gun Thunderer of the
Capitol,” scatters terribly.
To restore tlie fallen
fortunes of the Whip: Par-
The Party supporting
Air. Jenkins for Govern
or though constructed ot
the original elements ol
the Whig Party, ignores
the name of Whig. It is
a matter of indifference
by w hat name it is called
—it is a sectional party,
and tends as strongly to
Disunion as ever did the
ty, is the sole aim of Mr.
Toombs and Air. Jenkins.
The latter gentleman has
boldly announced, that
lie is more than ever in
favor of adhering to the
National AVhig Party.—
Air Toombs, however, is
more cautious. While
nullification party cf 1833 gia inghis support and en
and far more eerttiinly
than the abused and slan
dered Southern Rights
Part of 1850.
Put a few moons ago,
Air. Jenkins stood in the
Representative Hall of
the Capitol, the champion lor of the Richmond Whig
of the Union. The bur
den of liis song was, pal
eouragement to H’higs,
he wishes to be under
stood as being opposed to
a i estoration of the Whig
Party. But he cannot de
eeive the people of Geor
gia. They, like the edi
understand liis game.—
They knoic his object, and
sied be the arm that w ill, with great unanimi-
Avould dare sever one of I ty, frustrate it entirely.—
its glorious links—‘Woou-j Remember Democrat,
man spare that tree,’ &c.|and remember republican
Whigs, that tlie contest
in Georgia, is, to decide
whether we are toL»ve a
Whig Party us,
whether, Seward and
Grcely Whigs of Georgia,
shall breathe again, or be
forever extinguished.
Never forget it. -
liis argument, sectional
parties—sciering the ties
which should bind the
Avhole people of the Un
ion together in fraternal
fellowship—the curse of
the country—the enter
ing wedge to a dissolution
of the Union. Nothin
to Air. Jenkins, at that
time, was so heart rend
ing, even in imagination
as a clash of arms between
brother and brother. No !
National parties w ere then
the bulwark of the Union
—now, Air. Jenkins is
the file leader of a broken
down and bankrupt fac
tion that boasts of its af
filiation with no men, no
party at the Nortli that
does not subscribe to their
peculiar notions.
Here it will be seen, that the Union
Party of Georgia are charged in the same
issue, with an attempt to revive the 11 hi
Party, and with an attempt to break doivn
National Parties, and establish a sectional
organization. No comment is necessary,
except that the tactics w hich the Federal
Union has adopted in this canvass, and the
plethora of bile, under which it labors, are
the best evidences avc liaA-e of the desperate
fortunes of its party.
In the same issue, from which wc have
taken these extracts, the lotion charges
that - Air. Jenkins is an Aristocrat—a Fed
eralist—and a Native American, opposed
to giA'ing foreigners any participation in
the benefits of this free Government—op
posed to the rights of the common people,
and Avanting in sincerity and honesty of
purpose. These are the charges which it
urges against Charles J. Jenkins, who has
in his political course, extorted the admira
tion of his opponents, Avho has to-day
more weight of character than any public
man in tliis State, and is as plain and as
republican in manner, and feeling, as any
citizen in it.
AVe congratulate ourselves, that for the
honor of journalism in Georgia, the Federal
Union stands alone in making these charg
es. Its Democratic contemporaries will
holding his support and awaiting tbe issue
of events, but rushes blindly into its sup
port, and recognizes bis obligations to a
party he has denounced and abandoned, as
stronger than his obligations to the people
of Georgia.
5. Mr. Jenkins occupies an independent
position to which his principles have led
him—naturally and necessarily. Air. John
son occupies his position as a supporter of
the administration, by an open abandon
ment of the principles, which in newspa-
per editorials and stump speeches lie has
fiercely ad\’ceated.
G. Air. Jenkins’ record is that of a wise
conservative and able statesman, and it is
written in the historv of the State and in
that gradual and continuous progress Avhich
has made Georgia longo intervaUo “the Em
pire State of the South.” Air. Johnson’s
record is that of a partizan politician and
must be hunted up from the files of neivs-
papers and from the proceedings of political
caucuses and conventions. If long, bril
liant public service constitutes a claim to
office, A[r. Jenkins lias a right to the suf
frages of the people of Georgia and Air.
Johnson has none.
Democratic TeMiu-onv.
Mr. Grafton, the editor of the Central i,
a neutral paper published at 8ukfera\ ill,,
mg to the session of Washington com,
Ins issue of tlie 28th of September "nrf'*
spoke ot our candidate for Governor, ’n ? *U
is a Democrat, a supporter of Air. Johns
present a candidate for the Senate, from •]
of Washington. When political opnoi.
speak of Air. Jenkins, can any cncominV, ^ 1
political friends be considered extra. ,
nal if Messenger. "■
“Among those present we notice the II,,-,
Jenkins. Though a regular attendant j
liis hiends will greet him with mo;
pleasure, occupying as lie does the
a candidate for the A ice-Presidem-v ,.
ice-Presidencv on
tickets before the people, is abilitie.-
WORTHINESS, HE HAS SO SUPERIOR ON SITa ^
ET FOR THAT, OR FOR THE FIRST OFFicrj "
governmen t. Ills name, his life, and his ci '
are for a time, public property, winch bv ~ ir
the nil
Hr. Bartow’s Letter.
Holmes ville, July 21, 1*53.
lion. Francis 5. Bartcic :
Dear 8ir—The pleasant duty devolves upon the
undersigned, of informing you that at a Convention
of Delegates from a largo number of the counties
composing the First Congressional District of Geor
gia, held to-day in this place, you were chosen by
unanimous consent, as a suitable candidate to rep
resent us in the next Congress.
Being the first choice of the Conservative men
of this District, as evidently manifested by the un
usually large vote which you received on the first
ballot, avc indulge tlie hope, that at the earliest op
portunity, you will permit us to make known your
acceptance.
With tlie best wishes for your success, and true
sentiments of regard, we are most respectfully,
Your obedient servants,
R. Fopsosi,
T. AIcAulay,
Y. J. Anderson,
AV. R. Manning,
T. S. Hopkins, I
S. D. SuRRENCTjJ
Committee.
not endorse them—Judge Johnson dares
not urge them, before assemblies of tbe in
telligent voters of Georgia.
[Macon Messenger.
The Columbus (Georgia) Lnyuirer, under the
head of “ Important,” speaks pimgently as follows:
“Tlie President and bis Cabinet having visited the
World’s Fair, and made each on the Avay about a
baker’s four dozen of the A*ery poorest speeches
with which a patient people were ever afflicted,
have returned to AVashington City. It presumes
that they w ill now sit down quietly in their places
and resume their former occupation of appointing to
office what few Abolitionists they haA'e neglected.”
In a Dresden Theatre, not long siuce, Ira, Al
dridge, the Ethopian tragedian, was acting “Otello,”
when “Desdemona” appeared intlie last scene in a
real bed, having on real night clothes. The ladies
were greatly shocked, some cried, some fainted,
some left the theatre, others looked up with beeom-
ing loyalty to the royal box, and seeing that Her
Gracious Majesty never took off her eyes from the
interesting negro, they folkwved her example.
From the Alacon Alesscnger.
Reasons why 31r. Jenkins should be Elected.
1. Air. Jenkins has been in the public ser
vice of the S tate for many years—be is iden
tified Avith CA’ery question which lias been
agitated for tlie last fifteen years, for
tlie promotion of the moral, social, intellec
tual and material interests of Georgia, and
in bis public life, lias earned a reputation
for integrity, x'irtue and firmness, brighter
and more enviable than that of any public
man in the history of the State. The po
litical record of Air. Johnson is almost a
blank. His name is not to be found upon
the Journals of the Legislature except as
the recipient of an office—it is associated
Avith no great service rendered the State,
and it is familiar to the people, only as that
of a fierce and bitter partizan.
2. Air. Jenkins is the author of the Geor
gia Platform—the embodiment of tbe prin
ciples and policy of the Compromise Party
of the State and of the Union; and his
election would bo a re-affirmance of tbe de
cision of tbe State in 1850, and an assur
ance that, in the future agitations of the
subject of slavery, it will stand upon its
own Platform, as the only tenable ground,
where Union and Southern Rights can be
maintained. Air. Johnson expressed “thor
ough contempt” for the “whole pack” avIio
erected that platform—denounced it, de
nounced its supporters as knaves or as fools
—refused to acquiesce in it after it Avas
formally the expression of the Avill of the
people of Georgia—and never has placed
himself upon it, and his election would be
a virtual abandonment of that great land
mark of Southern sentiment and southern
policy upon the subject of slavery ; and be
received as a vindication of tbe Southern
disunion movement of 1S50.
3. Mr. Jenkins is an independent citizen
of Georgia; free to Avitlihold or to give bis sup
port to the administration of Gen. Pierce, free
to censure or approve, untrammeled by party
ties, and goi r erned alone by the interests
of the State and of the South. Air. John
son is bound to a party organization, which
Ave have his own authority for saying, is
corrupt, and the destruction of which, we
have his own authority for saying, Avould
be an incalculable benefit to the South.—
He supports an administration, which, in
the inaugural of its chief, endorsed the ac
tion of that “contemptible pack” for which
be had a “thorough contempt,” and wliicli
in its appointments, lias outraged the South,
and has throivn away the fruits of tlie Com
promise A ictor}' of 1850, by receiving back
again into the Democracy, the rejected ele
ments of Free-soil and Abolition, and giv
ing them material aid and comfort. Air.
Johnson sustains a President ivhose pro
fessions of principle he does not approi'e,
and ivhose practices he ought, as a South
ern man, to denounce. His election would
be an endorsement of tlie policy of the ad
ministration in its appointments, and a
committal of the State to the support of
re-organized Democracy—to the support of
a party organization, ivhose members have
nothing in common, but a name, and do not
pretend to any agreement in sentiment or
l>°liey.
4. Air. Jenkins ivas a Union man in 1850,
whilst Air. Johnson ivas at least in sympa
thy and association, a Disunionist ; and
he is a Southern Rights man in 1S53,
ivliilst Air. Johnson is a Submissionist.—
Air. Jenkins stands upon the Georgia Plat
form, adopting and acting upon its tivo
great features of acquiescence and resis
tance. Air. Johnson never has sanctioned
its acquiescence in the Compromise, and
does not resist when the countenance and
support, power and patronage of the nation
al administration is given to the enemies
of the South, does not resist even by with-
Wooustock, Fi.oyd Co., Aug. 1, 1853.
Gentlemen—I have received your letter, infomi-
g me that at a Convention of delegates from a
large number of the counties comprising the First
Congressional District, 1 have been chosen by unan
imous consent, as a suitable candidate for Congress,
and asking my acceptance of that nomination. Tlie
circumstances under wliicli this nomination has
been made, leave me no room to doubt that a large
portion of tbe people of tlie District desire me to till
the honorable and responsible station of their Rep
resentative in tbe National Congress. I am not
insensible to the favorable opinion thus voluntarily
expressed, nor will it fail to arouse in me strong
feelings of gratitude and kindness to the people
who have thus given me their confidence. Impress
ed by these emotions, I cheerfully accept the posi
tion to which, Gentlemen, I have been assigned by
the people whom yotf represent. I accept it with
unaffected diffidence, and with no confidence sai’i
in my anxious desire to fill worthily, a station full of
responsibility and labor, should it be the pleasure of
the people to elect :ne.
It will be my duty, and also my pleasure, to meet
personally, as many of the people of this District
as circumstances will permit, during the interval be
tween this time and tlie day of election, that I may
understand their wishes, and avow my own piinci
lies of public conduct. In the mean time, I be
] cave briefly to express some opinions respecting the
relation in which you propose to place me to the peo-
ile, and which may lie interesting to them. (Should
~ be chosen as their Representative in Congress, fi
delity to the interests of my native State, will be the
cardinal principle of my conduct. Having no
scheme of personal ambition to subserve, and hav
iug learned, I mist, to esteem tlie welfare of my
country above tlie triumphs and spoils of party, I
shall not be drawn, by the one attraction or the
other, from a jealous care of the rights of my State
and the interests of my immediate constituents.—
True independence is incompatible with a slavish
part}’ subserviency, and we have the highest au
thority for the truth “that no man can serve two
masters.”
In tlie other relation which a Representative in
Congress, sustains, to the United States and all its
complicated domestic and external affairs, a few
simple general rules will control my action: and
fust and last, to observe with strict regard that Con
stitution, to the maintenance of which I am already
many times bound by tlie most solemn vows. Up
on its maintenance in its true spirit—upon its per
petuity as it noiv stands—tlie mightyxhain of Union
which binds together tbe power and majesty of thir
ty free and sovereign commonweaitlis, depend the
noblest hopes of humanity.
In looking to the past for great examples and
well-tried paths, after tlie greatest of examples
which AVashington has left a priceless legacy to his
countrymen, I recur to those great men who gave
our Constitution and form of Goi’emment that prac
tical working, most in accordance with the spirit of
liberty. Those men were called Republicans, and
from them we have derived the principles which
have ever governed the people of Georgia.
Questions of administrative policy have distract
ed, and may again distract, the public mind, and di
vide men into parties; but these are temporary, and
pass away ivitn the occasions which beget them.—
The various vexed questions of this sort, which
have agitate tl the country for the past ten years,
have yielded their conflicts to the changed condi
tion and circumstances of tlie nation. Freedom of
commerce, to the utmost limit compatible with the
preservation of the art , is assuming the form of a
Providential necessity, and claims the high mission
of civilized mankind.
There remain to us the vital principles of Re
publican Constitutional Government, which require
at our hands “eternal vigilance.” Foremost among
these, ate the principles enunciated by Georgia,
through the Convention of 1850; proclaiming, on
the one hand, devotion to the Union, and, on the
other, a stern and inflexible determination to pre
serve her own sovereign rights as a co-equal in that
Union, even to the last resort of severing ever}- tie
which binds her to it. The dark clouds which low
ered over our country have passed away, but fanat
icism may prepare another storm. Those who,
amidst reproach, proclaimed their love of the Union,
and strove to brighten its links of strength and
beauty, may, with proud consistency, also assume
tbe duty of guarding those State rights and State
interests, without which any Government would be
despotism. In this effort, ive may hope to have the
co-operation of all.
Of paramount importance, also, to the existence
of our republican form of government, are the prin
ciples adopted by your Convention, and by the Con-
A’ention Avhich nominated Mr. Jenkins as our can
didate for Governor. They meet my hearty con
currence. These principles are intimately connect
ed with the strict obst n ance of tlie Constitution,
with the culture of private and public virtue, ivitb
a just regard to tlie obligations of good faith, and,
by necessary consequence, with the ivelfare, honor
and glory of the country. Such principles, let us
hope, will, through the Divine aid, be graven on
the hearts of our people.
Believing that the National Legislature is tlie true
representative of the peopl ■, and is charged by tlie
Constitution with the highest functions of sover
eignty within its prescribed limits, should I be cho
sen a member of it, I will not degrade or subordi
nate my station, by becoming on the one hand a
satellite of the Executive, or on the other by making
a factious opposition to its constitutional action. I
must be free to approve or oppose, as my sense of
duty may dictate.
Should the relation of representative be fixed up
on me by the people of this District, I shall feel
bound to regard with fidelity, ei’ery interest which
may be entrusted to me. Called into their service
by a generous confidence reposed in my character
and honor, I shall rely now, and always, upon their
cordial support; and will not believe that they will
entertain a suspicion that I can have any less en
larged affection er sense of duty than that which
comprehends this District, and all its people and in
terests, my native .State, and my whole country, j
I tender to you, gentlemen, my thanks for the j
courteous terms in which you have communicated j
to me the action of the Convention, and beg, through ’
you, to have my sentiments made known to your
constituents.
I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,
FRANCIS S. BARTOAV. '
To Messrs, lv. Folsom, T. McAulay, Y. J. An- [
derson, AV. R. Manning, T. S. Hopkins, S. D.;
Surrency, Committee. ;
tiles of party warfare, may be traduced l
enemies, or eulogised by bis friends, without
latter instance, offending bis known distr •".”®
offerings, and which those who know him --
willing to make. AVf. are no champ IO v r '
HOWEVER, AND ONLY IN THE CHARACTER
EIASED AND UNPREJUDICED CITIZEN SP£ VS _
Without any intention to disparage n v
OF THE CANDIDATES OF THE OTHER Tlci;.
HONESTLY RELIEVE Mr. JENKINS TORE Til .
■MAN IN THE STATE, AND JUDGED BY HIS
CHARACTER, THE BEST MAN IN THE U.NIOJ U
have occupied higher positions in the g 1
than be, but few in the hearts of his fj-;,
acquaintances.”
The Democratic Meeting last night w-
meronslv attended, a majority of the andi ; '
ing assembled, doubtless, from curiosin- t.,
hear tlie Hon. Jas. L. Seward, who ws,
tised to address the citizens of Savannah
occasion. After the organization of the me, fii -
Committee appointed for the purpose of '
candidates for the ensuing Legislature. rer« ■
the names of Hon. Juo. AV. Anderson a thi !
date for tbe Senate, and Messrs. Jno. E V
and G. P. Harrison as candidates for theHoij
Representatives. These nominations
IIMM—I} firmed by the meeting. ““**
The Chairman, Dr. R. Wayne, then intro.]
Col. Seivard, who addressed the meeting r ^
three quarters of an hourin a speech t
of argument, connection or interest, an ; V
our opinion was well calculated to do both }]
tow and Air. Jenkins some service in this c .-,,,
From the reputation which had preceded!
er, ive have no doubt that if the honet opinhj.
the large and respectable audience could fc, ( -
ly ascertained, there were not half a dozen n,.
tened to him, who were not disappointed. }
appearances ive could not decide who labored
the speaker in delivering himself, or the tad’
in listening. We have concluded, that hi
ivas an abortion, or to use the classic Ian-
the speaker, “ it died a bornin.”
Col. Seward denied having charged Mr. Bar
with enmity or opposition to the Bnmsvrhi 1
road, but he did not deny that he had cautioi •
people against voting for Mr. Bartow, h,
elected to Congress he might cause a forfritnr
the Company’s Bonds in England. This, no
informed, is an argument he has used against 1
Bartow among the people. But on tl.i
pin;
ivas as “ dumb as an oyster.” He admitted
he bad used tbe Algerine Law against Mr. ,J
kins, and argued, that to elect Air. Jenkins
liaring voted for that law, it would be anendi
ment by tlie people of the principle of the Law
Georgia, and therefore they ought not to elect
But the honorable speaker forgot to explain:
audience, how he happened to support ai> ! vot
Judge AIcDonald two years ago, for Gover.
ivhen McDonald, as our former Governor, acta
signed the same law, and thus gave it its p.
and existence as the law of the land. Wliv <:■
AIcDonald veto the law, and why did Seward r
for him for Governor, after be had signed the la;
Did he forget to explain this to liis audience
night / No. His whoie speech on this and tk •
subjects discussed, appeared to ns to be a lab-
effort to conceal the truth. But thank heaven
had, an audience respctable in numbers and in:
gence, who could discern the signs of the ri
and see through the flimsy veil which lie wish
throw over their vision.
But enough! If Col. Seward is satisfied witi..
effort, Air. Bartow and his friends hai’e no cac
he otherwise.—Savannah Republican.
The Griffin Jeffersonian is calling lord!} \
the great leaders of Georgia democracy to enm
the rescue. It asks “where is Jackson, Colqi
Warner and McDonald in this great extremitj
If the editor speaks of Judge H. R. Jacks- '
can be easily answered if not satisfied. He ha?
ceived liis reward, ample we think it is. fi>r In
sertion of principle, and will doubtless prefer its .
et enjoyment in Austria, to the unpleasant task
again attempting to white-wash the demoenti -
ulchre. Colquitt—AV. T. Coi.qutt, of coffin rr.
ory—is again on the stump. The Georrfi fin
cracy and Judge Johnson will have the till! Vi-
of his Jirery eloquence. Judge Warner—wcl
the fact will not shock the nerves of the editor
the Jeffersonian, is we understand, giving “aid
and comfort’’ to Jenkins, as he did to Col. Hrin
prior to his withdrawal. Gov. McDonald, has'
the State on a northern tour. AA'c know r.rt if s r
is the cause of Ms departure ; but we are sadsii'
that he must feel disgusted with politic?. Thr
gain between Johnson and Cobb will be Ira* i
membered by his friends and Jmlge John- ' jv
as easily * call spirits from the vasty deep’ a- ■
successfully the aid of liis distinguished rival
The fact is S. R. men are dissatisfied with
democracy of Georgia, and tlie few Union ecu
moerats and wliigs who have gone over loth-m.k
done so at the sacrifice of principle and are win
character, consequently, either with one side or
other. They have lost all influence, and it is'
to call upon even the most distinguished oft!
aid. Their endorsement of the 8- E. can :
—of the 8. Ii. democracy—give no additional v'-
to the S. R. currency. They are themselves f
litical bankrupts.—Mnrrictta Union.
Rcep it Before the People.
That H. A*. Johnson, iu 1850—51, was?. -
ionist and disunionist, but now professes to G
Union man, and to acquiesce in tlie com;. •
measures, in order to catch Union votes,
Keep it before the People, That Air. Johr- n
nouucedall Union men as fools and knavt.-.
said he had no sympathy or respect for thei —
morci-er we have the document to prove ii-
Keep it before the People, that any office— ’"
who will profess to change his position in “r<\p
get into office, is not worthy the confidence 1,1 g
body. Johnson and Dent are both guilty of this-
Keep it before the People, that Johnson a:
Dent both supported AIcDonald for Govrnor. in 1'
who said in a speech at Canton that “ he '-vas r
on the Georgia Platform, and he did not vi
be,” and who the year previous was Presiueu
the Disunion Convention at Nashville.
[Lagrange Rtpsrts
Death of f ol. Bliss.
The New Orleans Bulletin, on the 6th h-t-/'
ded to tlie death of this distinguished officer in -
following touching and felicitious terms—“V e f ’
ed last evening, by telegraph, of the death ct l*
A\'. AA r . 8. Bliss, of the United States Arm.'- -
died at East Pascagoula, yesterday morning- a- 1
clock. Tlie disease which caused bis dcata v - -
Yellow’ Fever—that fell pestilence that i-.ar.x- -
pall of doom over, and penetrates every part - •
devoted city, and seems to be spreading
wide in every direction. Neither the » a-h ire ...
the river coast appear to be exempt from the* r .
scourge. Bnt let ns not murmur! The ctsrten®
of Him who knoweth best what is good ‘ ul
should be committed to nmeomplainingly
Tlie history cf Col. Bliss is familiar ••••“
of our readers. He was a man of mark : ? .,
action ; a man of lofty soul and deteninD- ~
and patriotism ; a man who had served his 1 '■ y‘ r
long; usefully and brilliantly ; a man who ? 1
ed his name in ineffaceable letters, upon t?> •
glorious pages of American annals; am*n -g,
name will forever remain prominentl.y i
with Gen. Taylors victories, commer.cirj ;
Alto and ending on tlie desperately contest?
magnificently won field of Buena A ista. 1 ••
emergency, Col. Bliss acquitted himself m f
ner to command the approbation of the cor-'- g
in-chief, and win the applause of bis a--' .
In his death the army lias lost a gallant,eM 1 „
ed and skillfull officer, and deserving eith—
Senator Douglass.
Tlie AYashingtcn correspondent of the L-
Clipper says:—
“The statement in the newspapers that - ^
Douglas has renounced Protestantism r.nc
a Roman Catholic is not believed in tins r-‘
IlOUldll VulilUlB. lo IUH ULUHLVA , rrj
although it may be true. As to his piety ’,,
• • than that ’i y;
IIf.ar Them ! —The last No. of the Dalton Times [
in giving tbe reason for their recent change in sup- (
port of Congressional candidates, uses the following (
language: * (
“ Scarcely had the ink dri#d which recorded our .
adherence to the fortunes of the successful aspi- ’> place him in opposition to “ intervention,
rant, when tiie harsh tocsin of rank rebellion rang : I!0 t countenanced by the church, and th , r v
throughout the District, proclaiming, at one and ( wou ](] ] )e s ]. 0 m of the political material o»
the same time, tlie unblushing perfidy of disap-i he relies, in part, for elevation to the Fr« :
tinintpil to their own most saerotl *
reported event, it was not greater ,,
political neighbors generally ; although “ _ Jt
Honorable man and a clever, generous *?*•-'
xS well known that the “Little Giant, is a
'■ynipathi.iir.g propagandist, and an snni
in the fullest sense of the term—the .
ment of the “Young America principle ‘U-,,,in
braces China, Cuba, Canada, and all otu
tries within reach or travel. ^ . . ffC ,i
To embrace the Roman Chathohc ^
pointed office-seekers to their own most sacred
] fledges.”
AVell brethren, we think you are rather hard on
yourselves; ffir although you were not tlie first to
break sacred pledges, you no doubt consider that
you will be the most effectual.—Cassville Standard.
chair
But 1
conscience
msv be superior to ^ oin ,..
• ivuv V “"V a A- KuU‘ l
and it is possible that he has “gone over 1 ^ t ;
which of course he had a right to do. ’ -
political as
event may be regarded as a
religious event.