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XXXIV.
[lSjE , KJOWIES & OEME,
editors and Proprietors.
' w eC opj>f.r is published weekly, and is
' , A ., ; ,j vitli a monthly Agricultural Sup-
jjii' low price of Two Dollars per an-
‘;j i n (ulrnncc—if not in advance, Two
'■ •'l Fifty Cents—and if not within the
! 'r Arr. Dollars per annum.
’, r< for the Recorder, to receive atten-
, ] ' -* after be accompanied with the mo-
'® a .rood reference.
' , s w isliing the direction of their paper
; 1 notify us from what office it is to be
\roimr terms will be strictly observed.—
old arrearages be reduced. Our
*’ ci! ), 0 ] ia ve not regularly done so, are res-
i* ; ;‘‘ v ;tcd to settle up and thus avail them-
. ■ - advantage of our reduced rates.
•4tisemests conspicuously inserted at the
. Those sent without a specification of
•tions, will he published until
f ,nt. and charged accordingly.
' Land and Negroes, by Administrators,
' ‘. or Guardians, are required by law to be
first Tuesday in the month, between
. of ten in the forenoon and three in the
,;, e Court-house in the county in which
. "J v ;. situate. Notices of these sales must
; u ‘ a public gazette forty days previous
jjv of sale.
1 for the sale of Personal Property must
at least ten days previous to the day of
t0 p r Wors and Creditors of an Estate
d FORTY DAYS.
.-'that ■ 'plication will he made to the Court
r r fo leave to sell Land or Negroes, must
. , i weekly for two months.
i t Letters of Administration must be
days—for Dismi sslon from Adminis-
sir. Months—for Dismission from
forty (toys.
oti for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be pub-
,. : iihhj fir four months—for establisliing lost
f,r the full space of three months—for com-
'titles from Executors or Administrators,
bond has been given by the deceased, the
Lgtof three, months.
t'i'.ins will always he continued according
the legal requirements, unless otherwise
moss in the line of Printing will meet
limit attention at the Recorder Office.
iTr.Rs on business must be post-paid.
EE23 FREDERICS
female ^cmuiani.
* **3yj-t.-
FpHy-*n It £* j X"~-T
M, I 1 JU
«f.-. ■ri'Tfs
SLOCATED iu Frederick City, Mo., on a
ral in inch of the Baltimore and Ohio Rail
hours ride from Baltimore. The Sclio-
£,• 'Juries wiii he resumed on MONDAY the 5th
SEPTEMBER next.
; ans of the Magnetic Telegraph, intelli-
: v lie communicated between parents and
-Wn iumost instantly, if necessary, and in al-
stall directions.
His institution has an able and efficient Board
Professors and Teachers, nine in nunrber, and
i! iii successful operation for the last eight
I a large number of Scholars—it has large,
ad elegant apartments, furnished with such
i rt- ami conveniences as are calculated to con-
n:e to the enjoyment and facilitate the progress
: noils. It has a good Library, excellent
Instruments, an extensive Chemical and
ile-sephical Apparatus, and it is confidently
this Institution offers as many fadli-
ir imparting a thorough, extensive and refined
tstoa as any Seminary iu the land.
wry desirable that Scholars should com-
iviili tli ■ opening of the School in Septem-
kt they will be received at any time during
y.-sr, and will be charged proportionably from
of their entrance to the close of the Scho-
ie year in July.
f For Board and Tuition, including furnished
... Wishing, Lights, Fuel, Sfc., $200 per Scho
tt it, payable half yearly in advance.
■ Circulars and particulars, enquire at this of-
m,''dress II. WINCHESTER, President.
viJ. 32 4t
SfV FOR CLAUS AT WASHINGTON CITY.
IE Subscriber, lately a Clerk in the Pension
Oficc, and fora number of years past, has op-
d tin: City of Washington, an agency for the
l it n of claims against tlie General Govern-
Having access to the largest collection of
see of Revolutionary sendee (particularly of
?in the staff department) to be found in the
- i any private individual, embracing service
1 in each of the old thirteen States, it will
him to establish many claims which have
r mained suspended for want of proof and
^attention.
: r fore offers to the public his services in
showing cases, viz:
fTOlntionary and other pensions,
wended and rejected claims under the Pension
feieationsfor increase of pension; also claims
:;ty la. 1, extra and back pay, and all other
• before Congress and the various Depart-
R.towhi lithe most prompt attention and fi-
T will be given.
a s mod'-rate, when the claim is established ;
psise no charge.
mmuiiications to be postpaid, .and directed
■rili sen her, Washington, I>. C.
ORRIS S. PAINE.
Npennbh-d toreferto Col. J.J.Abert, Chief
sip- iif Topographical Engineers; J. L. Ed-
i.-':.. te Commissioner of Pensions; J.
trret, L q., Postmaster, Washington City, R.
' r ӣ, Millcdgeville, Ga.
'Fiington City, July 19,1853 30 tf
ttle imp
HE unde
miles froi
1
harga
t i
19.1851
roved rand for sale in Lowndes.
I'.-ignod has not yet sold his place 4
u the Brunswick and Florida Railroad
building. In this body of land tlicre
fine hammock and pine land—230
s well watered, healthy and fertile,
n can be had. Come and view it.—
Sharpe’s Store P. O. Geo.
D. B. GRAHAM.
29 tf
CIRCULATING LIBRARY
AT
rr!:, J, WHITE’S-®
MUG All) BOOK STORE.
Lp A cool drink of SODA W ATER
for the small sum of fire cents.
185:; 27 tf
n.,„ , Notice.
I ' ■' " ;i uaibers having bought out the interest
• ah other parties in the
\>0:.L CARD AND CRIST MILL,
:> i 1 the Factory,) lately owned by D. A.
LLX. & C<)., has put the same again in ope-
- and will he happy to serve all may favor
■ a their patrouge. It is intended to put a
f WOOLEN MACHINERY into the
eflis season, and persons desiring it can have
• "ool spun and wove to order on reasonable
D. A. JEWELL.
5^29. 1853. 13 tf
p.... FOR SALE.
t , 1 '^hscriber offers his Plantation containing
.:**» Acres more or less, 6 miles from Mil-
; H from No. 16, Central Road, and situ
Oconee river, (the place was formerly
y .'Ir. Joel Tucker,) also, his Mules, Wng-
, 'C ot all kinds, Corn, Fodder, &e. The
^ easy, and will be made to suit purchasers,
.y il!11 ple security is given. The Overseer on
' y : Mr. Prince, will take pleasure in showing
to those desirous of purchasing,
f j; ,! - v . t0 Dr. J. G. HOWARD, Savannah.
_ uuuiiialist will publish weekly ’til forbid
~ at ' CIJl mt to the Recorder Office, for settlc-
■ J. G. H.
i6M853. 33 tf
| ■ iCE —,\ji persons are hereby forewarned
>';uur,sj, a ,..; u „ on the land in possession of
',! L v mg in Baldwin count}" on the \va-
°j' ;i Crock, consisting of nine hundred and
| 1 ‘ ’ 0 ■■■• adjoining the lands of the widow
p ^handler, James Russell, Elijah King
! -i‘‘""’ n y, as he is determined to enforce
' "gainst all trespassers.
WILLIAM BABB.
* ,,!t ->,1853 ‘ 31 2D
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, AUGUST 30, 1853,
HGXjCOS&BE, JOHUTSOI? 6i CO
H'™s- ST0RE ’ and landin ? by recent ar-
Sugars—50 Hhds. prime to choice Porto Rico,
,18 “ ^St.CroH, Ne "’ 0rlcans -
I o B ,Is - Stewart’s B.
100 u u i
50 « «
20 Boxes “ Loaf,
30 B !^ S - “ Cru 8hod,
Coffee—500 Bags fair to prim^Rio,
<5 “ Old Cuba,
“ “ Java,
“ “ Brown Java,
Flour—ub Bbls. ffiram Smith—New JHicat,
Baltimore,
Vf “ Eure Genncssee,
50_Half Bbls. “ Extra.
3-icon 75 Casks Choice Sides,
■’L* “ “ Shoulders,
Pork-25
. b0 “ Prime,
50 “ Rump.
Molasses—50 Hhds. AVest India,
75 Trees. “ “
50 Bbls. New Orleans,
25 “ West India,
10 “ Stuart Syrup.
Soep and Starch—200 Boxes Pale and No. 1,
„ 50 “ Poal Starch.
Candles—50 Boxes Sperm, q
100 “ Adamantine, i ? an °us
50 “ Tallow, J brands.
Tobacco—200 boxes various brands.
Segars— 20,000 very choice Spanish,
100,000 half Spanish,
100,000 American.
Bagging—100 bales Gunny,
15 “ Dundee.
Hop G—-200 coils Weaver’s,
50 “ Kentucky.
5?wine—10 hales three pl v.
3. alls ins—50 boxes Bunch,
25 half boxes Bunch.
Almonds—5 frails soft shell,
nuts —10 bags Brazil,
10 bags English Walnuts.
Xeard—25 Bbls. No. 3 Leaf,
50 Kegs do. do.
Candy—50 boxes New-York, extra assorted.
50 “ Savannah.
Crackers—25 Bbls. Butter,
25 “ Sugar,
10 *• Soda.
Fo reign, and Domestic Isiquors—
10 qr. casks Brandy Seignette,
5 lilf. pipes Lazarac Brandy, 1835,
20 qr. casks pure Malaga Wine,
10 “ “ pico “ “
100 Bis. E. P. Gin,
50 “ Connecticut River Gin,
50 “ New-Eugland Rum,
100 “ New-Orleans Whiskey,
40 “ choice Mobile “
5 pipes Holland Gin,
20 Bis. Domestic Brandy.
For sale on favorable terms at
1S7, 189 and 191 Bay Street.
Savannah, August 23,1853 34 4t*
E&E & WSITBHEAS
COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
So. 207 Bay Street,
Savannah, £ia.
J. W. RABUN,
I. P. WHITEHEAD.
August 23, 1853 34 4m
WASKEURH, WILDER & CO.,
FACTORS AND COMMISSION MERCHANTS,
Savannah.
JOS. WASHBURN,
JXO. R. WILDER,
ERA’S G. DANA.
August 23,1853 34 8m
THOMAS C. AURAS,
A2SCSKSY fi.T LAW,
SPARTA, GEORGIA.
August 9, 1853 32 6m
F
Bagging ! Sagging ! !
OR sale very low. Enquire of
D. H. VAN MATER.
Eatonton, August 23, 1853 34 tf
IOC Coils Slope !
FhF good quality, at the lowest Market price, by
iJ D. H. VAN MATER.
Eatonton, August 23,1853 34 tf
FIREPROOF WAREHOUSE.
r jjnilE undersigned having associated Mr. OVID
_L G. SPARKS with him in business, continues
to transact the Warehouse and Commission Bu
siness under the name and style of
HARDEMAN &o SPARKS.
Their undivided attention will be given to all
business committed to their charge. The long ex
perience of the undersigned as a cotton seller, add
ed to his desire to please as well as faithfully. to
serve those that may patronize the new firm, give
him to hope that the liberal patronage heretofore giv
en to Hardeman & Hamilton, will be continued to
Hardeman & Sparks. They will risk nothing, ei
ther in purchasing or by advancing on Cotton as
they have determined to confine themselves to bu
siness with Planters, and to them liberal advances
will be made on Cotton in store. Family supplies,
with BAGGING and ROPE, will be furnished
our friends at the lowest Macon prices.
THOS. HARDEMAN.
Macon, August 17, 1852. 34 H
DECATUR HOUSE.
THE Proprietor of this establishment
respectfully informs the public tliat it has
undergone*thorough repair, large addi-
tions having been added to the former
building, so that Travellers, Boarders, Ac., can find
as good accommodation as can be found iu South
western Georgia. . ,
The TABLE, will be furnished with all the sub-
stantials and luxuries that the country affords. Be
ing determined to be outdone by none, lie will spare
no''labor or expense to furnish as good eatables as
can he found in the Southern country.
The BAR will bo furnished always with the best
of Liquors, Wines, Cigars, &c.
The STABLES—Iu this Department he cannot be
excelled, having one of the most experienced Ostlers
in the State. ,
-i be Proprietor would say to all those that are
pleased to patronize him, that he will use every en
deavor to make the Hotel have all the comforts of
home, so necessary to the travelling public.
Thankful to his old patrons for their favors in
times past, he hopes his endeavors to accomodate in
the future will insure a continuance of thv same.
W. W. HARRELL.
Bainhridge. Ga, April, 1853. 38 0m_
Laurens County Court of Ordinary,
July Term, IS53.
S YMUEL YOPP, surviving Administrator on
the estate of Zachariah F.Barfield, deceased, peti T
tions this Court for letters of dismission on said es
tate and it appearing from the receipt.-, of the Le
gatees of said estate, that it lias been fully admin
istered : It is therefore ordeed, that all persons in
terested will take notice of this application for let
ters of dismission, and file their objections, if any
thev have, in my office, on or before the second
Monday in January next, why letters of dismission
should not be granted. _ .
A true extract from the^mate. ofguJ Cort
of Laurens county.
-r , in iq-q 28 m6m
July 12, let>3
B ROUGHT to Jail, in Swainesboro’. Emanuel
county, Georgia, a negro man l>y the name cri
EDMUND, about 45 or 50 years old, baldhead, has
a white spot in the sight of his
it does not effect the sight of the e J .
belongs to William Gradey of Richmond, A
k that lie runaway from Gradey m the upper
of this State, and that he was taken up by a man by
the name of Bud Lee, who harbored lam for some
time and then took him from where Lee lived m
Sumter countv, to this county, tried to sed him and
could not, left him with a Mr. V llli.am Hall, for a
few divsto return home on some business, and lias
not bcim hoard of since he left about two years ago.
The owner is requested to come forward, pay char
ts! prove property and take him away, or he willbe
disposed of as theiawdmects. Jailor .
31 tf
July 20, IppS.
For sale low for Casli#
A T the Georgia Penitentiary, any quantity of
^. T coarse SHOES, and one and two horse
WAGONS, «uJ Jersey W.goi.s, toRc" uli D“ti
A
JSBiKS. ell ready made.
Those P- K G. t
June 2 J, l~5k
To the Peojilo of Georgia.
Tlie Convention of the friends of the
Georgia Platform, which assembled in
Alilledgcviile on tlie 22d of June, present
ed the name of Charles J- Jenkins as a
candidate for Governor at the approach
ing election, and appointed the undersign
ed a Committee to address you in behalf
of their candidate, and the principles upon
which they ask your co-operation in his
support.
r l his Convention was composed of those
who, however widely they may have differ
ed upon some questions of policy in tlie
past political history of the country, have
always agreed upon these fundamental
jirinciples of true Republicanism, which
are now so prominent in the controlling
issues of the day. The basis of their pre
sent political action is that which ought to
characterize all political organizations.—
1 hey agree with each other on the leading
practical questions before the country, and
have united to maintain and carry them
in the administration of goverment. These
questions are set forth in the resolutions
adopted by the Convention. To call your
attention to, and to ask your careful con
sideration of, these principles, and the po
sition of our opponents towards them, is
the object of this address. These Reso
lutions are in the following words :
Resolved, That we adhere to the Report
and Resolutions of the Georgia Convention
of 1850, because we consider the principles
therein proclaimed arc not less important
to the maintenance of tlie rights of the
States than of the Union of the States;
and that we consider tlie rights of the South
ern States as in great and imminent dan
ger, and the principles of the Georgia Con
vention greatly jeoparded by any political
party, whatever may be its name, which
recognizes Abolitionists and Freesoilers as
worthy of public honors and public emolu
ments.
Resolved, That in tlie opinion of this
Convention, both the Whig and Democrat
ic parties of the United States have been
faithless to tlieir oft-repeated pledges of
economy in the expenditure of tlie public
money, and that we view with great alarm
and disapprobation the partial, unequal and
unjust appropriation of the public lauds to
internal improvements in particular States,
and of a local character ; and of tlie public
money to wild, reckless and gigantic
schemes of internal improvement, intended
for the promotion of particular interests
rather than the general benefit of those
who hear the burden of taxation.
Resolved, That the public lands are the
common property of all the States of the
Union, and in tlieir appropriation equality
is the only true rule of equity, and that any
alienation of them, except to bring money
into tlie public treasury, should be for tlie
equal benefit of all the States of the Union,
old as well as new.
Resolved, That while struggling freedom
everywhere enlists our warmest sympathy,
we still adhere to the doctrines of the Fath
er of his Country, as announced in his Fare
well Address, of keeping ourselves free
from all entangling alliances with foreign
countries, and of never quitting our own to
stand upon foreign ground. That our mis
sion as a republic is not to propagate our
opinions, or impose on other countries our
form of government by artifice or force, but
to teach by example and show by our
success, moderation and justice, the bles
sings of self-government, and the advanta
ges of free institutions.
Resolved, That this Convention avers
that tlie maintainance of the honor and
dignity of the position assumed by Georgia
in 1850, and the promotion of the moral,
social, intellectual and material interests
of her people to be objects of far greater
importance than the success of any nation
al party.
Upon these resolutions we propose to of
fer some comments. For the better under
standing of the import and hearing of the
first, and the principles affirmed by it, as
well as the nature and extent of the oppo
sition to it, it will be proper to review the
history of parties upon the subjects em
braced in it, both in and out of our State
for the last few years.
The acquisition of California and Now
Mexico by conquest from Mexico, gave
practical vitality to the anti-slavery senti
ment of the Northern States, and greatly
extended it. With this subject also was
raised important constitutional questions
relating to the powers of the General Gov
ernment, connected with slavery in the
territories, upon which tlie people of the
South were greatly divided. AYliile all
the people of the South claimed the right
to emigrate with their slaves to the new
ly acquired territories, they differed main
ly as to whether any or what sort of legis
lation by Congress was necessary to se
cure them in the quiet enjoyment of this
right. These questions were started in
1846, and in the early stage of the contro
versy a very large majority of the people
of the South held that Congress had no
power, under the constitution, to legislate
at all on the subject of slavery, (either for
or against it,) and tliat the Constitution
alone, without legislation under it, amply
secured this right. A considerable num
ber which, afterwards, greatly increased,
held on to the contrary that legislation by
Congress for protection of slave property
in the territories was warranted by tlie
Constitution, and was absolutely necessa
ry for the secure enjoyment of this great
constitutional right.
At the North the opposition to tlie in
troduction of slavery into the territories in
any way or on any terms was almost uni
versal. And the legislatures of all the
Northern States, except one, (Iowa) affirm
ed that it was the Constitutional right and
and moral duty of Congress to prohibit
such introduction by possitive legislative
enactment, and instructed tlieir Senators to
enforce such prohibition by what was com
monly called the “NY ilmot Proviso.” A
small number at the North held with the
majority of the South, that Congress had
no power to legislate at all on the subject,
either to prohibit the introduction or to pro
tect the right to hold slaves if introduced ;
these were tlie leading features of tlie main
questions at issue.
The public mind became unusually ex
cited as a consequence, upon the whole
subject of slavery ; and this territorial dis
cussion drew into its vortex other cognate
questions, which pressed with equal force
for solution. Among these were the Fugi
tive Slave Law—the Texas Boundary, and
slavery in theDisirict of Columbia.
These questions continuing to excite the
public mind, assumed a controlling and
alarming importance in 1S49 and 1850, and
then absorbed almost tlie exclusive atten
tion of both Congress and the country, and
bursted the bonds of party, both in the
North and South. They were vital ques
tions, more important to the country than
all other party issues, and rightfully and
legitimately broke these bonds, and men
united upon them without regard to their
former party alliances. The result of this
conflict was that Congress passed a series
of acts for the settlement of these issues
commonly known as the Compromise Mea
sures. The territorial question was settled
upon the precise principles demanded by
the great majority of the South. The Wil-
mot Proviso was defeated—the right of the
people of the territories to come into the
Union, when they shall be admitted as
States, either with or without slavery, as
they may determine for themselves, was
affirmed ; abolition of slavery in tlie Dis
trict of Columbia, avas defeated, and a fu
gitive slave law was enacted according to
the most rigid requirements of the South.—
These Compromise measures and those
who supported, or were willing to accept
them, were violently assailed both at the
North and the South. Denunciations of
public meetings and legislative assemblies,
mobs, riots and violence, marked the oppo
sition of tlie freesoilers at the North. Coun
ty meetings, State and Southern Conven
tions breathing hostility to the Union, and
devising means for its overthrow, marked
the opposition at the South. Gov. Towns
of this State, in alleged obedience to law,
called a convention of the people of Geor
gia to determine the mode and measure of
redress for which it was asserted these mea
sures inflicted upon ns, and his appeal to
the people resulted in the triumphant suc
cess of the friends and advocates of tlie
Compromise in this State. The Conven
tion which met in December 1850, by a
very large majority adopted a report and
resolutions drawn by our candidate, Chas.
J. Jenkins, covering the wliole subject of
slavery as far as it was acted on in these
measures. Of tlie merits of tins report
and tliese resolutions, we need not non*
speak—they constitute what is known as
the “Georgia Platform.” They make, and
will ever be regarded as one of the brightest
pages in our history ; time and experience
will but unfold tlie forecast, wisdom, pa
triotism and statesmanship which conceiv
ed and embodied the ideas and sentiments
that characterized them. And had tlieir au
thor never done anything else, they would
have been sufficient to hand down his
name through all time to come, as one emi
nently deserving the remembrance, admi
ration and gratitude of liis countrymen.—
But the opponents of tlie Compromise in
Georgia were not satisfied with this “Plat
form,” or the position assumed by the State
upon its principles, and notwithstanding
the overwhelming majority in its favor in
1850, they again organized against it, and
raised tlie standard of opposition in 1851 ;
they met in Convention, denounced the
principles of the Compromise, and nomina
ted for Governor, Charles J. McDonald,
the President of the Nashville Convention.
And again the popular verdict was no less
decisive in favor of the high and patriotic
grounds at first assumed by the State.—•
These evidences of public approbation of
tlie policy and principles which it was the
honor of Georgia to take tlie lead in
amongst her sister Southern States, were
also manifested in every State in tlie South,
where opposition had been arrayed.
Even South Carolina gave a decisive
vote of acquiescence in them. The evi
dence of popular approbation was far loss
decisive in the North, though it was clear
to the wary managers of party organiza
tions, before the meeting of the Whig and
Democratic Conventions of Baltimore in
1S53, that no party could succeed in the
Presidential election who did not at least
pretend to favor these great measures of
pacification. Hence, these measures which
had been openly denounced by a large
majority of the members composing botli
Conventions, were incorporated in tlie
political creeds of each party. When this
result was achieved, many good men, Loth
Whigs and Democrats, who had acted in
party-concert for tlie establishment of these
principles, believed tliat the great work of
our organization had been accomplished,
and determined again, to unite themselves
with other organizations according to tlieir
opinions upon other questions. But the
want of confidence in the fidelity of these
professions of both parties determined a
large number of those who bad united, in
1851, upon the Georgia Platform, still to
stand aloof from both tlie national parties
as now constituted and await the course
of events. There were many just causes
of suspicion against the fidelity of these
professions. Thousands of the most deter
mined enemies of these measures, both in
tlie North and the South, -who had never
pretended to any change of opinion or ac
tion upon them, were the most ardent sup
porters of the nominees of those Conven
tions. It was believed, therefore, by those
wlio thus stood aloof, that some body bad
to be deceived, no matter which of the can
didates should be elected. A coalition
without principles or a disruption upon
principles seemed to them to be an inevita
ble necessity of such a contest. The re
sult lias been the former, a coalition with
out principles. President Pierce stood
openly and fully committed by liis letter of
acceptance to the maintainance of the com
promise measures. liis Inaugural Address
not only endorse them with unequivocal
dearness, but ignored every other princi
ple laid down in the National Democratic
Platform.
NYliile his Southern Rights friends in
Georgia were clamorous for the name and
old catchword of party to help them out of
the minority in -which tlieir true principles
bad placed them, tlie President omitted to
refer to either in this exposition of his pol
icy to the people. This Inaugural Address
of the President gave great satisfaction to
the country and especially to the friends
of the compromise measures throughout the
Union. But like the professed creeds of
the two great parties, as they are called,
time has shown that even pledges were hut
words. His arts have not been in conform
ity thereto. From tlie day of his inaugu
ration to this time, liis policy as manifested
bv liis acts, has been in direct conflict with
his seeming professions. I11 tlie selections
of liis constitutional advisers he did not
call to his cabinet a single person who had
been identified with the compromise, either
from the North or South, nor one whose fi
delity to these measures could not be just
ly questioned.
His policy lias been just such as we might
have expected from his Cabinet. Hostility
to the friends of the compromise has been
its leading characteristic. It is nt> longer
to be doubted or concealed, that it is based
upon the idea of wholly disregarding the
compromise and forming a coalition with
discordant factions, among whom Freesoil
ers and Abolitionists and Nasnville Conven
tion men are equally to fellowship honors
and place in this mongrel combination, cal
ling itself the Democratic party. His offi
cial organ openly vindicates this policy,
and declares that an Abolitionist and a
Freesoiler, as well as the extremest South
ern Rights man, may he a good Pierce
Democrat and eligible to all the honors and
emoluments of Government. In the North
ern States the Freesoilers and Abolition
ists, who abandoned the Democratic organ
ization, went to Buffalo, nominated Mr.
Van Buren and Adams, and struggled to
unite all the enemies of the South against
us, seem to be the especial objects of exec
utive favors. Mr. Dix, who supported Mr.
Van Buren and Adams for the Presidency
and Vice Presidency, and ran himself for
Governor of New York on their ticket, in
1848, and whose influence was thrown
against the fugitive slave law in the strug
gle of 1851, is appointed to a high, respon
sible and profitable office, and it is suppos
ed that still higher honors await him after
the Southern elections are over. General
Pierce’s friends in Massachusetts have
openly united with the Freesoil party, and
arc now in harmonious action with that in
famous faction in the Constitutional Con
vention in that State.
Mr. Peter D. Vroom, of New Jersey, a
violent opponent of the fugitive slave law,
lias been appointed Minister to Prussia.
Mr. Maloney and Mr. Campbell, both mem
bers of the last Congress from Illinois, and
both elected under written pledges to vote
for the repeal of that law, have both receiv
ed honorable and lucrative appointments.
Tliese are but a few of the many instances
of like appointments, that might be enumer
ated. NYe know it is said that these men
have changed tlieir position, and are now
in favor of tlie Compromise, the fugitive
slave law included. If so, when or where
have they, ever by word written or spoken,
signified such change? So far as two of
them are concerned, to wit: Maloney and
Campbell, we have a record showing that
they had not changed as late as last year.
The following resolution was voted on in
tlie House of Representatives:
“ Resolved, That the series of acts, passed
during the first session of the thirty-first
Congress, known as the Compromise, are
regarded as a final adjustment and perma
nent settlement of the questions therein
embraced, and should be maintained and
executed as such.”
Against this Resolution they both voted.
This was on the 5th of April, 1852. [See
Cong. Globe, part 2, p. 9S0.] The last
thing we have from them therefore, on the
subject is their recorded protest against
these measures—the execution of the fugi
tive slave law included !
Now, the friends of the Georgia Plat
form maintain that such enemies of the Re
public (for in such light ought those to be
considered who are against the constitu
tional rights of one large section of it,)
should be excluded from the “ honors and
emoluments” of its government patronage.
And in this policy of Mr. Pierce they see
new cause for standing together in the vin
dication of their principles, and hence they
have declared in emphatic language their
belief that the principles of tlie Georgia
Convention of 1850 are “ greatly jeoparded
by any political party, whatever may he
its name, which recognizes Abolitionists
and Freesoilers as worthy of public honors
and public emoluments.” This require
ment for the exclusion of such men from
the position which office confers, looks to
the formation of no sectional party. It
presents no sectional issue—it looks to the
rejection of no good, true national man at
tlie North, but only those who are bad and
tainted with the fanaticism of tlieir own
section. It is the basis on which our or
ganization was founded at first, on which it
still stands; and this basis is as wide and
as broad as the Union itself. NYe recog
nize as brethren and friends, and will act
in party concert with them as such, all men
at the North, who are true to the Union
and our constitutional rights under it. But
we will hold party fellowship with none
who are not.
The nationality as well as soundness of
our principles upon this subject liave been
vindicated by their incorporation, by words,
into the political creeds of both the late
Baltimore National Conventions. But we
do not intend to be deceived by profess
ions. NYe want not words only, but acts.
NYe demand tlie real supremacy of these
principles in tlie administration of tlie gov
ernment. For upon that supremacy we be
lieve tlie future safety and welfare of our
section, and the perpetuation of our com
mon Union depends. In this dangerous de
sertion of these principles, is to be found
tlie new-born desire to keep profound si
lence on tbe subject of slavery, wliicli is
manifested by the friends of the Adminis
tration in Georgia. NVe are told that if wc
complain of the appointments of tlie known
renders of the fugitive slave law, or of dis
graced Abolitionists to places of profit and
trust under the Government, we shall be
denounced as agitators ! Tlie same men de
nounced us as ‘‘ submissionisls,’’ and “ trai
tors” to the South, two years ago, for main
taining tlie very Compromise which they
are now pretending to he the friends and
advocates of. NYe shall meet the new charge
with the same defiance with which wc met
tlie old one. NYe shall agitate for tlie right,
whenever and wherever it is assailed.
In 1851, when tlie contest was raging in
the South and North between the friends
and opponents of the Compromise, we were
told at tlie South that tbe fugitive slave
law would never be executed. Tlie Alber
ti case, the Syracuse mob, and the Christi
ana murders were held up as evidence of
the fact. Had all the men of tlie North
been as bad, treacherous and faithless, as
those engaged in these mobs and murders,
or those wlio aided and abetted them by
tlieir sympathy and influence, that law
never would have been executed, and our
happy Union might not now be in its pres
ent quiet and prosperous condition. But j
they were not. The majority there was «
for the Constitution and the Union as it \
was here. But Dix, Vroom, Malouev,
Campbell, and others of that class, were
not of that majority.
And what we now assert is, that those
men of character at the North, whose influ
ence at that critical time was on the side of
the opposers of that law, who held it to be :
“ unconstitutional and degrading to the [
North,” (thus inciting sedition and violence j
against its execution) should not be deem- j
ed worthy recipients of Executive favor. ;
And who in Georgia is prepared to say that '
they should be ? If there is one, let him I
speak, that the people may know wlio he
is. NYe think it right, therefore, that the'
appointment of all such men by Mr. Pierce l
to office, should receive, as it deserves, the '
SO. 3
stern condemnation of all true friends of
the Union, both North and South. It is
due to ourselves, and it is due to the true
men at the North. These, therefore, are
strong reasons with the friends of the truly
National and Republican principles of the
“ Georgia Platform” to call upon their fel
low-citizens throughout the State to make
another rally for their support and mainte
nance.
But to pass to oilier topics. The resolu
tions of the Convention embraced other
questions; two of which are of pressing
importance. Public expenditure and in
ternal improvements by tlie General Gov
ernment—the great and alarming increase
of tlie public expenditure for the last ten
years shows the utter untrustworthincss of
both tlie National NYhig and Democratic
Parties on this branch of the public service
and calls loudly for a union of all the
friends of good government to arrest it.
This expenditure has increased for the last
ten years to an amount nearly or quite
double what it was then. It has now
reached about fifty millions per annum ;
and from the signs of the times, if not arrest
ed, will continue to increase with fearful
rapidity.
That party styling itself Democratic, has
had the majority in both branches of Con
gress, most of these ten years, and of one
of them all that time. Therefore not one
dollar of public money could have been
spent without its support. Its organs for
the last two years have attempted to cast
blame upon Mr. Fillmore. NYe do not say
that liis official position was ever used to
arrest this evil, but we will do him the jus
tice to say that he never expended a single
dollar which was not appropriated by Con
gress, and this party bad a majority during
his whole term of service, and therefore
cannot escape tlie censure which our Con
vention justly cast upon both the NYhig and
Democratic parties, fora disregard of econ
omy in the expenditure of public money.
The question of Internal Improvement,
from recent events lias become one of vast
magnitude, and we invite your particular
attention to the resolution of our Conven
tion on that subject. Since tlie organiza
tion of the Democratic party in 1S32, it has
denied all power under the Constitution, in
Congress “ to commence or carry on a gen
eral system of Internal Improvements.”
They affected to agree with the old Repub
lican party on that subject; and such, in
deed, has been the prevailing opinion in
the South among all parties. Gen. Jack
son’s veto of Internal Improvement bills on
constitutional ground was sustained at tlie
South. NYithout opening the merits of that
veto, or the constitutional grounds upon
which it was placed, wc only state the facts
of the case.
The last Democratic Baltimore Conven
tion adopted the same resolution, and Mr.
Pierce, in his letter of acceptance of his
nomination, declared that resolution with
all the rest, met “ the approval of his judg
ment;” yet five months have not rolled
over his head since his inauguration, before
be comes out in open assembly of the peo
ple through two of his cabinet officers in his
own presence, for a railroad, to be built by
tbe government, from the valley of the
Mississippi to tlie Pacific Ocean. All
schemes of Internal Improvement by the
government, which have ever been propos
ed, from the revolution to this day, if com
bined, would not equal this one in magni
tude, folly or injustice. It involves all the
constitutional and other objections which
were ever offered to all the schemes which
were ever presented to Congress, and yet
it is about to become a leading measure
with that party calling itself democratic.
NYe shall be agreeably disappointed if the
apologists in Georgia of Dix, and of Vroom,
Maloney and Campbell, are not very soon
also tlie defenders of this gigantic scheme
of public plunder.
NYe cannot allow space on this occasion
to present all the objections to this scheme.
But there is one view of it especially de
serving the attention of Georgians. The
people of Georgia being without great nav
igable rivers, have been compelled to over
come the difficulty by artificial improve
ments. They have done much for them
selves and tlieir neighboring sister States
by a system of Internal Improvements in
tlieir own States. But they have done it
with their own money, and so far from re
ceiving aid from the General Government,
they have been taxed by it, and they are
now taxed from fifteen hundred to two thou
sand dollars per mile (in duty on railroad
iron) which is carried to the public treasu
ry. In the aggregate, the tax on railroads
paid by our citizens cannot be less than a
million and a half dollars—perhaps more.—
They were content to pay the ta s: as long as
it was expended for the general and legiti
mate purposes of the Government. But
Mr. Bierce and liis cabinet now, it seems,
propose that this tax on our improvements
shall be appropriated to the building of a
railroad to California. NYe have spent ma
ny valuable lives and over $106,000,000 in
obtaining California. NYe gave up to her
people all tbe gold and the lands of that fa
vored region, and we are now called upon
to spend between one and two hundred mil
lions of dollars more to build a railroad for
more easy access to that country. Tlie
State of Georgia lias sustained :lie Federal
Government with her blood, and treasure
from the revolution to this hour. She is
yet willing to spend both freely for tbe pub
lic honor or the public -weal; but we mis
take the people if they will permit the im
provements which tliey need and build with
their own money to be burthened from 81,-
500 to $2,000 per mile, and themselves to
be otherwise taxed to build railroads in any
other portion of the United States, and par
ticularly from the North Lakes to the Gulf
of San Francisco.
Another subject embraced in the Reso
lutions of tlie Convention is the public lands
—tliese in immense quantities have already
been wasted and squandered in improvi
dent donations, and grants to local improve
ments in the new States; the principle we
assume is so obviously just as not to require
an argument. NYe hold tli at these lands are
the common property of all the States, and
that every other disposition of them, other
than to bring money into tlie public treasu
ry for general purposes, should be based
upon an equal enjoyment of tlieir profits by
all tlie States, “the old as v r ell as the new.”
The same may be said of the Resolution
upon the subject of the Foreign policy of
the Government. It speaks for itself. It
maintains and affirms the time-honored doc
trine of the Father of his Country. Jliis
question of Foreign Intervention, or the
policy of the United States making them
selves party to the quarrels and wars of
other nations, may, and quite probably
will, at no distant day, become a prominent
issue in American politics. The disciples
of the Hungarian teacher arc not a few.—
Many of them occupy high places. To
these “the arts of peace,” to which wc are
indebted for all onr happiness and prosper
ity in our rapid progress of development,
are not so alluring as the glitter of arms,
the glory of conquest and tlie lust of domin
ion. Against tlieir wild and mischievous
doctrines the Convention has planted itself
upon the principles and precepts of the
Republic.
But here let us pause for a moment to
enquire into the position of our opponents
upon these subjects; they are the mc-n,
who, in onr State, were so bitterly opposed
to tbe compromise, and all its supporters
and defenders. Tliey arc the men who
struggled with such power and violence
against the establishment 0? the Georgia
Platform by the State Convention in 1850.
They are the men who continued to assail
that platform in 1851 ; they are the men
who run the President cf the Nashville Con
vention for Governor in that year, and with
out any declaration of change of opinion or
purpose, tliey have now under a new name,
it is true, put in nomination for Governor
the Hon. Herschel V. Johnson. And how
has he stood upon these questions ? NYe
know* it is now said that he never was a
“disunionist” or “secessionists,” or for “re
sistance” to the General Government on
aeconnt of the Compromise. How this re
ally is w'e do not know. But where did he
stand during this great conflict ? NYas lie
acting with or against the friends of these
measures and the L T nion? If he was not
for resistance, was he acting with or against
the party that w r as ? Is a man not to he
knowmby the “company he keeps ?” The
party wdiose standard-bearer he is,professes
to he the Administration party. But have
they ever yet endorsed Mr. Pierce’s Inaugu
ral wherein he declares his opinion, that tlie
Compromise measures are “stristly consti
tutional ?” Or is Mr. Johnson prepared
now T to do so l It is true, in tlieir Conven
tion they declared that the inaugural of Mr.
Pierce “would” receive the approbation of
the Democratic party of the $fcate. But
why did they not say that it met their ap
probation, if indeed, and in truth they did
pprove it. The principle of this announce
ment of Mr. Pierce upon the Compromise
had already received the approbation of
eighteen thousand majority of the people of
George, but we have yet to learn that those
men who secured the nomination of Mr.
Johnson, or that Mr. Johnson himself was
amongst the number of those who gave the
decisive approval. But in now declaring
themselves the advocates of 31?. Pierce’s
Administration, are we to understand that
tliey are the defenders of his appointments
of Abolitionists to office ?—or that they are
advocates of this wild and reckless project
of a government railroad to tlie Pacific ?—
L r pon all these points they are silent, but
until they speak out authoritatively, do wc
render them any injustice in supposing that
they are l
And what is their position upon the sub
ject of Foreign Intervention? Mr. John
son, tlieir candidate, if we mistake not, vo
ted in the Baltimore Convention for 3Ir.
Douglass for President, and be is one of
the champions of this new doctrine.
But to bring this address to a close. The
last Convention wc commend to your spe
cial attention. It looks to the interest of
our own beloved commonwealth, and urges
you in emphatic language to sustain before
and beyond all bare parti) objects tbe inter
est and pi-osperity of Georgia. NYliat in
terest or object can you or ought you to
have in the ascendancy of any national
party, except so far as good and wise gov
ernment can thereby be secured ? And
what motive or argument has been offered,
or can be offered, for you to support Mr.
Johnson but that thereby you w'ill give your
endorsement and approval of tbe acts and
policij of the administration of 3Ir. Pierce,
and thereby secure the success of tlie na
tional Democratic party, constituted and
“reunited” as it now is, with Frec-soilers an&
Abolitionists admitted into as free and full
fellowship as yourselves ? Have you any
interest in forming such an alliance ? NYhat
good ends are to be obtained by it ? NVho
amongst you, in your cool and reflecting
moments, ean approve cither tlie Abolition
appointments cr the Pacific Railroad
scheme, to which the party is likely soon
to be committed ? If, in your judgment,
then, you do not approve these things, then
why should yon vote forNIr. Johnson sim
ply that you may he counted on that side ?
This is the only ground upon which his
claims can he urged. He quit the Demo
cratic party himself two years ago, why
should you therefore, vote for him for no
other reason than to form such “ alliance”
as he now invokes 1 Is it not better to
look to the dignity, honor, interest and
prosperity of your own State than to such
a party triumph, even if 3Lr. Pierce and his
Cabinet should he rebuked by your act ?
The Republican party cf Georgia is ready
to sustain 31r. Pierce in all of his acts that
they approve, and are equally ready to
censure where they condemn. And how
could you better or more securely maintain
and advance the interest and prosperity of
your own growing State in all her varied
interests, than by giving your free and cor
dial support to Charles J. Jenkins for Gov
ernor. He has in his letter of acceptance
fully adopted all tlie principles which we
just presented in review. They are in har
mony with tlie principles and practice of
liis life. And that life is the best pledge we
can offer you of his fidelity to whatever he
may profess. His youth and his manhood
have been spent in the service of Georgia
—while he has waived the attractive hon
ors of National position, lie has always re
sponded to every call, however humble, in
which he could be useful to her. As a
member of the Legislature, his name is
identified and indissolubly associated with
every measure which looked to her “moral,
social, intellectual, and material” progress.
In the beginning and throughout, he has
been the firm, eloquent and unfaltering
supporter of onr system of public education
and works of internal improvement. When
our State Road was projected, he was its
able and eloquent advocate—w-hen misfor
tune and unpopularity threatened its exist
ence, in 1S48, he breasted tlie storm, sus
tained the great work, and stood by it until its
final completion. With a public and pri
vate character without spot or blemish, the
Convention has presented, and we do now,
in their behalf, commend him to you as a
good andtrueman-asa statesman, eminent
ly worthy to be the Chief Magistrate of the
“Empire State of the South.”
ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS '
GEORGE STAPLETON.
M. M. TIDWELL,
H. K. McCOY.
W. W CLARKE
i
ms