Newspaper Page Text
From the Richmond Times.
To the Democratic Editorial corps of the
South generally, and of the Richmond En
quirer in particular:
It lias become quite habitual with most
of the Democratic papers of the South, but
especially with the, Richmond Enqiiirer,
upon the approach of every election of im
portance, whether State or Federal, to de
cry and denounce the Whig party gener
ally- and tho Whig candidate in partiular,
for an alledged partiality and sympathy
for the Frcesoilers, and a general participa
tion in the purposes and views of those mis
chievous people the abolitionists of tlie
North : and the writer of this article has
never failed to come in for his full share of
this inconsiderate and unjustifiable denun
ciation ; that it was only intended to ope
rate for the moment on the credulity of ig
norant readers, and to arouse prejudices of
the excited masses, in order to secure a tem
porary party triumph, will scarcely be
doubted or denied—but that such charges in-
discriininately made as they have been
against every member of the "W nig party,
whose prominence and influence could se
cure him a nomination for office, were well
calculated to give confidence, encourage
ment and energy, to our worst enemies at
the North, and to produce a state of insub
ordination among the slaves of the South, is
what no intelligent mind will pretend to
question.
1 do not know when I have seen the pub-
- lie mind in a more tranquil state than it is
at this time. We have no elections at
hand that create excitement, and it appears
to me that a more opportune moment could
not be selected for addressing you earnest
ly, but respectfully, on a subject that is of
more consequence to us all than the mere
triumph of any individual or of either party.
With the vast resources of our country and
the extraordinary energy of our people, we
shall, perhaps, be comparatively prosper
ous under any administration ; but no mat
ter which party is in power, it becomes ev
ery good citizen and patriot, North and
South, to exert his influence to suppress all
further agitation of the slave question, and
to put an end to any farther efforts on the
part of others to interfere with our domes
tic institutions, and I therefore beg leave
to ask your attention to the necessary and
unavoidable consequences that must result
from your present course in reference to the
institution of slavery.
I will not be so disingenuous as to ascribe
to you a feeling that I do not suspect you
of entertaining, but which you have hereto
fore under very dissimilar, and much less
aggravated circumstances, freely and uu
sparingly ascribed to every political oppo
nent that was likely to prove himself i
troublesome customer to your party. I dis
claim any intention therefore to impute to
you the least sympathy with the freesoil
party of the North ; I only propose to show
that your course is fraught with infite mis
chief to the South, and is well calculated
not only to strengthen that party, but to
break down all opposition to it at home, and
to leave them in undisturbed possession of
the field in every free State of the Union;
and to show that there lias been no real dis
trust of Whig candidates as professed by
the South on the question of slavery, and
that to secure and retain the power and
patronage and spoils of the Government is
held to be of far more consequence by the
Democracy of the South than their princi
ples as heretofore professed, or the safety of
the institution of slavery, so far as it can
be affected Ly the Abolitionists or Freesoil-
eis of the North.
First, then, let us look back but a few
months, when the Presidential election was
agitating the whole country. What was
the prominent objection then made to that
distinguished Southern patriot, soldier and
statesman, whom the Whig party had se
lected as their candidate ? Than whom, I
will take occasion here to say, no sounder
man on the question of slavery can he found
in the Union. Was it not that he was un
der the influences of the frcesoilers? that
if he should be elected, the offices of the
Government would be bestowed to some ex
tent on those who had proved themselves
the enemies of the South, by their opposi
tion to the extension of slavery through the
instrumentality and application of the \V il-
mot Proviso to all newly acquired territo-
1
ry ? Such was the panic that you created,
aided by a few Whigs in Congress,) by
holding up the name of only one man of that
party, who, it was said, would he appointed
to office, and exert an influence over Gen.
Scott, that very many thousand Whigs
were kept from the polls, and refused to
give their support to a candidate professing
their own principles, and agreeing with
them on all questions of foreign and do
mestic policy, and many were induced
(some from an honest distrust created by
your efforts, and others from selfish and de
grading considerations,) to vote for Gen.
Pierce, who was vouched for as thoroughly
Southern in all his feelings ;* as a “par ex
cellence" Union and Compromise man, who
would lend no countenance to the enemies
of the compromise, who had, by their un
patriotic hostility to those great healing
measures, brought the Union to the very
verge of dissolution. (These were the Se
cessionists of the South and the Freesoilers
of the North, embracing the entire abolition
party of the country, for they unitedly
formed the party in opposition during the
whole struggle that was made for their de
feat.) You succeeded ! Gen. Scott was
defeated, and Mr. Pierce, an unknown, un
tried and comparatively obscure man, was
elected by a triumphant majority. I ask
you, gentlemen, if his election was not eve
rywhere hailed as a triumph of the l nion
2>artjj of the country over the disorganizers
and agitators,both North and South, and at
that timedid not, WhigandDemocratalike,
have reason to hope that his success would
tell, with overwhelming and crushing effect,
on each wing of tlic factiouists?
To what was his election due ? Gen.
Pierce was himself not ignorant of the
cause, for when the eyes of twenty thou
sand of his fellow-citizens were resting up
on him, in the eastern portico of the capital
on the 4th of March, and a feverish anx
iety pervaded all classes, and parties to
catch the first words, that might fall from
the lips of the man they had taken upon
faith, (which rested upon the pledges of his
Northern friends,) he did not hesitate to
give the most unqualified assurance of his
devotion to the Union, aud his recognition
of, and devotion to those measures known
as the Compromise acts. While not a word
was said throughout his inaugural address,
on any other subject connected with the
domestic interests, and internal policy ol
this vast country, this was a subject he did
not feel himself at liberty to'treat with si
lence ; it had attained an importance above
and beyond all other questions, and the un
equivocal assurance be then gave, bushed
the country into silence and struck his en
emies with admiration for bis decision, bis
fortitude and patriotism,; the press of both
parties sung praises to bis name, all breath
ed free, and seemed to feel, that in whatev
er else they might be disappointed, the coun
try was at least safe for four years from tne
machinations of the disunionists oi tlic feouth,
cat, longest, deepest, widest, most stupen
dous and magnificent scale, involving the
expenditure of hundreds of millions of dol
lars, (what has become of Whig doctrine ?)
while others who have supposed to be the
least pugnacious in their natural tempera
ments breathe nothing but war, bloody ex
terminating war, extension of territory,
and land robbery; (abroad as well as at
home,) and old Rome of the darker ages, is
held up by the law-officer in this, our gov
ernment, and iu this age of civilization and
Christianity, as an example, and as a glass
in which we are to see our manifest desti
ny. I have no doubt, if we imitate her
example as recommended by this legal
functionary, that our destiny is manifestly
that which befcl old Rome.
1 think there is good sense enough in the
country, to see that if Whig principles
have been all killed, there is likely to be
resurrection of some of them by the hands
of those who built up the Baltimore Fiat-
form a year ago—and I know there is good
sense enough in the country to put down
all such fillibustering balderdash as the At
torney General of the United States lias
had the folly and bad taste to utter, as it
were under the very eaves of the Crystal
Palace, at which there was a great indus
trial exhibition—where the nations of the
earth had been invited ; and whom, as in
vited guests, lie was then on his way to
meet and honor. If there ever was a speech
made out of place, and out of time, in bad
taste, and worse judgment than all the rest,
I take this to be that speech ; and yet our
attention is invited to this “ admirable”
speech of Mr. Cushing. I am sorry to be
compelled to speak of it in these terms; for
while I have no respect for the political
consistency or stability of the Attorney
General, I esteem him as a private gentle-
York—a gentleman whose entire sympa- ; man, and like him as a man; but his posi
tives were known, as his subsequent ap- ! tion should have protected us from such a
pointments in the free States have since J display of sophomorcan gasconade and ill-
shown to be altogether with tlic freesoil ; digested, unstatesmanlikc reflections,
party. ; I beg pardon for this digression from my
For bis Minister of War, on the other j original purpose; I want to show what is to
hand, he selected a gentleman who had ae- j be the practical effect of the unlimited and
quired an unrivalled notoriety for his in- i indiscriminate approval of the conduct of
veterate hostility to the Compromise, who j the President and his ministry,
had just been run and beaten as the anti-j There is, as everybody knows, in the
Democratic ranks of the North, (as with the
Whigs) a party who acknowledge tho con
stitutional recognition of the right of prop
erty in slaves; who acknowledge the con
stitutionality of the fugitive slave law, and
have earnestly struggled for its faithful ex
ecution ; these are properly termed the
friends of the South, and the upholders of
the Constitution; and of this party from
the prominent position he occupied as a
Senator from New York, and as a Northern
and the fanatics of the North ; hut it is one
thing “to hold the word, of promise to the ear,”
and quite another tiling “to break it to the
hope,” how long this sense of security lasted
let the sequel show.
Immediately after the delivery of the In
augural, it devolved on Mr. Pierce to select
liis constitutional advisers from the great
mass of those who had supported him. Ex-
pectation was on tiptoe, and speculation
was running high—the city of W ashington
was crowded to its utmost capacity, all sec
tions and factions of parties that had con
tributed to bis success, Avere fully represent
ed, and all most urgent and imperious in
their demands, to share in the spoils, and
participate in the administration of the
government—and strange enough to say,
all succeeded but one, and that one was the
Union party—that party for whom the tri
umph had been claimed; that party to!
which Mr. Pierce, in bis inaugural, bad J
pledged his devotion ; that party that had •
just struggled with, and overthrown the
secession party in every Southern State,
and had turned back the rising tide of free
soilism in the North—yes! that party
alone, was doomed to mortification and de
feat, it was turned adrift to take care of it
self, while the Democratic, Union loving,
compromise abiding President elect, took to
his arms, and espoused as his confidential
constitutional advisers, those men who were
most hostile to the compromise and most
obnoxious to the friends of tlic Union in
both sections of the country.
For bis Prime Minister, he selected Mr.
Marcy—who was the very head and front:
of wliat is termed in liis own State, the •
“ soft shell” party, a gentleman who was :
by all odds more obnoxious to those who j
had stood unflinchingly by the rights of the .
South, than any other in the State of New
' I should like to learn how these gentlemen feel
now, who quit the Whig party and went over en
tirely to the Democracy, on the soundness ot L*cn.
Fierce and want of reliance in Gen. Scott.
compromise, secession candidate for Gov
ernor of Mississippi; who was strongly
suspected, and not unfrequently charged !
with being a disunionist “per see,” and J
who had a reputation for extreme section- i
alisni, and want of nationality equal to and |
perhaps beyond that of any other in the [
Southern States.
For his law officer, he chose one who has ;
been quite extensively known as the “maid
of all work”—one who had boxed the po
litical compass, being for many years a
leading and rampant Whig, afterwards the
leader of the “ Cow boys,” as Mr. Tyler’s
party of six in Congress was called, hut at
that day he was familiarly recognised as
the principal auctioneer for the sale of of
fices under Mr. Tyler’s administration, and
lastly, he was chief leader of the Demo
cratic party in the Legislature of' Massa
chusetts that formed a coalition, most un
righteous, with the freesoilers, from which
resulted the election of the lion. Charles
Sumner to the Senate of the U. States.
Not content with this, he brought into
the Interior Department of the government,
a gentleman from Michigan, who, during
his whole course in Congress, was a strenu
ous aud zealous advocate of the Wilmot
Proviso, and was understood to he an open,
undisguised,and acknowledged abolitionist.
These were tlie persons lie selected to
fill four important cabinet appointments—
the other three having no national reputa
tion, either then or now, the country then
as now were entirely ignorant of, and in
different to any opinions they might have,
on this or any other subject. There had
been such a reckless defiance of public opin
ion, snch a shameful and bare-faced viola
tion of all that bad been shadowed forth in
the inaugural address, manifested in the
constitution of a majority of the Cabinet
ministers—that little enquiry was made
about the rest, and the result of that little
has never yet been ascertained. While it
is fair to presume from ether appointments
that they were all opposed to the Compro
mise, yet I am willing to concede that if
they took any active part in their own
States, it was on the other side. And
hat then did it amount to ? At best they
formed hut a minority—neither of them be-
r known, or having standing or influence
with the nation.
This was the organized constitutional
Cabinet of Mr. Pierce!—these were the
men who were to advise and control all ap
pointments, and direct the domestic as well
as the foreign policy of the government.
Well! what did we hear from the Union-
loving, Compromise-abiding Democratic
press of the South ? Silence! acquies
cence ! i submission!!! If this had been all,
it would have been bad enough; but we
had more—we had distinct, emphatic, un
qualified approval and praise. Would you
ave thus approved, or would you have
been silent, if Scott bad been elected and
liad made similar appointments in bis cabi
net, and if you had any real distrust for
the safety of the institutions of the South
under bis administration, why is it not man
ifested under that of Mr. Pierce?
But this is not all. Mr. Pierce and his
cabinet have carried out this defiance of
public sentiment, and have extended it to
the Judiciary. For the Supreme Court
bench, they selected a gentleman compe
tent, I admit, of high character, 1 concede,
but one who is as extreme as any other in
the State of Alabama in bis views upon Se
cession and Disunion. Look again to the
foreign appointments! Were they selected
from the friends or enemies of the Compro
mise? A simple reference to the names ox
Soule, Borland, Trousdale,Clayton, Meade,
Scott, Leake,t Ac., Ac., will answer. In
one word, who has been selected from the
South for any place of consequence, who
u r as known and recognized as belonging to,
or being identified with tlie Union party,
and with the exception of Mr. Buchanan,
how many have been selected from the
North, for any place abroad or at borne,
who was not more or less identified with the
Freesoil, Burnbuming, Buffalo-platform
party—from Mr. Dix, the Sub-Treasurer of
Nos' York, down to Win. J. Brown, tlie
Mail Agent in Indiana? And yet, gentle
men, you all not only acquiesce and sub
mit, but most of you justify and approve
indiscriminately everything that lias been
done, and where you have not endorsed,
which of you has had the independence
and patriotism to condemn ?
Day after day the cry of “All’s well,”
is sounded in our ears, and as if the world
were stultified, we are occasionally refresh
ed (say about six days in the week) with a
reference to the “ admirable doctrines of
the inaugural address of President Pierce,”
but perhaps this is only attended to recall
to liis mind w hat does not seem to have
made a very lasting impression upon it, to
wit: the pledges that inaugural contained.
At this moment our attention is more
particularly called to the “ admirable
speeches of the President, and the “admi
rable” speeches of liis Cabinet Ministers,
in some of which they preach peace, and
the arts of peace—Internal Improvements
by the General Government—on the broad-
f The Editor of the Examiner has since been
added to tlie list.
advocate of the Compromise, Daniel S.
Dickinson may with great propriety be,
and is considered the leader in that State
—they approve the promises or doctrines of
the President’s inaugural, but condemn his
practice. There is another party who de
ny the constitutional rights of the South,
protest against its execution, and are in fa
vor of its repeal. Of this party the Yan
Burens, senior and junior, and Mr. Dix,
have been regarded as the leaders—while
they approve the practice (having obtained
the lion’s share of the spoils) they condemn
the promises or professions of the President
as set forth in that same inaugural, and
with characteristic subtlety and finesse,
one party adopts resolutions in approbation
of the Inaugural, omitting all mention of
the appointments, while the other adopts a
different set approving the action, hut stu
diously avoiding all mention of the Inaugu
ral—and in this way they have been whee
dling, and coaxing, and coajolingMr. Pierce
and fighting over the spoils since his acces
sion to power, and during the whole time
there has been a hitter, deadly, unrelent
ing, and irreconcilable jealousy and hostil
ity between these two branches of the dem
ocratic party—which has extended itself
into most or all of the other Northern or
free States, and in this condition of things
Mr. Pierce sees fit to put his heels on the
neck of the friends of the South, and virtu
ally crush them to the earth, by entirely ex
cluding them from all the emoluments cf
office, and from all participation in the af
fairs of government—while on the other
hand, he bestowed all tbe lienors and emol
uments of office on their most inveterate
opponents—lie elevates and strengthens
them, he adds to their importance and in
fluence, he encourages them to agitate, to
increase their demands for the repeal of the
fugitive law, and to renew their assaults on
the institutions of the South; and wliat
part does the Democratic press in the South
ern States take in this contest? Do they
rush to the rescue cf their Northern allies?
Do they demand reparation for this injus
tice to themselves aud to those wlio have
fought the battle for them at home ? Do
they complain ? Do they remonstrate ?—
No ! they do nothing of the kind—they
palliate, they extenuate, they justify the
President—in some such language as this
—“Our ‘admirable’ President, by liis ‘admi
rable’ appointments all over the county, is
restoring peace and harmony to the dis
tracted democratic party.” And all those
that were most bitterly denounced from
1848 down to the opening of the last Presi
dential campaign are now ‘thejust men made
perfect,’ and the lame and impotent pretext
is set up, that by voting for Mr. Pierce they
placed themselves on the Baltimore plat
form, and thereby had renounced their
former doctrines (which, bye the bye, they
daily reiterate) and repented of their past
offences. A question might arise, whether
they have renounced their faith or you your
allegiance and your duty.
Now, gentlemen, let me enquire of you,
soberly and earnestly, as a citizen of the
South, as one having a common lot with you,
(for I am not writing for political effect, nor
am I looking to the political aspect of this
question,) is not your course calculated, nay,
is it not sure to break up the entire anti-
frecsoil party of the North, and leave the
enemies of our institution, and the repealers
of the fugitive slave law without resistance
or opposition at home ? Do you expect
Northern men, from disinterested regard for
the South, to sacrifice themselves, and be
trodden down, when they are thus neglect
ed and abandoned by those to whom they
naturally turn, in the hour cf disappoint
ment, discomfiture and defeat for sympathy
and assistance ; and with unfeeling and of
fensive coolness, are consoled with tlie as
surance that “ITS ALL RIGHT,” US “OUT “AD
MIRABLE” President, by las “admirable”
appointments, is healing the dissensions,
and restoring tbe harmony of the Democrat
ic party.” “They ask for bread (the loaves)
and you give them a stone; they ask for
a fish (the fishes) and you give them a ser
pent.” What estimate doyou placeon their
unselfish patriotism, and how long and how
much think you can their patience endure ?
And when you have broken up all opposi
tion in the North to these mischievous agi
tators, and petitions come pouring in upon
Congress for the repeal of the fugitive slave
law, is it unsafe to predict that these renew
ed efforts at disturbance will all be ascribed
to Whig sympathy and Whig influence, by
those through whose instrumentality it will
have been affected ?
One more question, gentlemen, and I am
done.
How do you explain the candor and con
sistency with which you commend the good
sense, the good taste, aud gencrour impul
ses of the British Queen, for withholding her
countenance from the defamer of the Sourh
and the reviler of our country’s institutions,
and in the same columns,bestow unqualified
and unlimited praises on an American Presi
dent,who lias deposited solarge a share of the
offices and influence of tlie government in
tlie hands of those who stand upon the
same platform, and entertain tbe same opin
ions of those institutions as are expressed
in tbe printed works of Mrs. Harriet Beech
er Stowe, and whose, friends and party have
subscribed their thousands and tens of
thousands, for the publication and distri
bution of her works?
Have wc not aright to expect as much
good sense, good taste, and as generous im
pulses from an American President, as
from a foreign Sovereign, and that Sover
eign a woman, who, with all her subjects,
are known to be hostile to Southern slave ry?
When these questions are answered, with
your leave, I will perhaps, propound one
or two other pertinent enquiries; for tlie
present, I respectfully ask your attention;
and the attention of your party to the above
suggestions. B.
Henrico, July 21st, 1853.
Faefs to be Remembered.
Keep it before the People.—That Herschel
V. Johnson denounced the Union Conven
tion of 1850 as a “contemptible pack.”
Keep it before the People.—That Herschel
V. Johnson was a prominent supporter of
the Nashville Convention and its odious
platform.
Keep it before the People.—That Her- i
schel V. Johnson advocated a Southern }
Congress after the Nashville Convention
had been openly disapproved by the Un- j
ion men of Georgia.
Keep it before the People.—That Herschel j
V. Johnson denounced the Compromise
men of Georgia as submissionists and said i
they were either fools or knaves.
Keep it before the People.—That Herschel
V. Johnson was in 1851 a supporter of Cha’s.
J. McDonald, the President of the Nash
ville Convention.
Keep it before the People.—That Herschel
V. Johnson has been accused of writing a
violent editorial against Mr. Jenkins for the
Federal Union during the present campaign,
and that none of his friends have denied it.
Keep it before the People.—That every
secession Press in Geoi gia is sustaining
Herschel V. Johnson, and that the leading
Disunionists are amongst his friends and
supporters.
Keep it before the People.—That Iler-
scliel V. Johnson, after denouncing the Na
tional Democratic party, is now endeavor
ing to palm himself off as a “true Demo
crat.”—Rome Courier.
Mr. Bailey a Traitor!—Start not, read
er, we make not the charge, hut, simply
evoke the spirit of Democracy in condem
nation of the Secession heresy. Mr. Bail
ey acknowledges himself a Secessionist,
and while Yve admonish Union Democrats
that they cannot support him without a sac
rifice of principle, we desire, to confront
the honorable gentleman himself with the
testimony of old Virginia—the guiding
star of Southern Democracy—upon this
“ fundamental principle” of the Southern
Rights party. When fulminating his Un
ion-destroying doctrine of Secession, we
could wish that Mr. Bailey would have the
magnanimity to accompany it with the
following anathema cf tlie purest Democra
cy in its purest days. We quote from the
Richmond Enquirer, of December, ISOS:
“ On Thursday last tlic electors of Vir
ginia dined together at the Swann Tavern,
in this city. The Madison Corresponding
Committee, and the Governor of Virginia,
were their guests. These gentlemen, com
ing from different parts of the State, and
bringing with them the sentiments of the
people, assembled in harmony and unity,
to interchange the emotions of friendship
at this interesting crisis of our public affairs,
Spencer Roane, Esq., one of the Judges of
the Court of Appeals and Chairman of the
Electorial College, presided. Robert Tay
lor, Esq., of Orange, Speaker of the Senate,
acted as Vice President. After an elegant
dinner, the cloth was removed, and the fol
lowing toast was drank;
“‘The Union of the States: The
majority must govern ; it is TREA
SON TO SECEDE.’”
Perhaps Mr. Baily will admit that those
gentlemen knew something of the constitu
tional rights of the South.—Griffin Union.
Missionary Ground.—A most desperate
attack is to be made on tbe Union Citadel
of Pulaski county, on the 27tli inst., by a
crusade, headed by tbe following leaders :
Hon. W. T. Colquitt, Hon. C. B. Cole, Col.
A. 11. Colquitt, Col. DeGraffenried,and Col.
T. C. Howard. It is understood that they
are collecting all the old Coffins formerly
belonging to that celebrated regiment, to
carry them to Pulaski, and there to burn
them as a Peace Offering to its honest citi
zens. They also expect to expatiate to
them from the following texts, to show that
what they once said did not mean any
thing.
Text No. 1—Will he from the Macon
Telegraph, as follows:
“ For our own part, we are for secession
—for resistance, unqualified “ resistance.”
The argument being exhausted, we must
stand to our arms.”
Text No. 2—From the Columbus Senti
nel.
“We abandon the Union as an engine of
infamous oppression. We are for secession
—open, unqualified, naked secession.
Henceforth we are for war upon the Gov
ernment; it has existed but for our ruin,
and to the extent of our ability to destroy
it, it shall exist no longer.”
Text No. 3—From the Federal Union:
“ It will then, there can he no alternative,
determine upon resistance. * * * * *
It may be that the Convention will decide
upon the separate action, by the State, in
other words, immediate Secession.”
Text No. 4—From the Georgia Jefferso
nian, and by one who professes to be a
IfKJeffersonian Democrat: * * *
“ Our honest conviction is, that there is no
other way now for the South to save her
self, but to get rid of this Union as soon as
possible.”
Text No. 5—From Herschell V. John
son: The Union Democrats—“I lia\e a
thorough contempt for the whole pack.”
\ Macon Messenger.
A couple of young men in Cincinnati,
seeking for objects to gratify their curiosi
ty, strolled to tlic museum. Having view
ed the specimens arranged in the different
rooms, they seated themselves, and enter
ed into conversation. Suddenly a bell rang,
and the manager called out—
“Please walk up stairs to tlie infernal
regions.”
“Ah ! that’s a new idea,” said one of tlie
friends, “I always thought that the infernal
regions were below.”
“The reason of it,” said the other, “is
very plain; the devil has the ascendancy
iu this city.”
Mrs. Partington is at Cape May, and will
remain during the season, if the hemis
phere agrees with the dreadful bad health
she is now enjoying.
From the Herald;
Cultming, Forsyth Co., Geo., (
August 12th, 1853 )
John II. Christy, Esq: There are four candi
dates for Congress in this District, Messrs. Hiliyor
and Wofford, Morton and Stanford. I take it for
granted that r.o Conservative Union man in the
District, Wing or Democrat, will vote for either Hill-
yer or Wofford. lie cannot do so, without violat
ing his principles and forfeiting his self-respect.
What course does it become as to pursue, surround
ing circumstances considered ? I have heard
suggested by some of our friends that we should
hold a Convention at Gainesville, or some other
point, in the District, at an early day, to nominate
a candidate to be run by our party for Congress, and
thus harmonize and reconcile the claims cf all aspir
ants for that honorable position. In this sugg.
tion I at first concurred ; but 1 now regard the mat
ter differently. Our duty is new to run one of the
Union candidates already before the people. En
tertaining for Col. Stanford, personally, none other
than feelings of kindness and respect, I intend no
disparagement to him when I give it as my opinion,
all things considered, that it is our policy, no less
than our duty, to vote for William M. Morton, Esq
This gentleman has recently visited cur county, and
has left a very favorable impression oil the minds
of all with whom he came in contact. He is a self-
made man, plain and affable in his manners, a far
mer by profession, and originated from the people,
ar.d is emphatically one of the people, lie is
practical, Lie mess man, intelligent, and honest:
and, if elected, is capable of representing the Dis
trict in Congress usefully to kis constituents, and
with honor to himself. He does not and will not, re
cognize, as binding, the behests of causes; nor
will he be governed, or in any way controlled, by
the dictation of irresponsible, broken-down party
leaders. The corruption and villainy often practic
ed by Conventions in Georgia, so plain and mani
fest to all, is an evil that cries loudly for correction;
and the people now have tlie opportunity of placing
the seal of their condemnation on the abominable
system, so far as this Congressional District is con
cerned. Let the honest yeomanry everywhere, in
dependently of all party considerations, flock to the
standard of Mr. Morton, and dignity themselves by
elevating lum to the position he seeks to attain.
The political atmosphere needs to be purified; let
the people, the real physicians in the case, step
forward, and purge it of the foul malaria which, in
its withering and deadly sweep over the country,
threatens to envelop them and their rights, as free
men, in its ruins.
The honest farmers, the working classes, the
plain, hard-fisted voters of the sixth District have
the power in their own hands and keeping; and if
they so will, can send Mr. Morton, one of their own
number, to legistate for them in the halls of the Na
tional Congress. If he has succeeded in business,
and is a little wealthier than some of us, he has
done it by honest industry and perseverance, and
we should commend him for it. None of us desire
our sons to succeed badly, or indifferently, in the
world. We care not how well they do, it", in doing
it, they pursue no other than honorable and merito
rious means to attain the end. This Mr. Morton
has done; this, then, should entitle him to your
commendation and remembrance at the ballot box.
His sympathies are your sympathies; his principle:
are your principles; and in voting for him to repre
sent you in the highest council of tlie country, you
will he but carrying out and enforcing one of the
first impulses of your nature—that of self-defence and
self-preserr alio n.
Tlie people of the county of Forsyth, irrespective
of party names and associations, send greetings to
their brethren in Franklin, Madison, Clark, Jackson,
and the other counties in the District! Let us,
friends and brethren, pull long, pull strong, and
pull together, from now until the closing of the polls
on the day of the election, and our efforts will sure
ly be rewarded by a victory as complete as it will
he astounding to all party hacks, political tricksters,
and wire-pullers!
Your obedient servant,
WILLIAM A. LEWIS.
Judge Berrien,
Rockingham, August 20th, 1853.
To Editor of the “Georgia Citizen,”
Sir :—Your paper of the 13th inst., was received
by tho last mail. It was sent to me by some un
known person, no doubt with kindly" intentions,
and so I have received it. It contains an article
which states and approves tbe determination of some
of my fellow citizens, to vote forme at the approach
ing election for a Governor cf the State, which im
poses upon me the necessity of addressing, through
you, to those who may liave formed this cictcnn;na
tion, a resp. etful request., that they will forebear to
execute it.
I am not insensible to the “compliment” which
might be implied from it—and still less am I indif
ferent to the good opinion of my countrymen. Nor
do I question the right of every citizen to vote for
yv i.om he pleases—but our most absolute lights are
to be exercised with a just regard to those of others.
Tlie necessary consequence of the proposed
measure, would be to diminsh the vote of Mr. Jen
kins, to the extent of the votes which may be
thrown away upon me, and thus, by indirection, to
increase the relative vote of his opponent. I do not
ask if this is a fair, open, manly exercise of the elec-
five franchise. Tlie appeal which I make, is a
personal one, and to that, with a single remark, I
will confine myself.
My relations with Mr. Jenkins, are, and from Lis
early youth have been, snch as to forbid me silently
to acquise in such a use cf iny name—nay, more,
they require me thus to appeal to the sense or right
of honorable men, whether it is just to me and
proper for them, to force upon me a position,
which is utterly inconsistent with those relations—
to make me an instrument, a mere unwilllinginstru
ment, to defeat, (if by possibility, that should be the
result) the election of a man, who has been thronfi
life', not merely my politicial, but also my personal
friend ? I rely ou tlie justice of those to whom I
address myself-—on that high sense of honor winch
is the distinguishing characteristic of Southern free
men, for the success of tins appeal. I assure my-
self that this determination will be abandoned on
reflection, as well from a conviction that it is incon
sistent with a manly exercise of the elective fran
chise, as from a sense of its injustice to me.
A single other remark. I infer from the article,
which has occasioned this note, ns well as from tin
public papers, that some persons oppose the election
of Mr. Jenkins, front a belief that he is, as it is
expressed, “tlie Toombs candidate.” I do not so
understand this matter. If 1 have berni correctly
informed, the vote ofMr. Toombs in the Convention,
was given for Mr. Miller, of Richmond. His sub
sequent! advocacy of Mr. Jenkins, is an act of just
deference to the will of the great majority of those
with whom he was politically associated as a mem
ber of the nominating Convention—an example
not unworthy of imitation by those who were repre
sented in that body.
I ask you then, sir, to publish this note in the
“Georgia Citizen,”—and to withdraw my name from
your columns. And 1 rely as well on your sense of
justice, as on your courtesy, to comply with my re
quest. I have availed myself of the earliest oppor
tunity which our tri-weekly mail affords to present
it to you. Very respectfully, Yours,
John Macphrrson Berrien.
Georgia Elections.
XVc look with much interest to the result
of this election. It is a test of the popu
lar capacity to renounce the shackles of
party and select their representatives upon
the just basis of personal competency, and
the adaptation of political principle to the
promotion of popular welfare.
The Georgia organization as we under
stand it is emphatically republican ; it nei
ther endorses the Executive supremacy of
of the Democrats, nor the consolidation of
the Fredralists. It does not deem it the
interest of the States that the General Gov-
emment should contract and own all the
works of internal improvements within the
States; nor does it deem it a patriotic obli
gation upon the people of Georgia to advo
cate an increase of duties for the nurture of a
local interest, when the climate, raw mate
rial, end position of Georgia, are in them
selves a protection adequate to the support
of any manufactures by hand or machinery
which maybe establish in the State. The
republican organization of Georgia does not
advocate a restoration of the ancient fiscal
connexion between the Federal Govern
ment and a National Bank, because, as the
constitutionality of such an institution de
pended upon its necessity, there is no lon
ger any propriety in adding to the powers
of the Government or the patronage of the
Executive.
It is impossible to predict the result of
this attempt at political reform. Those
who owe their positions entirely to their
connexion with party, are of course indig
nant, or apprehensive of the result. AVe
note, as a good effect of this new division,
thafr some of the most vehement advocates
of Disunion three years ago, are now re
proaching the Republicans with desinging
to revive the sectional dispute now so hap
pily adjusted.— Washington Rep. 25th inst.
iriiiiiim'YTL!:
1st
•id
U
TUESDAY JIOil'iYG, AICiST 30, 1853.
FOR GOVERNOR,
CHARLES J. JENKINS, of Kiehmond.
FOR CONGRESS.
Dish—FRANCIS S. BARTOW, of Chatham.
Dist.—JAMES JOHNSON, of Mnseosee.
Dist.—ROBERT P. TRIPPE, of Monroe. »
fill Dist.—JAMES M. CALHOUN, of Dekalb. j
71 h Dist.—DAVID A. REESE, of Jasper. j
8th Dist.—\LUX. 11. STEPHENS, of Taliaferro, i
Yew Colton.
J. T. McNeil, Esq., sold yesterday in our mar
ket the first bale of new Cotton that has been brought
to it this season at eleven cents per ponnd.
Peaches—Early Production.
Col. Muse, of Hancock, lately presented us with
a luscious Peach, of medium size, which had been
produced from the seed on the second years growth,
although the tree had been transplanted last win
ter. _
UP The meeting of the Conservative Union men
on Wednesday last, was respectable in numbers,
harmonious in action, and enthusiastic in spirit.
Mr. Brown’s acceptance will be found in another
column. Mr. Grantland is still absent.
Third District.
We are glad to Darn that Col. Tri v
in tins district are quite encouraging,
opponent in discussion, recently at G : ;«J
by the Union, and came out of the corv'v*' ^
umphantly. If the Union men of that*
their duty, Mr Trippe must be elected .
some majority. ‘ a Ls
Dr. David A. Ree Se .
We had the pleasure of seeing this
our s.i;;c/u/a tho other day. We are bar-
liis numerous friends that he looks very :
hopeful He has looked in upon his ' *
in several of the counties below, and fi n .
right side up. We congratulate the .*
district in having selected one so emit -
of their confidence and suffrages.
Fir:,! District.
Mr. Bartow, the talented Congress
date for the first district, we are happy to *
the field, and creating, as he always wi
sation, wherever he speaks. We tnis-
in that district know too well their own :„**
and cherish too vivid a recollection of p
and patriotic serv ices of Mr. Bartow
the general welfare of Georgia and ih c
the Union to permit his defeat. Let evi r
liis duty.
Stability and Progress.
We are indebted to the Hon. Edward Ev..
a neat pamphlet copy of his remarks upon ■ ,
ity and Progress,” made ou the 4th of J, -..
in Fanieul Hall, Boston. This very el. , v .
highly satisfactory address wo have air-’,
to our readers. But we readily avail . ,
this opportunity of giving expression to „■
approval of the sentiments therein avor n, '
gifted and distinguished orator. Mr.
very properly recognized as the great ex-
the principles and policy of the conservative ■.
the country at this time. Assuming a posm
way between the stand-still policy of O'' p
on the one hand, which would lock the u h,.. , '
progress, and the rampant ardor of Yoon? y
on the other, which would madly rush rjut
“ manifest destiny,” the Union R -mhii
wisely and properly favor that natural,
wholesome progress and wido ditfusiun of re-
which, whilst i; wE
no wise endanger the stability of our lib.r.
Kon, J. 9. Berrien. ’
One of those charmingly characteristic letters of i
this “old man eloquent,” (we beg his pardon for the > can sentiment and feelin
quotation,) will be found in our paper to-day. It
contains an appeal so pointed and yet so respectful tutions, will greatly extend the ru:
and touching, that we can but hope our friends who neficenc
have, doubtless under some misconception, been
induced to place him, and we think with due de
ference, themselves also, in a false position, will
correct the error at once, and avert any evil that
might occur from divided action.
Prepare Your Ballots.
To insure entire and complete success, our friends
should not only secure and guard every point, but
provide for every necessity and contingency. The
present election is too important to every interest-,
local and national, to go by default. This, every
friend of the Union must feel—does feel. YV ill you
not fellow-citizens act accordingly ? Will you not
see your neighbor, and hunt up every man that is
lukewarm, urge him to the polls, and above ail see
that you are there yourselves. Calmly then, but
wisely prepare your ballots, for Governor, Judges,
Congressmen, and Legislators. This is a most
important crisis in our history; let discretion
Won*! tome Dowa.
The Macon Telegraph and Augusta Cmtk-j
alisl appeal most piteously, imploringly and j
dingly to Dr. Lewis to come down and
his own house, and give Noonatootla a fair C!
in the 5th. against Etowah. This would inn:
the benefit of Col. Tumlin, the Union canii J
for whilst it is known that he has b., n a o...;
Union man, Mr. Chastain, the Seccsri n cainii J
it is said, has bemhere, there, and
politics; and we are ossurre-d that manj S -
Rights men will support the former ir. prefer; ;
the latter, should Dr. Lewis retire from tho „
The Union men of Cherokee, in any ev.
only to stand square up to their candidate at:
will be elected.
Since writing the above we have received
Dalton Times in which is a letter from Dr. L •
withdrawing from the contest. Tin letter is
rule the hour. Don’t wait untii the last moment ; at Dalton on the same day
Juice Jcl
“ Bill,” said one apprentice to another,
“my master is a better man to work for
than your old man. My master ain’t always
going round bis shop interfering with bis
own business.”
before you determine your course. You have tried
Charles J. Jenkins and the Georgia Platform—
iTIold fast that which is good.”
Are loo Ready ?
One more month and this important campaign
closes. Important in a local and national point
of view. Important, as involving every vital in
terest at home, and ot;r reputation and renown
abroad. Important to the farmer, the mechanic,
the merchant, the artisan, the capitalist. YYe
speak the words of candor ai’.d soberness, when we
say, that every laboring man, especially, in Geor
gians deeply interi ted in the success of Mr. Jen
kins. What has given employment to the yeoman
ry of Ger vgia—to thousands along our great public
thoroughfares ! YVliat has afforded to labor a lib
eral recompense ? YYiiat lias appreciated the price
of our lands and negroes—our houses and our mer
chandise ? What brought the mountains and the
seaboard in loving embrace ! What lias caused the
wilderness and solitary place to blossom as the
rose, and rejoice and teem with all the blessings
and appliances of domestic comfort and social advan
tages ? What lias sent the school-master abroad ?
In short, what lias made Georgia what she is, in
wealth, in mental illumination—in prosperity and
happiness at home—in fame abroad ? I'hat, w/uit,
but the untiring and patriotic efforts of Charles J.
Jenkins, and the noble spirits, who stood by him
through weal and through woe, in the halls of leg
islation, and with indomitable energy and untiring
perseverance, urged with an ability never surpass
ed and a moraTheroism never equalled in those halls,
the present system cf internal improvements to a
glorious consummation.
Arid now, fellow-citizens, are you ready to turn
your backs upon this great benefactor—upon your
best and most devoted friend, and surrender the
guardianship of all those great interests which he
has so largely aided in creating and fostering, to
H. Yk Johnson, a gentleman known to the pub
lic, it is true, as a bitter partisan politician, but
who has no claims upon your gratitude and favor
as a faithful and self-sacrificing servant of the peo
ple? Your high sense of justice will forbid this.
You are ready then, we trust, and your neigh
bors are also ready, doubtless, to go firmly up to
tlie polls, and vote for the people’s candidate—one
who will guard your rights and honor as he has
ever labored to promote your best interests.
YTc want a Telegraph!
Many of our citizens are warmly in favor of the
establishment cf a Telegraphic communication bc-
tween tins place and Macon, and arc anxious to
obtain subscription for stock to build it. YVe con
cur with them in the necessity for the construction
of such a line, but we consider the present an in.
appropriate time to commence it—and we will give
our reasons for this opinion. The YVarrcnton Rail
road will be built as soon as money and energy can
carry it through—and a Telegraphic wire will then
be indispensable between Augusta, Milledgeville
and Macon. Such a line will be erected, ar.d Mil
ledgeville will then have the advantages of a com
munication with the North as well as tlie South, and
will cost her less than the running of a wire to
Macon at the present time.
Will it not therefore be best to postpone this en_
lerprise until that time, so that we can have a con.
tinuous Telegraphic connexion north as well as
South. _
Error Corrected.
It appears we were in error iu supposing Judge
Johnson was at tho Macon mass meeting in leal).
YVe were so informed by a worthy citizen iff that
place. The address alluded to by our infoimaat,
was probably delivered on another ccca-ion. YYe
shall always carefully avoid placing our opponents
in a false position, though we fear our course in this
respect will not be reciprocated by them.
iHiormnrion Wanted.
Our Secession friends have shown commendable
zeal and industry, if not fairness and justice, in
hunting up something to use against Mr. Jenkins
in the present contest. As they must now bo quite
conversant with the legislative journals and records
of the State, we should be glad to know if they have
discovered the name cf Herschel Y r . Johnson in as
sociation with any measure, great or small, devised
for the public weal. His name, it is true, is found
enrolled in the proceedings of political meetings
and conventions held at this place, and he has not
been very averse to receiving office whenever he
could get it. If he has any claims upon the people
of Georgia for valuable public services of any kind,
however, we have yet to learn it. Perhaps lie ought
to be rewarded for hating and abusing Union men.
Reader, do you think so ? „
Gov. Cobb has appointed the Hon. YY T . YV.
Holt, Judge of the Superior Court of the Middle
Circuit, rice the Hon. A. J. Miller, resigned.
spoke at that place, and we are informed, wi
less the result cf the entreaties of Mr. Joffi.-.
What, therefore, the eludings of others could i ■.
complish in bringing tbe Doctor down, the -
tent efforts of rue Judge, seem to have acccurri
ed. Dr. Lewis, however, does not give hi:.: • l
Chastain any thanks or comfort in his ietr : :
disinterest"'! interference, and wegr
the character of that distrietfifthe people doii' ---
ly rebuke tliis attempt to force the unpaktr,
tieman now foisted upon them, down tl: Ir Jua
The Doctor’s letter closes with the f ilkivff
ter sentence:
“It is due, nevertheless, to myself, to say i:
connection, that whensoever I may be incJ:-
avail myself of any constitutional right. I wii :i
deterred therefrom by any irresponsible body.
Mr. Gardiner of the Anpsta Constituri ;
In reply to the unger.tlemanly fling at one :i
Editors of this paper by the Augusta Consnt -
ist of the 27th inst, we have only to s»y tim:
too “pious” to become the assassin of the jers-?
putation of one who never injured us, az
alrons to insult those we know caunot seek": •;
al satisfaction.” As we have not introd'.
ogy into the present canvass, so have we i
from personalities. And if to interesting;.: p-
verbial moral traits, so historical in the cl: u.
the renowned knight of tlie Constitutive.uduXiisz
hereafter be chronicled in the annals of chi’-u'
a man of honor and courage, we hope thenfe-
itor will accord his immortality to our pious t. ■
Hr. Tinveatt's Card.
YY r e received the Card of this gem! man:
but hoped that he would not insist upon ra
tion, and therefore delayed its insertion, i*
feels himself aggrieved and attaches
to the anicle, we feel compelled, as. r., ' ;
tice, to give it a place. YVe have taken the ©
of omitting a portion of his card
To Our Readers.
YY'e invite particular attention to the • ■ -
dress to the people of Georgia, found in our p^-’
co-day. Also, to a very profound and punfc-'
cle taken from the Richmond Times. N
our readers will peruse these able pr.p*.-rs '
pass them to their nighbors. Let farts ‘
the people, end we do not fear the r suit.
Warren ton, Milledgeville & Macau Esaf*
YVm. G. Bonner, Civil Engineer, has
ployed to make the survey for this road in t 1 v -
direct and practical route, via Sparta ■
vilU to Macon. He cf mmences the suns;
with.
Gesmlgrr Circuit i
Morgan Court, we understand, v. ill .be *■■-
week. Hon. F. H. Cone will received*
snent.
Mr. Gardner and tfcMUerir:- U v ;
Wc publish a letter from Mr. Garxu-r ir. •
ence to himself aud the Algerine law
is worth.” It will ever afford us pleasnr- -
to our opponents the full measure cf jitsu*---
impression had been made upon our nua-
filet of Mr. G’s sustaining Mr. Jenkins : 1
islatnre, that he was favorable to the lav
But we hope our secession friends ''U
this letter a conclusive refutation of the *
Mr. Jenkins is opposed to general
poor man, and other ridiculous asserted
character, and to which the ConstCX*
its coadjutors have given circulation. Ylr
says : . , j$
“If there had been any doubt in my !>*»(,,
repeal of tbe law, or any apprenensiuL ‘
kins would have sought to introduce ta.
of i
vote.
this, Itvi u.is in.-) t*—* .iiigfi
Canvass, disavowed any intention ot a'--"
editorially, on the Algerine law. ^
But hew does the foregoing caauu. j r |
and position of that editor harmonise T1 . .. -
lowing sentence, extracted into the Cow- _
ist, and which we characterised as Uisgr-'
malignant: , . .. * ■: r:
“He a Republican, and yet s ®fj'! n "..
large portion of tlie people ot ths State
because they are poor ! How shamef ^ _ , k
The candid and reflecting public -
suitable verdict upon the course of the Loy
alist in this matter.
Tlie DiSi'iTence. ■,
Mr. Johnson and his friends base L- ^
election mainly on the ground that he rtf J?
defends the present Administration -
pointments and all. Mr. Jenkins an
found his claims to support on the ” ()te *
always has been and is still pledgeu *■ ^,
fence of Soutbem Rights and the i'‘‘
Southern prosperity as well s g' ;lt 11
ests and measures.