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vil wars, and unable (o respond to any na
tional obligation. We find a climate and
productions where slavery might be ad
vantageously employed in the develop
ment of the resources of tlie land, Should
it be the fate of our country tube compell
cul to absorb a portion of Mexico, or even
the whole of it, there is no probability of
its being done at an early day. When it
is done, shall wc be told by tbe people of the
free States that they stand on guard to pre
vent the States in that direction from in
troducing slavery, if the people inhabiting
them may desire to do so ? Why do these
advocates of the theory of the Senator from
New York do not pretend to control the
action of States ; and whenever any part
of Mexico enters our system, it will be ab
sorbed by States. The idea of a protecto
rate over a part of a State, which the Presi
dent has advanced, implying, as it does,
paralysis to the administrative function at
the State, will never obtain. But, if those
States come into our Union, it ^vvill only
happen when they come as lexas dal,
with institutions already organized, upon
the character of which no question can arise
here.
Looking then at our present condition
and our capacity or future expansion, I res
pectfully submit that there is no cxcuscfor
the renewal of the slavery agitation. This
country needs no legislation about slavery.
Tbe power of Congress, requires no as
serliou on this distracting theme; be
cause the guarantees of existing law are |
already applied to every foot of ground
within the present boundaries of the Union.
Where, will these Republican leaders find
territory on which to make tangible appli
cation of tlieir peculiar dogmas ? If any
such place exists, I appeal to tbe Demo
cratic party, which now holds tbe power
Loth in this and at tbe other wing of the
Capitol, to bring forward bills at once to
establish territorial governments therein,
consistently with the principles which have
been decided heretofore in this forum, and in
the judicial department of the Government,
principles upon the preservation of which
alone I do honestly believe tbe harmony
of the American Union can be preserved.—
I wish that the sluices of possible future ag
itation may be closed, and that the bitter
waters of sectionalism may be stayed for
ever.
Mr. Chairman, I have nothing further
to add, in order to at test my steadfast oppo
sition to the dogmas asserted by those to
whom I have been replying ; nothing
which could point out more clearly than
what 1 have said the broad and salient
fact that there can be no coalition between
the politicians of that school and men who
think as I do. When the gentleman from
Maine abandons his obnoxious abstractions
and sectional views, and shall be ready to
march upon a platform of broad. Union
loving, and practical statesmanship, that
shall discard negrophilism, and exhaust its
benevolence and its wisdom in some effort
to restore the country to prosperity and to
serve the interest of the white men wlio in
habit, we may combine , but on his idea,
resistance will last while I live.
The gentleman gave me to understand
that if wo could not stand by the Republi
can principles as lie expounded them,
Maine and Now York and other States
would go into the possession of the Demo
cratic party. Sir,I haveiongsuspeeted there
was but a single point of difference between
Republicans like the gentleman from Me.,
and the Democrats, lie confirms my sup
position by the declaration that, if an op
position cannot be framed upon the ideas
announced in his speech touching slavery,
we may expeet an exodus of his whole
tribe to the Democratic party. This means,
I suppose, that on this question of the power
of Congress over slavery alone, they differ;
or, at least, if the Republicans cannot win
power on their own basis, they consider
the present Democratic party tlieir next
best chance. I cannot contradict tlie gen
tleman, nor dissuade him from bis inclina
tions. I can only say to him that not even
such a misfortune as a painful separation
from him can produce a modification of'my
principles; aud when lie arrives in the
Democratic camp, I can only wish the lead-
ders of that organization much joy ef the
acquistion of a new patch to tlieir political
quilt, which already exhibits nearly every
color of the rainbow.
Tbe gentleman from Maine denounces
an opposition to Democracy based upon
any other theory than bis own, as “a con
trivance which would go to pieces immedi
ately on being launched by the American
people.” lie proposes, more sensibly, I
suppose, to administer tbe Government
ot this country upon the single principle
he lias anounced, being the first sentence
of the Declaration of Independence, aeeom
panied by a running commentary upon the
wickedness of African slavery. When
tbe American people install an Administra
tion upon bis idea, there will be very little
chance of its failure by a quarrel over the
spoils; for there will be none'to administer;
more likely an opportunity of “lashing
southern men into lire Union,” as lias been
promised among the interesting exercise of
such an occasion.
Mr. Chairman, I think that I do not es
timate improperly the great volume of
American sentiment. I have seen tbe po
litical storm blowing with fearful violence
before to-day. 1 have seen the gentleman
from Maine, and others of bis peculiar
school, marshaling their hosts to the, strug
gle over these same issues, and I have
seen them fall back, beaten, discomfited
and overwhelmed. They never fail to
claim every thing; they seldom win any
thing by tlieir own unaided force. In the
elections which transpired last fall, they
claim tbe return of a large Republican
strength; whereas, I understand the fact to
l*p, that a large propoition of the returns
belong to the exertion of more conservative
men, and will come here to represent more
conservative and practical principles than
those enunciated bv tbe members from
Maine and:Ohio. It will remain for tbe
opening of the next Congress to determine,
the extent to which tlie Republicanism of
the gentleman will exert a power. I
predict that it will never repeat the success
which once it achieved in tiffs ball, by rea
son of tbe course pursued then by the Dem
ocratic leaders. I cannot bring myself to
tbe belief that the party to which the gen
tlernan would yield the lead of the Oppo
sition, numbers mote real strength to-uay,
than when it supported .Mr. Dale for the
Presidency
To exhibit tiffs fact, no more is wanting
than that the Americans and conservative
men of the free States, who do not intend
to he led into another sectional contest,
and who do not de-ire to roll tiffs stone of
‘Sysiphus forever, shall take their proper
position, renew their devotion to principles
which demand adoption for tne good of
their country aud refuse hereafter, calmly
aud steadily, to fuse with any and every
species of radicalism. The first tiling to
be done—the first step to be taken—must
be taken by the people at home. They
should meet iu primary assemblies, confer
freely with each other, sift and examine
the proposed bases for future action, select
each man for himself, the principles of ad
ministration he is willing to espouse, and
then stand by these to tne close. If a con
servative national ticket can he fonned
which dill represent the ideas that succeed
ed in 1850 in quieting the agitation of that
year, aud which were so well received by
the whole country last year, because they
were built upon the same sound and na
tional basis, then there will be room to
hope for the return of this country, from
its present awful o nditiou, to an era of
well regulated prosperity—but on tbe ba
sis of tbe gentleman from Maine and tbe
Senator from New York, there is no reason
to hope; and, indeed, it is creditable to the
good sense of the country that there is no
room for hope.
Why sir, is it shocking to hear a sec
tional contest for the Presidency deliber
ately planned, aud proposed in this Hall ?
What must be the hallucination which con
ceives that the American people will, in
cold blood, divide tbcmsclves by a section
al liu e upon a sectional question, having
nothing practical in its issue, and no foot
of ground in the Republic on which an ap
plication can be made of the result ? It is
a mere abstract dogma ; a dead and
extinct dogma that cannot be reduced
to practice in American statesmanship,
that these gentlemen advocate as the
basis of the organization. Suppose
they were indulged, do they not know
that in fourteen, if not fifteen States,
they could not find supporters enough to
muster an electoral ticket ? Ah ! they
reply, what care we for that. 1 know not
w hat they care ; but J ask my countrymen
t the free States, if they should not have
a care and avoid tbe poising a presidential
contest upon such points as will jusly alarm
a whole section of tbe Confederacy for the
security of its rights and property.? We
bear these gentlemen say they do not in
tend to strike at slavery in the States,—
\\ hat then, does the rationale of tbe argu
ment of tbe Senator from New York mean,
when he teaches that in this country we
must ail be free or all be slaves? that
we must be reduced practically to a hom
ogeneous basis, and have but one system
ot labor ? What should the people of
the slavelmlding States understand by it,
were their countrymen of tbe free States
to go to work deliberately to elect a Presi
dent upon a basis like that suggested by the
Senator from New York ? Sir, they could
have but one understanding of its meaning.
They would be forced to the unwilling
conclusion that supeiior numbers, greedy
and avaricious of nowei.had enlisted in a
crusade against tlieir constitutional rights,
point between Mr. Douglas and Mr. Davis,
the one holding to the doctrine of hisFree-
port speech, and the other denouncing it as
fatally heretical ?
There is a looseness of thought on this
point which, in my estimation, is remarka
ble. A gentlemen insists on tbe doctrine
of non intervention by Congress in the af
fairs of Territories, and lands this princi
ple to tbe skies. Here be parts, loto cwlo,
from tbe member from Maine, who insists
on the right of Congressional intervention
in tbe affairs of Territories. He establish
es a territorial government by Congress.
lie insists that under such a government
the territorial inhabitants may ^legislate
upon every subject limited only by tbe
Constitution ; and that within this range,
be may legislate, not to exclude slavery,
but to prevent the master from enjoying
the rights incident to bis relation of mas
ter. lie thus “bolds with the hare and
runs with the hounds.” He is against the
views of the northern Tree Soilers, yet
reaches the same result by a different pro
cess ; be is with the slaveholder, yet cuts
him off from the enjoyment of tbe rights
granted him. The error of this construc
tion of powers is expressed by the very fact
that its premises and conclusion are incon
er of the squatter to take unbridled li
cense over the right of citizens, yet owe no
responsibility anywhere. It liolds comity
between all the people, regards and pre
serve the rights of all sections and main
tains those balances which are essential
to the efficacious operations of our politi
cal machinery. •
I have said that I do not think there is
any necessity for the renewed agitation of
questions affecting slavery. The existing
status of the law, and legislation on the
subject, satisfy me, and 1 mean to abide
by the principles already decided. I do
not* ask a man to say lie likes the Dred
Scott decision, or that lie believes it is
right. I ask him to obey it until it shall
be reversed, and not to make war upon
rights which are decided to be mine by the
competant tribunals. I am asked why I
fix the period of framing the State consti
tution, as that at which a citizen may ex
ercise rights I deny to him while in the
Territory. I answer : when the people of
the Territory come to the formation of a
State constitution, they are not acting
under tbe territorial government; they
do not derive tlieir power from Congress ;
they are American citizens (or should be)
with all tlieir rights as members of an or-
sistent with each other; that it offers at lie- iginal society, forming a social and polit
d determined upon an administration
with a view to hold them, if not in abso
lute duress, at least with the sword of Da
mocles suspended over tlieir heads. Thus
forewarned, they might not abide the tor
ture of suspense, and they might sever re
lations which no longer preserved even a
decent semblance of political equality.
It is because I feel an abiding assurance
that tlie masses of the people in the free
States do not desire to afford, by tlieir ac
tion. any just ground for alarm to tlieir
neighbors and countrymen, and especially
when they can effect no purpose thereby,
unless it be to exhibit a hostility that can
find no constitutional channel for expres;
sion, that I announce my conviction hero
to-day, that the new party which the gentle
man from Maine will be able to lead into tbe
field under tbe banners of tbe Senator
from New York, vill not be much, if any
larger, or more respectable than the old
Abolition party, as it existed in 1852. Oth
er men will decide that the mission of the
Republican party ended with the Kansas
imbroglio, and that the vote on the Crit-
tcmlen-Monfgomery amendment—the last
and noblest act of its career—pledged
them to the principles of 1850, by which
for the sake of the Union, they will here
after steadily abide.
1 was not much surprised, Mr. Chairman
to bear the intimation from the member
from Maine, that what, from any cause
Congress could not conveniently apply the
Wilmot proviso t?> the organic act of
Territory, bis part would next rely upon
tbe territorial people to apply it themselves
by territorial legislation. This is the ea
sy and natural gradation. This second
mode of affecting ihe rights of slavehold
ers in tiie Territories is of Democratic ori
gin. I remember that in the canvass of
185G, I denounced this squatter sovereign
ty as being in all its practical bearings as
hostile to the fair enjoyment of the rights
of the slaveholder in tbe Territories as tlic
Wilmot proviso. 1 remember to have„saiil
that if the Kansas Nebraska bill received
such a construction as to authorize this
idea of “popular sovereignty’’—and it w
this to which Mr. Buchanan pledged him
self when adopting the Cincinnati plat
form — 1 would not give ‘the toss of a cop
per” between him, as the embodiment of
this idea, aud Mr. Fremont, as the embod
iment of the idea of “congressional sover
eignty” apnlving the prohibition through
the Wilmot proviso.
This frank remark was repeated from
Lexington to Louisiana, by tl^e members of
the Democratic party, as someth\w%, perfect
ly herttieal; and, had I belonged to the
Democratic church, I suppose I should
have been excommunicated with as much
falicity, for such an objection, as the dis
tinguished advocate of this idea of“popular
sovereignty” has been, within the past
year, for adhering to the idea. Alter the
Presidential election, it was confessed on
that side of tbe House that the Kansas-
Nebraska bill did receive two constructions,
differing at the North and South, but»So!ith-
ern Democrats declared that the difference
was “immaterial.” In the midst of that
discussion, the honorable member from
Tennessee J Mr. Jones] came forward and
made a speech in advocacy of the idea
which lias been since so much denonur.ced
by Southern Democrats ; yet I see lie bolds
his place in the very empyrean of De
mocracy. I then presumed, from tbe facts
exhibited and tbe wide latitude for differ
ences of opinion given in that party, that
it was probably' true that the whole party
concurred in the declaration to which I
have alluded. Testimonies of like character
have since then been afforded by other
leaders of that party, engaged in tiie actual
administration, which serve to confirm and
strengthen tire opinion that in the Democrat
ic party differences of opin ion arc immaten-
al.
When the member from Maine an
nounces that his party deems this squatter
sovereignty the next best abolition speci
fic to the Wilmot proviso. I suppose his
other declaration should not excite so much
surprise ; to-wit, that if Maine cannot have
his idea as the basis of organization against
slavery extension, she will throw herself
into the arms of the Democracy vpon the
squatter sovereignty idea as the next best
chance of affecting slavery in tbe Territo
ries adversely. 1 am still of the opinion
that there is not room “for the toss of a
copper” between squatter sovereignty and
the Wilmot proviso: or, to speak more
plainly, between territorial prevention of
enjoying a right and the congressional pro
hibition of tiie use of it. And it does seem
to mo that a party containing elements
both for and against this idea of popular
sovereignty, cannot be firmly attached to
any particular set of opinions on the sub
ject, or must have a capacity to admit into
its organization every variety and shade of
opinion. Can it be there is nothing mate
rial in the difference of opinion upon this
cry one way and reduces to practice auotlf
er way. It is high time we bad reached
tangible, solid ground on this point. 1
bold the doctrine enunciated in I Sot),
which was heralded to the world as the
true policy by Olay, Webster, Fillmore,
Dickinson and their colaborers. It is this:
tbe General Government, being one of
derivative powers only, will not interfere
or intervene to shape the destiny of tbe ein-
*bryo States of the Union ; there shall be
no central influence exerted by it to invite,
or prohibit, or hinder, airy particular sys
tem of labor or any sort of political institu
tions in tbe Territories further than to see
that they are republican in tlieir form, up
on tbe admission of the State into the
Union. It will confine itself to the honest
exercise of the agency delegated to it for
the common benefit ot all tbe principals un
der whose power of attorney it acts. That
power of attorney is the Constitution of
the United States, which expresses the
grant of power to the agent and the prohi
bitions, and the Government must keep
within the limitations expressed, or impli
cations necessarily springing from what
has been expressed, to carry out that which
is within the object of tbe expressed grant.
2. Feifect freedom in the several local
sovereignties to manage tlieir own affairs in
tlieir own way, provided the right of con
science is left free, and the form of the re
public is preserved is guaranteed by tbe
Constitution.
But the territorial government is in no
sense a sovereignty. It derives its life and
beingfrom Congress, and it is incapable of
exerting a power incomputable with the
duties belonging to Congress under the
Constitution, it is plain Congress cannot
delegate what it does not possess, and that
the creature cannot perform what was
denied to the creator. Congress institutes
the territorial government; Congress de
fines and limits its power; Congress is
bound by the Constitution, and may give
to the territorial government all the pow
er to do for the territorial people whatever
Congress could do. It is plain Congress
can extend the grant no ftp-flier. If Con
gress cannot prevent the slaveholder from
going to the Territory with his slaves as
property (and the Supreme Court says it
cannot) then Congress cannot make a ter
ritorial government, and endow it with the
power to prevent him. If Congress cannot
affect the rights of the slaveholder after
lie readies the territory “by unfriendly
legislation,” then Congress cannot create
a si institution by which the same thing
can be rightfully done, and any attempt to
do it by such instrument should be controll
ed and thwarted by Congress in the fair
and just administration ot its own duty. It
results from this view, that Congress
should preserve a constant supervision of
the territorial legislation, and that, when
ever that legislation travels beyond the
proper limitation of territorial power, Con
gress should abrogate it.
1 have heard it frequently asked, “Does
an American citizen lose bis rights by be
coming an inhabitant of a Territory/” I
answer that the Constitution of the United
States guarantees to him bis right of con
science; the free exercise of bis religion;
freedom from arrest, unless by warrant of
law; the writ habeas corpus and trial by ju
ry. These are his constitutional rights, of
which lie can no where be deprived. But
when he enters a Territory over which a
territorial government lias been instituted
by Congress, his political rights—his right
of participation in legislation, and the limi
tations on the extent to which he may ex
ercise that light—depend entirely upon
the nature and organization of that terri
torial government which is his constitution,
pro hue vice. What would be thought of a
man talking of the exercise of his rights in
V irgiuia, contrary to the constitution of
Virginia? Or of one who would talk about
“bis lights as an American citizen,” who
enters a bank corporation, where bis pow
ers and responsibilities are defined by a
legislative charter? The territorial gov
ernment, is nothing but a legislative char
ter. It need not conform to the idea of
popular participation in the legislation of
the territory. Instances are repeated in
our history where it lias departed from
this idea—as in Michigan and in Indiana.
1 think it best, when no paramount ob
jection exists, that Congress should allow
the territorial people the widest range, of
power in matters concerning themselves
alone, but this is necessarily within such
boundaries as limit Congress itself, and
must not be incompatible with the duty
Congress owes to the members of tbe Con
federacy.
If these points are well taken, there can
be no true foundation on which to rest the
doctrine of “popular sovereignty” in the
Territories, according tc the view of that
subject taken by the Senator from Illinois.
The territorial people may be wayward,
they may be “unfriendly” to this or to
that system; but at least Congress can re
press tlieir efforts to do wrong, and may
abrogate their legislation, where it infrin
ges upon rights winch Congress cannot in
vade.
The people of a Territory, in forming
their State constitution, have the unequal
ed light to admit or to reject slavery, and
they should be admitted into tbe Union
without question as to the manner in which
they have exercised this right.
This, Mr. Chairman, is a full view of my
opinions, both upon tbe Wilmot proviso,
which I reject, and on squatter sovereign
ty, which I reject also, ami on the princi
ples of the- legislation of 1850, ou which I
have stood for years—indeed through my
whole public course. I occupy different
e-round from that maintained by either tbe
Senator from New York or tbe Senator
from Illinois. My view invests Congress
with all the power delegated to it by the
Constitution, and the right of-Congress to
delegate the trust to a territorial govern
ment, Congress remaining the constant
supervisor of the action of such govern
ment. It reserves all the rights of the
icai compact with each other. Therefor
it is at this exact period we say they have
the right to form institutions to suit them-
selves. They are not now fettered bv
modifications of political right; they are
now free and sovereign.
Whether the State can he established or
not depends the assent of Congress, given
either precedent or subsequent to the for
mation of the constitution. Why is the
assent of Congress necessary at all ? Be
cause a territorial government established
by Congress has possession of the place on
which the Sla'e is to arise, and because a
State and a territorial government cannot
both be in possession of the same place at
tbe same time. If Congress does not as
sent the State must continue in abeyance,
or it can only be established by revolution.
Let me illustrate by one or two references.
Congress would not establish a territorial
government in California; the military
intendaut gave way ; the State was imme
diately established. At Topeka, an as
semblage formed a constitution for Kansas;
Congress would not give up the territori
al government; the Slate could not bo
brought into existence. At Lecomp-
ton, another effort was made, and Congress
consented to take away tbe territorial
government upon a condition, which not
happening, the State could not arise. When
Congress gives its assent precedent, as by
an enabling act, tbe State comes into exist
ence on the instant: because tbe consent of
Congress lias already paved the way for
the State.
I have gone far more into detail than I
should have done, to elucidate my views
upon the these questions of power, because
I hope to point out to the people, the ma
terial difference existing between the po
litical parties, and tlie differing practical
results which must flow from an adoption
of one or the other of them. On the one
side, I resist the extent of power claimed
for Congress by the Northern politicians of
the slicool of the Senator from New York;
on the other hand I resist the loose con
struction of powers advocated by the S nt-
tor from Illinois, which takes me from the
jaws of one beast, only to deliver me to
another still more voracious. I would
rather trust my late to a regular tribunal
than to a mob. I would as lief die under
the despotism of a tyrant, as under the
heels of an-anarchial multitude. I prefer
to follow Clay and Webster and Fillmore,
and to find iny views sustained even by
obiter dicta and extra judicial opinions
from so august a tribunal as tbe-Supreme-
Court of the United States. Mine is the
safer path to follow. Twice, a resort to
tiie principles I profess lias calmed tbe
storm. Under this breakwater, our good
old ship of State lies at lier moorings safe-
to answer, wo should declare war against
licr and take Cuba.” Well, we go lor-tbc
war, that's a fact, anil had as soon it was
with Spain as any other European power;
but as to capturing the Island of Cuba, we
do not think that we are much in favor o(
that measure. Reason why : There arc
something like six hundred thousand
Spanish Roman Catholics now on that
Island, and the Catholics claim to be the
most numerous religous sect now in the
United States, and to add six hundred
thousand more to that class we fear would
be rather a dangerous operation, AN hen
our Government purchased Louisiana of
France, some fifty years ago, that territo
ry had only some forty thousand French
in it, and though half a century has pass
ed ,Louisiana (particularly Now Orleans)
is still French in nearly ail its customs and
sentiments. Predicating our position on
this fact, we then have a right to presume
that should Cuba be annexed to tbe Uni
ted States, fifty years hence it would still
be a Spanish Roman Catholic Island. The
first settlers of a place generally give tone
to the customs and character of that section,
as instanced by Loisiana, and we are not
exactly willing for Catholicism to become
a foster father to American institutions.
This may be thought by some a weak po
sition, yet we think there is no honest his
torian but will admit the fact that there is
no nation upon this broad earth where '.be
Papal dynasty prevails, but the people
have been degraded to tbe lowest degree
of vassalag
Thus it may be seen, that though we are
decidedly in favor of a war for tbe purpose
of uniting ourselves at home, we do not
care much about tbe acquisition of Cuba,
either by purchase or conquest, as wc are
fearful that it would be a thorn in our side
until the day of our death, and it is likely
that such aqnisition would rapidly hasten
that dreaded event.
[ Independent Blade (Democratic.)
The Admission of Oregon—Mr. Zollieoffer's
Report.
The Oregon question is one of paramount
importance. Upon its admission or non-
admission rest interests of high import not
only to the present but to the future wel
fare of tbe Republic. Looking to the
next Presidential election, the Democrats
are determined to press into the Union a
territory whose population, according to
the best and most recent estimates, does
not reach tbe existing ratio of Congression
al representation. For the sake of three
votes, tbe party in power is bent ou setting
a precedent fatal alike to the future inter
ests of Democracy and the Union. This
rash exercise of power will be resisted both
by tbe Americans and Republicans. Mr.
Grow, from the House Committee on Ter
ritories, has already presented his objec
tions to the admission of Oregon, the sub
stance of his minority report having alrea
dy appeared on Friday of last week in a
New York paper. Tbe objections of Mr.
Grow look maiiuy to tbe fact that Kansas
is placed on a different footing from Ore
gon. It would appear that the sole aim of
the Republicans and Democrats is to se
cure votes, regardless of consequences and
constitutional violations.
Mr. Zoliieoffer, also of tbe House Com
mittee on Territories, takes higher ground.
Tbe sole representative of the American
party in,the Committee, lie presents bis
own report, the material portion of which
is printed elsewhere in to-day’s impression
of the American. It will be seen that he
resists the admission of Oregon, first upon
the ground of insufficiency of population,
and noxt upon the not less important
ground of the recognition of alien suffrage I
in its Constitution. He shows that by the
census of 1855-G the population was but
the Constitution of the United States.—
While declaiming the right of Congress to
interfere with tbe elective franchise in tbe
State, so far as the exercise of that fran
chise is confined to matters merely munici
pal, be holds, that “whilst the States may
confer upon alien* rights of citizenship in
matters pertaining exclusively to the Stale,
they cannot constitute the status of citizen
ship : they cannot convert aliens into citi
zens, (that power having been conferred
by the Constitution upon Congress alone,)
and they cannot, therefore, give to aliens
the rights of citizenship in matters pertain
ing to the Federul GovernmentBlit this
is precisely what the Constitution of Ore
gon does. By giving aliens the right to
vote for members of tiie State Legislature,
it confers upon them, iucidentaly but cer-
taiuly, a power of control over every de
partment of the General Government.—
Hence the Constitution of Oregon is in di
rect conflict with the Constitution of the
United States. •
In establishing this position, as be has
done conclusively, Mr. Zoliieoffer cites the
high authority of the Supreme Court, of
John C. Calhoun, the Constitution of the
United States, Air. Jefferson, Mr. Madison,
and the Debates in the Convention to
franie the Constitution. NYe invoke .the
reader’s attention to this cogent and lucid
argument, in which logic and research arc
so well blended. Our comments could add
nothing to its value.
Towards the close of the Report, in
which Mr Zoliieoffer sums up his conclu
sions, the following sentences occur :—
“NVliilst the right of the States as they
have been reserved should be sedulous!
maintained, those rights which have been
conceded to the General Government
should not be ruthlessly ignored. -Espe
cially is this true in regard to those ele
mental principles upon which rests its self-
preservation. The General Government
stands between us and all foreign innova
tion or invasion.” The word “invasion”
is admirably chosen in this connection.—
It need not be an armed invasion to call
forth the powers of tbe Federal Govern
ment. And if it were, what more terrible
arm” can be placed in the hands of tbe
invading hordes of foreign immigrants
than the “elective franchise ?” Have we
not felt the force of that terrible weapon,
and are we not at this moment virtually a
conquered people ? The party now in
power is the foreign party. The Republi
can party looks to the foreign element for
success, nor will it look in vain, if Congress
iloes not speedily airest the “innovation
and invasion,” which Mr. Zoliieoffer lias
so ably exposed.
A successful resistance to tbe admission
of Oregon can baldly be expected. The
Democratic party will not forget its ancient
practice of abusing power. Oregon will be
forced in, Kansas will be kept out. The
Republican party will be enabled to re
vive the Kansas quarrel. Sectional ex
citement will be. resumed. Tbe cry of
“Southern rights and Northern aggressons”
will be raised. The Democratic party
will be saved. This appeals to be tbe
programme.
Against this folly, tbe little band of
of conservatives in Congress have lifted
tlieir voices. Protesting agaiust tbe dan
gerous precedent of premature admission
and against alien suffrage, they place that
protest on record, and leave to history tiie
verification of tlieir warning and tbe vin
dication of their principles.
Lap, materiallj to ,!„
gress, the property was material/ 0 ( '
eil in value, and the speculator, ?
the object of their combi na ,;
who claim to be well informed a ’ r '
abundant security is prices j / rt 1
Government for the fuifik*?!// V
tract. 4, "‘ u! “i* t
The second reception at t!i C p
last night was a jam, . tv ‘-
for a long time. TheWst roL
reception fooitil, together :
hall, were thronged to excess *
• The Senate, by a party vote, t -
Seward’s resolution to admit the t ‘
Senators from Indiana pendim- th ' " ‘
eration of their case/ The
made by Mr. Iverson, and famish?*
er illustration of the- manner L i V //
fesseil State’s rights men are , v ;i? l ' ]
crush into fragments the real
States on the merest pretence. 1
The Committee of NYays an 1 v
met this morning to hear Air. jjj/ / i
iff bill read, containing the view?/?/*
notify. No action was taken. '
AMEillCK
NYhat a Government.—The (,
of Missouri, in his late message t., •//
islaturo «>i that State, says that dr?' /
Kansas troubles of last vear, uke'.
gomety aud his baud of Free State'; ./
and murderers were driving them ’
ry settlers from the. Territory, /, /'
lanes crossing over into Missouri a? ‘
milting depredations, he sent Ad : - <
Parsons to jiie frontier to inquire / •
facts: that tiie Adjutant reported',
••'numerous overt acts have been c •• /
ted” in Missouri by tiie robbers- an
lie i the Governor) applied to . . .
clianau for aid in preserving the p. ; *
the frontier, also jo Governor Dri ve
maintain peace in Kansas. Theb
extract from the message will s i.
these applications were treated hyp
an and Denver.
“I, on the 9th of the same nionf
dressed the President of the United s--.'
soliciting the aid of the General G •/
ment in the protection of our citizens
in the preservation cf the peace -so
sary to the prosperity of our people.
“An answer from the NVar Depar;;
informed me that no available tr Z »■
known to said Depaitment which eoii; •
be so employed. Dounts were also i.,,.
ted of tbe “expediency of emplovin
ted States troops against bands/,,
marauders.”
“Gov. Denver,Jn response to nvr]. ~ ;
expressed regrets that the course I k
(Heated should be thought necessary,
tbe hope that necessity might heol.v
assuring me that he would do all in ;
power to suppress the evil complained,./
Is itjiossible that the- South, un'-.
Black Republican Administration, e
be more outrageously insulted and iin;
on ?—Col. Enq.
43,472, and by contrasting the popular
ly and snugly ; under any other manage
ment, she is exposed to the beating of the
billows and her glorious old timbers creak
from bowsprits to tatfrail. Give us peace
Mr. Chairman ; give us harmony ; and
give us the Union as our forefathers trans
mitted it. NYe know liovv to secure all of
these blessings to ourselves and our pos
terity. If we are so mad in tluo race of
partisan politics and sectional piejudices
as to throw them away, the impartial pen
of history will record of our country and our
selves that the prize of priceless value to
mankind was lost by degenerate sons of
noble sires.
But, let me address one other observa
tion or two to gentlemen in all sections of
the Union, before I take my scat. Have
American politics dwindled to this little
measure,that they prescri toothing else wor
thy of consideration except slavery and
points touching slavery ? That question
has absorbed our attention for nearly a
quarter of a century ; and let me ask, in
all kindness, what good result lias been
accomplished by it ? Are we more philan
thropic than were the men who preceded
us ? Have we stricken the shackles from
a single slave ? Have we reformed the
views of the people anywhere ? Has ei
tlier section of the Union won any trophy,
of the slightest value, vuif of this protracted
contest ?
Ah ! Mr. Chairman, look upon our coun
try ! Blessed with an extent of soil equal
to the area of all Europe, of unsurpassed
fertility, of unequalled salubrity, tilled by
a hardy yeomanry, and an intelligent gen
try whose energies are daily applied with
skill and industry ; with a mechanical
class, whose liafdy arms and inventive
brainwave pressed us forward in the great
race of improvement to a point beyond
which we have none ahead of us—with a
commercial class inferior to that of no other
country for tact, vigilance, punctuality,
and powers of combination ; with a navi
gating class who ride the ocean with a
daring, and who keep ward over tlieir trust
with a fidelity that knows no fear or self-
indulgence, why wc arc in our present
condition ? Look at the homes and faces
of our people,—they are happy, sir; yes,
they are liappy, and they are yet in the
enjoy menfrof individual immunity from the
misery which hangs upon us, as a people,
like the pall of night. Our revenues are
exhausted; our commerce languishes ; our
industry is discouraged : our debt has ac
cumulated, and is accumulating : foreign
powers environ us by unfriendly policies ;
extravagance marks the path of our admin
istrative career ; our flag droops; the
flame of American alters flicker in the
socket. I make no reproaches. God
knows, and we all know, where tbe fault
is. The people know it, aud they should
demand a change of policy. All I ask of
my countrymen is this : Have we not
enough to inspire men of patriotic feeling
in all parties to a united effort upon some
national and patriotic basis ?
Cuba.—The Cuba question seems to be
creating considerable interest in Congress
just about this time, and we notice in an
exchange that Mr. Keith, of South Caro
lina, on the 19the iust., made the follow
ing remarks in the House : “He argued
that as Spain will not sell Cuba, and as
States aud tbe people. It denies the pow- wc Lave a long list of grievances for Spain
vote of’57 with that of ’56, establishes the
fact of “a slowly increasing population.”
As a member of a Committee before whom
not only Oregon and Kansas are applying
for admission, but Arizona, Dacotah, Nc
vada and Colona, in the persons of then-
delegates, are eagerly pressing for present
territorial organization and a speedy erec
tion into sovereign States, Mr. Zoliieoffer
clearly foresees and forcibly portrays the
danger of the precedent which the doini-
naut party is determined to establish.—
“Oilier communities,” lie well remarks,
“with population less than that of a Con
gressional district, would also knock at
tiie doors of Congress for admission and be
admitted.” These “petty communities,”
“with population less than one thirty third
part of that of the State of New York,
would each wield in the Senate of the
Unite-1 States a power equal to that of
New Y'ork, and, in a contingency under
the Constitution, an equal power in the
elections of President aud N ice President
of the United States.” “Their introduc
tion, as a balance of powe^, might not on
ly be made to control Presidential elec
tions, but the very destinies of the Ameri
can Union. NYould this be just to tiie lar
ger States, or to the bulk of the American
people ? “How long would it be before
party politicians holding temporary ascen
dancy in the Government would be tempt
ed to bring in new States, regardless of
population ? How long before this would
b ing retaliation in a more reckless spirit,
aud when and where would such warfare,
once begun, terminate ?-”
These well put questions are pregnant
with suggestions. This dragging, by main
force and for party purposes alone, of
sparsely populated territories into the L"n-
ion, is, in effect, tbe fatal heresy of squatter
sovereignty reduced to its worst form and
elevated to a dignity and directness of op
eration which eveif its origination scarce
ly contemplated. It is worse than Mr.
Douglas’ “unfriendly legislation” against
slavery, by so much as a present issue is
more dangerous than an extinct one. It
is no longer a “despotism of file majority,”
but a despotism of the minority, and of an
illiterate and lawless minority. Its effect
is immediate upon the legislation uot of a
State, but of the general Government. Its
tendency is to expand a heresy heretofore friends - of /a chan
confined and thereby partially neutralised;
and, it carried out in the case of Oregon
and not in that of Kansas, its inevitable
result will be to strengthen the now very
nearly disintegrated sectional party, and
thereby to place the government in the
hands of those who will commend the poi
soned chalice of premature admission to
the lips of the Democratic party* without
scruple and without remorse
After showing that tbe ordinance of
1787 does not properly apply to tbe case
of Oregon, and hence that Congress is un
der no obligations to admit her with a
population of GO,000, aiul having previous
ly shown that from the organization of the
Federal Government down to the present
time, no instance lias ever occurred in
which a State has been admitted with a
population less titan the then existing ra
tio of- representation, with the single ex
ception of Florida, which had the requis
ite number at the time of application, but
owing to the ravages of Indian wain and
tlic increase in the ratio before her admis
sion, did not have quite the number requir
ed. Having shown tins, Mr. Zoliieoffer
proceeds to discuss the important feature
of alien suffrage as established in the con
stitution of Oregon, aud as bearing upon
WASHINGTON LETTERS.
[Correspondence of the Baltimore American. J
NYasiuxgton, January 25,1859.
The Committee of NYays and Means met
tliis morning and decided some important
points. First, by a vote of G to 3, in favor
of a modification of tbe Tariff, as follows :
Ayes—Phelps. Phillips, Maclay, Morrill,
Davis, and Howard. Nays—Dowdell,
Crawford and Letcher.
On motion of Air. Phillips, it was resolv
ed that whatever Loan bill should be re
ported was to be accompanied by a modi
fication of the Tariff. Ayes—Phillips,
Maclay, Morrill, Davis, and Howard—5.
Nays—Phelps, Crawford, Dowdell and
Letcher.
Air. Phelps submitted bis bill for chnflU
ingtlie tariff. It proposes an increase of
six millions in the aggregate by adopting
the decimal divisions suggested by Air.
Cobb, and transfering articles from the
free list to the dutiable schedule, and
changing various schedules. A majority
will agree to let him report bis bill by- cour
tesy, tliongli it is in a minority in Commit
tee. It puts iron at 25 per cent., cottonsat
20, woollens at 15, and reduces the 100
per cent, schedule to 50 in the other
changes.
NVashixuton, Jan. 2G, 1S59.
It should be borne in ini ml by tbe advo
cates of Air Slidell’s thirty million bill, for
the pretended purchase of Cuba, that even
according to tiie admission of the report
which lie submitted from tbe Committee on
Foreign Relations, this sum is but a begin
ning for the professed object. He states
distinctly that perhaps one hundred and
twenty-five millions will be required to per
fect the purchase. This figure is reached
by the assumption that inasmuch as one
hundred millions were refused by Spain
ten years ago, the value lias increased
twenty-five millions since then. This sage
conclusion is quite worthy of the genius
which conceived it, and in keeping with the
arguments that have been used to sustain
a partisan scheme.
Air. Slidell has effected the object at
which lie most directly aimed in the Cuba
movement, that is in defeating the preten
sions of Air. Soule for a seat in tbe Senate
and securing the re-election of Air. Benja
min. He ont-Heroded Herod, and thus
carried the Legislature by a coup de main,
quite unexpected to the wily ex minister to
Spain, who bad based most of bis hopes
upon liis connection with the Ostend man
ifesto ami favoring the application of its
doctrines.
The only hopes entertained bv tbe
go in the Tariff, is
through the action of Conference Commit
tee at the last moment, and under the du
ress of tiie House, in refusing any loan
without an accompanying modification.
Even that chance is desperate, for the De
mocratic majority of the Senate are very
determined in their repugnance to any al
ternation whatever, and will Leapt to car
ry their opposition to an extreme.
Tbe Republicans here held a cancns and
agreed unanimously to vote for a modifi
cation of the Tariff. There will not be
more than twenty votes in the house, from
the Democratic side, for any reasonable
proposition.
Notwithstanding the complicated state
of public affairs and he embarrassment of
the Treasury, tbe principal New Y'ork of
fice holders arc here to fight their battles
over again, and doubtless to enter into a
new truce in tbe East room, after smoking
the calumet-of peace with the President.
The spectacle is very edifying, consider
ing the condition of things at home aud
abroad.
It is true that the second instalment for
the purchase of Fort Suelling, the sale of
which excited so much comment last ses
sion, has not been paid. It was due in Ju-
jy, butowiug to various causes, and per*
The CampaijED of I860.
That the Presidential election of p ]
will be 0119 of the most important 1
cal contests waged since the foinu-ati ..
our Government is acknowledged on a ;
hands. The whole country now stand, k
breathless suspense, awaiting ihedend -
merits of everj’ hour, and well it n.av,
momentus results hang suspended ■ u
the complexion the next race shall as,;
It is, we believe, a universally eouc .
point that two great national parties
absolutely necessary to preserve oar sv ■
tern in safe and healthy working order-
It is a fact equally well settled that we
have not now such parties in the fiek-
Tbe Democratic and Republican pr.rio
each claim that they alone have sand •
strength to govern the country. V..' •
the one is confessedly sectional, the 0 .
possesses no'elements of nationality oil •
than the single 011c ascribed to it
years ago by Air. Calhoun,—“the coL-.-d
attraction of the public plunder.”
Thinking men also know that a contd:
between these two parties will inertia
result in tbe election of a Black Republi
can President, which might, and if wear,
to credit tbe threats of seme ultraists, ck-
iainly will, result in the dissolution of ti:
Union.
This being the programme for IbfrO, the
formation of a new parry, truly nati v.al
and conservative, which will be able to
avert the threatened danger, becomes a
matter of stupendous importance, involv
ing the very existence of the Confedera
cy. Under such circumstances, can any
true patriot hesitate as to what duty and
patriotism demand at bis hands l Is nottcc
path of duty a plain one ?
NYhat is it ? Let all rr.en who do truly
love their country and wish to see onr.
institutions transmitted unimpaired to p •
teriiy—all who are satisfied that Democ
racy has proven a failure, (aud who can
now question it ?)—all who wish tore,;
the government to its original purity—•
who desire to check the extravagant waste
of the public money—all who are die
ted with agitation and wish to see pc:’.
and harmony, and fraternal good feci. -’
restored—let all these, ami all other gas
men, unite together and save the Co:^t:-
tution and the Union from being gr
to peices between tbe “upper ami uetla-
mili-stones” of bogus Democracy ar.
Black Republicanism.
The remedy is easy and simple. L
times imperatively demand it. The A""”
ican party’ will furnish a nucleus for tL
new organization. The signs of “
times—though national bankruptcy star.
11s in the face, and sectional clouds, blacs
with infernal hatred and wrath, threats
to burst upon us—are, nevertheless, pr 1
lions. Tbe People are awaking from t y :
lethargic sleep, and when once aroused w
a sense of the dangers that surround r >
they will act efficiently. Gocf grant tl-
they may be aroused in time.—A“ (t
Watchman.
Alleged Pension Fraud.—The Sava”,
nail Republican says:—“NVe nnderstaD>-
that Samuel M. Burnett, formerly a mem
ber of tlic Legislature from Glynn county■
lias been arrested upon the affidavit ot^ L ; -
cien Peyton, Esq., a special agent ot ti 1
United States for alleged frauds 011
Government. The charge com ist in sen
ding false and counterfeited writings to tin’
Department on account and iu support w
claims for Bounty Land in favor cf variom
persons. Air. Burnett was brought to
ciiy on Friday last, and leaves to-duj
(Monday) for Brunswick, in custody oti-'
Deputy Marshal, aud the special agent t
execute a bond of $20,000 with securities
for his appearance at the next DistrKj
Court, to be held in Savannah, on the F
Tuesday in Fobi uary next. The (Joverx
rnent, through tLe efficient Commission/
ot Pensions, George C. NNTiiting, Esq-, b
displaying great energy and prompting
in ferreting out aud prosecuting irauds on
the Pension fund.
“We know nothing of the strength of /
evidence upon which Air. Burnett is to “ e
bronght to trial. From the official positi° 3
he has held—having been more than one
a member of the Georgia Legislature, au-*
being now oue of the Justices of the iu e
rior Court of Glynn county—wo are
hope that the charges may bo ill-fooudeo.
and the trial result iu a vindication of
innocepce.
led to