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[From tlieMobile Register.]
Letter from “Harmony/’
New York, March 25.
X never could make out the real reason
that induced my mild aiid gentle Pryor
of Virginia to order WyckolF, the family
physician of Bennett of the Herald, off the
floor of.tbe House of Representatives.—
There was a mystery about it. Wyckoff
was not publicly identified with the Herald.
He was not on tb4 floor as Bennett’s rep
resentative, and however intimate the rela
tions of Wyckoff and Mrs. Bennett may
have been, that was no reason why Mr.
Pryor should order the Chevalier Wyckoff
out of the House of Representatives! Cer
tainly not. I have the true reason for
that unexplained act.
At the time of Pryor’s just rebuke to
Bennett, Wyckoff was cringing around
many members, and among them Mr. Pry
or. The latter was in the habit of per
mitting Wyckoff to come to his apart
ments, and as W. is a very useful and
pleasant tool for the members to use, he
had a certain degree of intimacy with the
honorable member from Virginia.
Three days after the reference made by
Mr Pryor to Bennett, Wyckoff called
alone. He was shown to Mr. Pryor’6
room. “How do you do, sir 1 Take a
seat,” said Mr, Pryor, who was at that mo
ment engaged in washing his hands.
“I can tell you a secret—how you can
wash your hands, and keep them delicious
ly soft,” said the Chevalier Wyckoff.
“How ?” asked Pryor.
-It is a secret worth knowing, hut out
of my high regard for you I will tell it.
Wash yonr hands with soap until they are
covered with the white foam ; then let your
chaimbermaid, or some friend, pour sweet-
scented oil inte the palms of your hands,
a table-spoonful will do; then rub your
hands together for some time ; finally, take
a clean towel and wipe your hands. Don’t
wash with water again. Yon will find
your hands as white and as soft as velvet,”
remarked Wyckoff.
“What a funny idea. I’ll try it some
day,” said Mr. Pryor, and added, “what
can I do for you, sir ?
“Can I have a strictly private conversa
tion with you ?” asked Mr. Wyckoff.
“Yos, provided you do not propose a
robbery or a murder to me,” said Mr.
Pryor.
“None of those dreadful things, I assure
you. On the contrary, my mission is
Peace—delightful, sweet peace. I wish
to speak to you about Mr. Bennett. Your
speech was severe, fearfully severe. He
deserved it all. He is betraying you and
me, friend Pryor—a cochon, a pig—in fact
a Scotch hog. I hate him.”
“You, Wyckoff! Why, I thought yon
and the old Scotch scoundrel were great
friends !” said Mr. Pryor.
“No not at heart. I love his son.yoiiL
James, tenderly and devotedly. He is a
fine young man. Just verging into manly
life—just crossing the threshold, as I may
say, of the great world, to which you and
me belong. You can render a service to
that young Bennett that he will never,
never forget. You can make him—you
can givo him a reputation that will carry
him through the world. Excuse these
tears, but I speak from the heart,” said
Wyckoff. as he wiped his eyes with a cost
lv lac* 1 nnrket handkerchief once the prop
•rty of that nice foreign lady, Fanny Esler.
“I, VV ny, you amaze me! What the
h—1 and d tion have I to do with
Bennett's brat,” remarked the astonished
Pryor.
“The world says lie ought (the young
Bennett I mean) to challenge you forallu
■ion to the forehead ornaments of Lis
papa,” said Wyckoff.
“Oh, now I understand you. You want
me to accept a challenge from young Ben
nett! Most certainly ; with the greatest
pleasure in the world. Let him send one,
and I will honor it as soon as received.
You will be his second, I suppose,” said
the amiable Pryor.
•‘You do not exactly comprehend my
meaning,” said Wyckoff.
“No. Pray, what do you mean ?” ask
ed Mr. Pryor.
“Why, before I leave let us have a little
understanding.”
“Go on. Proceed with your under
standing.”
“Suppose young Bennett challenges you,
and I agree that he shall not Bhoot you,
although he fires towards you, will you
agree not to fire at him 1 Remember he*
is quite a lad. The sympathy of the com
munity will go with him, as he will be
supposed to fight for the honor of his fami
ly. I ou yourself will say that is commen
dable.” said Wyckoff.
“Oil, this is indeed delightful. I like it.
Go on. Let us have the whole programme,
my dear fellow. 1 have always heard you
spoken of as a man of great honor,” sar
castically added Mr. Pryor.
“Nobody but you, young Bennett, and
me need be in the secret. It is not neces
sary even that your sccondshould know it.
It will do no harm, and as I have said be
fore it will make the young man. I detest
bis father, but I am a guardian to a certain
extent for the young one, at last I expect
to be when the old scoundrel turns np his
toes, and I shall then cpntrolc the Herald
and can do you grefll good politically,”
added Wyckoff.
“Now, stop, you infernal, man sneaking,
cowardly toad. Get out of my room or
I’ll murder you. How dare you appioach
me with such proposition. I have a mind
to thorw you out of the window. Not a
word, but leave,” said the now thoroughly
aroused and most indignant Virginian.
The crest-fallen Chievalier Wyckofi
made tracks. ,
The next day, Mr. Pryor saw the cra
ven hearted Chevalier parading the flooi
of the House of Representatives, as large
as life. Mr. Pryor could not stand it, he
ordered him off the floor. That is the se
cret of the whole matter.
It is as true as gospel. Mr. Pryor,
when he reflected upon the bold proposi
tion of the Chevalier determined to go
out and cane him. His friends would no.
allow it.
Did you ever read a more tbrilliug
sketch of meanness ? Does not your heart
rise up ? What an idea ? That Mr. Pry
or would consent to such a plot ? It was
* u gg est ®d by old Bennett and Wyckofl
mistook their man. Mr. Pryor would not
do a mean act, neither is he a fool to he
■hot at. Harmony.
Not Religiously Educated.—The Cht
tat Observer, speaking of the prayer of the
Jewish Rabbi Raphall in Congress, says:
The Rabbi is spoken of as a very affable
and pleasant, as well as a learned man.
One of the editors of the Presbyterian Wit
ness says, that “in 1849, we crossed the At
lantic on the same vessel with Dr. Raphall.
then on his way to this country. It was
proposed one day by an Englishman, that
we ask him to give his opinion, as a Rabbi,
in regard to the lawfulness of slavery, as
determined by the Old Testament or iaw
of Moses.” We were struck with his re
ply. He said the Scriptures sanctioned
slavery, and then added: “There are
those who do not believe in the lawfulness
of slavery, but they are persons who have
not been religiously educated.
The Mountain Meadow Massacre—Horrible
Confession.
The Salt Lake Valley Tan, of Febru.a
ry 20th, contains a statement is regard to
the massacre at Mountain Meadows, in
September, 1857, when 120 men, women object of which is to establish and regu
and children were murdered by the Mor
mons. When Judge Cradlebaugh com
menced the. session of his court in Utah,
supported by the military, among other
witnesses who privately, under fear of as
sassination, informed him of outrages in
the territory, was one who participated in
the Mountain Meadow massacre. He
gave the following account of the murder :
Previous to the massacre there was a
council held at Cedar City, which Presi
dent Haight and Bishops Higby and Leed
attended. At this council they designat
ed or appointed a large number of men re
siding in Cedar City, and in other settle
ments around, to perform the work of dis
patching these emigrants. The men ap
pointed for this purpose were instructed to
resort, well armed, at a given time, to a
spriug or small stream, lying a short dis
tance to the left of the road leading into
the Meadows, and not very far from Hamb
lin' 's ranch, hut concealed from it by in
tervening hills. This was the place of
rendezvous, and here the men, when they
arrived, painted, and otherwise disguised
themselves so as to resemble Indians.—
From thence they proceeded, early on
Monday morning, by a path or trail which
leads from this spring directly into the
Meadows, and entered the road some dis
tance beyond Hamblin’s ranch. By tak
ing this route they could not be seen by
any one at the ranch.
On arriving at the coral of the emigrants,
a number of the men were standing on the
outside by the camp fires, which, from ap
pearances, they had just been building.
These were first fired upon, and at the first
discharge several of them fell dead or
wounded ; the remainder immediately ran
to the inside of the corral, and began for
tifying themselves, and preparing for de
fence as well as they could, by shoving
their wegous closer together, and digging
holes into which to lower them, so as to
keep the shots from going under and strik
ing them. The attack continued in a de
sultory and irregular manner for four or
five days. The corral was closely watch
ed, and if any of the emigrants showed
themselves they were iustantly fired at
from without. If they attempted to go
to the spring, which was only a few yards
distant, they were sure to fall by the rifles
of their assailants. In consequence of the
almost certain death that resulted from
any attempt to procure water, the emi
grants, before the seige discontinued, suf
fered intensely from thirst. The assail
ants, believing at length that the emigrants
could not be subdued by the means adopt
ed, resoited to treachery and stratagem to
accomplish what they had been unable to
do by force. They returned to the spring,
where they had painted and disguised”
themselves previous to commencing the
attack, and there removed those disguises
and again assumed their ordinary dress.
After this, Bishop Lee, with a party of
men, returned to the camp of the emigrants,
hearing a white flag as a signal of truce.
From the position of the corral, the emi
grants were able to see them some time be
fore they reached it. As soon as they dis
cerned it, the} 7 dressed a little girl in white
and placed her at the entrance of the cor
ral, to indicate their frendly feelings to
the persons bearing the flag. Lee and his
party, on arriving, were invited into the
corral, where they stayed about an hour,
talking with them about the attack that
had been made upon them. Lee told the
emigrants that the Indians had gone off
over the hills, and that if they would lay
down their arms and give up their proper
ty, he and his party would conduct them
back to Cedar City ; but if they went out
with their arms, the Indians would look
upon it as an unfriendly act, and would
again attack them. The emigrant^trust
ing to Lee’s honor and to the sincerity of
his statement, consented to the terms
which he proposed, and left their property
and all their arms at the corral, and, un
der the escort of Lee and his party, start
ed towards the North in the direction of
Cedar City. After they had proceeded
about a mile on their way, on a signal
given by Bishop Higby, who was one of
the party who went to the corral with
Lee, the slaughter began. The men were
mostly killed or shot down at the first fire,
and the women and children, who immedi
ately fled in different directions, were
quickly pursued and dispatched.
Such was the substance, if not the exact
words of a statement made by a man to
Judge Cradlebaugh, in my presence, who
at the same time confessed that be parti
cipated in the horrible events ho related.
He also gave Judge C. the names of 25 or
Z 0 other men living in the region, who as
sisted in the massacre. He offered also to
make the same statement in court and un
der oath, if protection was guaranteed to
him. He gave as a reason for divulging
these facts, that they had tormented bis
mind and conscience since they occurred,
and he e a pressed a willingness to stand a
trial for his crime.
Character.—There is character in the
footstep. People no more walk alike
than they think or act alike. You can
almost tell by the fall of the foot on the
pavement whether a man’s internal ba
rometer indicates cloud or sunshine. See
the man of progress and enterprise—the
successful merchant or lawyer; the same
rules that guide his business relations fol
low bis very gait through swarming
thoroughfares. Ho never treads on inse
cure ground, and his foot is never set down
without a sort of firm, steady sense of se
curity. The footstep of the young begin
ner in life's pathway is irregular and ra
pid—he is yet undecided, and hesitates on
the busy threshold of the busy world. The
laborer with paper cap and bespattered
raiment, has neither energy or spirit in his
walk ; you might as well try to decipher
a blank page as to read character in his.
Up and down, up and down, with the same
slow, lumbering movement. How differ
ent are the light, tripping steps of the
young girl that makes music even on the
worn and roughened paving stones from
the weary tread of those who walk within
the shadows of death ! There is charac
ter in people’s footsteps if one only knows
how to read its uninterpreted language.
The National Intelligencer, speaking of
the recently erected statue of Washington
at the Capital says that it is daily visited
by hundreds of persons, <most of whom
give it the benefit of their best critical ex
amination. The circular pavement offers
anusual advantages to the critics, since
the statue can be conveniently viewed
from every point of the compass, and at a
distance quite satisfactory for the purpose.
It is believed the statute is liked the bet
ter the more it is viewed, »and that Mr.
Mills will be found to have greatly increas
ed his reputation by its production. Im
provement in the general effect, and espe
cially |in the expression of Washington’s
face, which is now to a great measure lost
under the glare of the new metal, will be
the result of the action of the weather on
J of the statue.
Mr. Ithrldse’i Cerreiey BiH.
The Committee on Commerce of the
Federal House of Representatives has
had refered to it an important bill, -intro
duced by Mr. Ethridge, of Tennessee, the
A Scene in the Honse. .v
iR ABOblTIONIATRATfiS AND BULLIES.
Southern lot-Bleed Bofli Over.
The following extraordinary debate is
taken from the reported proceeding* of
the House of Representatives on Thurs
day last.
Mr. Lovejoy (Rep. 111.)—The House
has been occupied for several days in the
discussion of polygamy. The Repnblican
party, of which I am a member, stands
pledged, ever since 1845. so far as Congress
has the power, to exterminate the twin
relics of barbarism, Slavery and Poly
gamy, In the Territories of the United
States. Now Sir, as we have administer
ed a deathblow to one of these twins, I
propose to pay my respects to the other
twin. I want to see both strangled and
go down together as they heartily deserve.
Mr. Cobb (Demr, Ala.)—It is not in
order under the rales, bnt I am willing
to let him go on and talk about the other
twin.
Mr. Lovejoy—I shall go on without the
gentleman’s leave, or anybody else’s leave
individually.
Mr. Stantion (Rep. O.)—Does the Chair
hold that the twin relics are in order. I
thing, under the new rules, the debate
must be confined to the Tariff bill. I only
raise the question because I am afraid, if
the general debate goes on, the real subject
before us will be ueglected.
Mr. Sherman (Rep.. Ohio), said the dis
cussion was open as broad as upon the
President’s Message, but the majority
of the House might at any time limit the
discussion to the subject matter.
The Chairman, Mr. Washburn (Rep.,
Me.(, decided that general debate was in
order.
Mr. Lovejoy—I was about to say, when
interrupted, that the question presented is
whether Slavery shall be extended beyond
its present limits, astbatistbe only question
over which we have exclusive jurisdiction;
but, Sir, when it is proposed to extend
what is termed an institution, but what
is not au institution, but simply a prac
tice, like polygamy, the question nat
urally arises whas is the nature, what
the influences, and what the elements of
this practice and what will they prove to
be when extended, if allowed to extend 1—
I am aware that it has been stated on this
floor that the morality of Slavery has been
settled; that its ethics are no longer to
be discussed ; that they were settled
by the stagyrite of Greece, and have
been re-afiirmcd and reestablished by
the stagyrite of Ohio, who potrayed
it in gorgeous colors, like the hues
which gather around the clouds of a
summer sunset. We were told that whre
slaveholding will pay, there slaveholdiug
will go. Precisely upon the same prin
ciple, where robbery or piracy will pay
they will go, and where human flesh is
A Primitive SrATE.-Our friend Brooks, ? bea P er . than bee '. e8 ’ cunibaHsin will go,
sen., of the New York Express, who is now j b ? cau3c P a y 9 * , Sir ’ than r 1 obb * r, f*! tba . n
jaunting through the Southern States, ' P ,rac 7’ tban P^yg«®7. slaveholdiog is
gives the following spicy account of the wors °-more criminal, more injurous to
people of the Old North State : ! “ a ?’ and consequently more offensive to
Alter a few days tarry in Raleigh, I God * Slaveholding has been justly desig-
have come to the conclusion that this is ; nated as . tbe ? um . of a11 cr,me ’ lou P ut
now the only reallv fresh, new, virgin State f VCr ^ cnm f tba ‘ ls P er P e . tat ® d U P°? racn
in the Union. I mean not, that its soil is ™ to • moral crucible, and dissolve and corn-
new or virgin, or that it is fresh like Cali- I bine them all, and the result of the amal-
fornia, or Minnesota, but I mean that it is ! G am 13 ^ekolding. I am speaking in
novel, new, fresh, virgin, in its very anti- i earnest, before God, and it is God s truth
quity. “Progress” has not got here ; that i ba9 tbe violence of robbery, the blood
is, that Progress which turns things upside of P'™** tbe brutal lusts of polygamy, all
down and inside out, and that ploughs so comb,ned . and concentrated in itself, with
deep as to turn all the loam under and all aggravations, that neither one of those
the sand over that loam. The politicians ®! r ' lm ® 9 ? ver kn ° w «r dreamed of Now,
are not thieves nor robbers as yet. They ! Mr. Chairman, the justification of Slavery
do not enter into politics just now to make J 8 P laced ma \ nl * °” lhr f S rou “ d8 ; , tbe ' ,n *
money ; but. strange to say, and this shows {e I l0n p ? f the en ? lavad ra ce. that the fact
their virginity, for pleasure or for “glory.” °. f ® n .* Ia r in S rac " im P a rts Christianity and
The locomotive is here, sputtering all about j c,vll,zat i° n to them, and the guarantees of
late a paper circulation of uniform value
throughout the United States. It provides
that the United States sub treasurers or
treasurers of the mint and its branches shall
receive deposit* of gold or silver, bullion
or gold, and give the depositors certificates
therefor, in sums of from twenty to one
thousand dollars. These certificates are
to resemble bank notes, to be signed by
Secretary of the Treasury, or some one
appointed for that purpose in his name,
and countersigned by the officers receiving
the deposits for which they are to be ex
changed. These certificates are to be
transferable by delivery, and to be re
ceived in payment of all dues to the Uni-
States, and re-issued in liquidation of Gov
ernment debts if the creditor is willing.—
The Secretary may authorize such collec
tors of revenue as you may designate to
receive deposits of silver and gold and
issue the certificates, the Secretary de
termining the place of payment of these
collectors’ certificates, but all others are
to be made payable at tlie place of issu
ance. There are other details, guards,
and checks in the bill, but these are the
general features.
As the Louisville Journal to which we
are indebted for the above summary of its
provisions remarks, it supplies a currency
of unimpeachable security for all the pur
poses of exchange, and does away with
all taint of a government bank. Since
the Lombard Jews, some thousand and
fifty years ago, first erected tbeir bancos
in the market places for exchange of mon
ey, there has never been a more simple
plan suggested than this which owes its pa
ternity to the gentleman from Tennessee.
It will necessarily, if it become a law,
equalize all our exchanges from Maine to
Oregon, and save the Government, under
the operations of the Sub-Treasury law,
a great amount of expense in transporting
gold and silver to different localities. It
makes the Federal Treasury, in effect, a
bank of deposit as well as a bank of is
sue, and it seems to us that such guards
can be thrown around the system to pre
vent counterfeiting, embezzlement, and
false issues of certificates as will render
its workings practically useful. It will
not, of course—nor is that the intent of
the bill—form a general circulating medi
um, but it will, in the commercial econo
my of our country, constitute its exchange,
by which all debts will be liquidated with
out tlie intervention of money, anil it will
do away with all the various and varied
responsibilities of drawer, remitter, accep
tor, and endorser, tliu3 simplifying the
business operations of the country and
giving in what is greatly needed—a reg
ulator of exchange.
and putting his nose into even the venera-
the Constitution. We conceede as a mat-
ble and far-renowned mountain region of ; ‘ er of . fa ?‘ he tofemnty of the race but
Buncombe, but the locomotive is not yet a ! does U ^ ol,0 , w ‘ bat 11 18 r, <? bt . ta
politician. The State is not Gridironed, j a because he is inferior to
New York city fashion. If twenty North j Mr ’ Chairman, this is to me a most
Carolina Senators, slaveholding rascals as
they are, were to do what twenty New
no AAA H11«J UIU A UU >1 IU1I vU y LJ A I III 1 11 V • • n f 1 * 1 * 1
The people speak the English, all J ll8t,f > tbe an ffl 8 ‘“paving man, and,
. 4 4 1 ° . I l ii turn if cunn M niofilu thn orn i.omra a in
York slaveholder hating Senators did in
a night and day session, all of them would
go into the stocks or the pillory, and re
ceive thirty-nine lashes in addition, so
much “behind the age” are these Palris
Conscripti of Buncombe! Every thing
thus runs in this old-fashioned, primitive
way.
of them, that we in New England spoke
in our earlier days, as defined in old Per
ry’s now abolished dictionary, or as set
forth in Webster’s ABC spelling book,
where “the old man found the rude boy,”
&c., &c. Stealing means stealing here
yet! And lieing, lieing! A robber is a
robber, whether dressed in broadcloath or
in rags ? When a lady is “out,” sbe is
“out,” not at the head of the stairs, listen
ing to hear who rang the bell, or who
knocked at the door! Blessed people!
What a pity it is that, on the railroads
will sooner or later come “the spirit of the
abhorrent doctrine. It would place the
weak at the mercy of the stroug, The
theory is, that if a man is crippled, trip
him np ; if he is old and weak, strike liim
he can’t strike back; if he is a child, de
ceive him. Why, Sir, this doctrine of
the democrats—and it is the doctrine of
devils as well—would lead the stroug to
enslave the weak everywhere. It would
age!
B.
Graduations of a French Newsfaper.
—When Napoleon escaped from Elba, and
returned to France, the Monilcur announc
ed the event as follows :
First announcement—March, 1815. The
monster has escaped from the place of his
banishment; be has run away from Elba.
Second—The Corsican dragon (Pogre)
has landed at Cape Juan.
Third—The tiger has shown himself at
Gap. The troops are advancing on all
sides to arrest his progress. He will con
clude his miserable adventure by becom
ing a wanderer among the mountains ; he
cannot possibly escape.
Fourth—The monster has really ad
vanced as far as Grenoble; we know not
to what treachery to ascribe it.
Fifth—The tyrant is actually at Lyons
Fear and terror seized all at his approach
Sixth—The usurper has ventured to
approach the capital to within sixty hours’
march.
Seventh—Bonaparte is advancing by
forced marches; bnt it is impossible be
can reach Paris.
Eighth—Napoleon will arrive under tbe
walls of Paris to morrow.
Ninth—The Emperor Napoleon is at
Fountainblean.
Tenth—Yesterday evening, bis Majesty,
the Emperor, made his public entry, and
arrrived at the Tuileries—nothing can ex
ceed tbe universal joy!
Popping the Question.—During a cold “snap, 1
a club of ladies was organized for the purpose of
skating with the gentleman attendants. The
“thaw” spoiled the sport, in which several fair
ones were beginning to display great dexterity,
especially Miss ——, one of tbe most accom
plished of the belles of the winter. It was in al
lusion to this that the member from sent
her as a valentine, this stanza from “an English
poem,” (so iie said)?
“Her heart is like a frozen lake.
On whose cold brink I stand !
Oh, buckle on my spirit’s skate,
And take me by the hand ;
And lead thou, loving saint, the way
To where tbe ice is thin.
That it may break beneath my feet,
And let a lover in.”
father a quaint idea, wasn’t it ? And if tbe
names of the loving pair are some of these days
to be seen under our “marriage head,” may it
not be asked which broke tbe ice? r
iu turn, it would justify the arch-angels in
enslaving the angels. If carried out iu
the universe, it would ultimately transform
Jehovah himself into au infinite Jugger
naut.
Mr. Lovejoy, who liad commenced his
remarks on the extreme left of the Repub
lican side, had gradually advanced into
tbe space in front of the Speaker’s chair,
and as he warmed in bis subject, be began
to gesticulate with some vehemence. In
the midst of the remark last reported, he
was interrupted by Mr. Pryor, (Dem., Va.,)
who excitedly called him to order, at the
same timo advancing toward him, with
fierce gesticulations. He was understood
to say, prefacing the remark with some of
fensive adjectives. “Keep your own side,
sir ; you shall not come over here, shaking
your fists in the face of gentlemen !”
Great confusion ensued. Members be
gan to rush toward the scene from all sides,
shouting order, and others denouncing
Lovejoy,
Mr. Pryor—I call him to order, sir. He
shall not shake his fists in our faces, sir. It
is bad enough to let him stand over there
and talk his treason.
Mr. Barksdale (Miss., Dem.) who had
been in bis seat, with a heavy cane in his
hand, came forward with the crowd, shoo
ting and flourishing the cane. The only
words understood from him, above the din
of the Chairman’s gavel, were, “Keep his
own side, tbe rascal.”
Mr. Adrain (A, L. D., N. J.,) and other
gentlemen, moved that the Committee rise,
and some called the Sergeant-at-Arras.
The Chairman would receive no motion-
till gentlemen resumed their seats.
The crowd still increased, and a collis
ion seemed inevitable.
Mr. Cox (Dem., Ohio) shouted—I arise
to a point of order. The gentleman from
Illinois is out of his seat. He has no
right to leave his seat and come npon tbe
Democratic side.
Mr. Lovejoy, standing firm, was un
derstood to reply, “I will stand where I
please.”
He stood at this time on the Republi
can side, near the dividing line,
Mr. Pryob voiciferated—Let him stand
over there and talk. He shall not eome
upon this side.
Mr. Barksdale continued to flourish his
cane, several gentlemen around him aod
Mr. Singleton restraining their violence.
Mr. Adrain—to avoid all difficulty, I
suggest that gentleman just speak from bis
side ; no one supposes he can be intimida
ted.
Mr. Pryor—Nobody wants tointimidata
him.
Mr. Lovejoy—Nobody can intimidate
me, Sir, Sit down, gentlemen; I am safe
enough.
Mr. Singleton (Dem.Mi*#.) approached,
shaking bis fists.
Mr. Barr, (Dem., N. Y.) and others re
strained him.
Mr. Burnett forced his way into the
midst of the circle around Lovejoy, and
shouted, “There is a rule which requires
every gentleman to keep his seat while
speaking. He can speak only from bis
own seat. He cannot, and he shall not
cross this hall in a menacing manner to
wards ns, as he has done. He must speak
from his seat, and he shall do it.
The Chairman appealed to gentlemen
to enforee order, and said he would eall the
Sergeant-at-Arms.
Tbe young man acting as depnty of the
Sergeant-at-Arms approached with his sil
ver mace.
Mr. Burnett—Yon may call yonr Ser
geant-at-arms, but he shall not do it.
Mr. Phelps (Dem., Mo.) turned back
the mace-bearer, with some remarks.
Mr. Kellogg, (Rep., 111.) vociferated
that his colleague should not commit a
breach of the rules, but should have all his
rights.
The Speakor was called iu to resume bis
seat, when the Chairman reported that the
Committee rise owing to the disorder.
Finally comparative quiet was restored.
Mr. Sherman (Rep., Ohio) said, We are
in good order now.
This was succeeded by a burst of laugh
ter.
The House then again went into Com
mittee of the Whole.
Mr. Lovejoy took the stand at tho Clerk’s
desk, and resumed bis remarks. He spoke
about Northern Christian women, who
went to the South to prevent the people
there from returning to barbarism.
Mr. Singleton (Dem., Miss.) said that
he would not allow sucb insinuations upon
Southern women to pass. If the member
persisted in that course he (Singleton)
would hold him personally accountable.
Mr. Lovejoy said that, in four million of
slaves, there was not one legal husband or
wife, father or child ; and spoke about a
Presbyterian Elder down South, having
the Gospel whipped into him with tbe
broadside of a handsaw, and of a young
girl in Washington being whipped until
the blood came out of her nostrils, and
then sent to the garret to die. He had
sworn to support the Constitution because
he loved it, imt he did not interpret it in
the way Southerners did.
Mr. Bonham (Dem., S. C.)—You violate
it.
Mr. Ashmore [Dem., S. C.J—And per
jure yourself.
Mr. Singleton—And are a negro thief
into the bargain.
Mr. Barksdale—I hold no parley with
a perjured negro.
Mr. Lovejoy said when Daniel Webster
spoke of the imposition of Austria on Hun
gary, he remarked, the earthquake and
the tornado have power, and the thunder
has power, but greater than these was the
power of public opinion, and before this he
proposed to arraign Austria. He (Love
joy) proposed to hold up to the retribution
of public sentiment, slaveholding, in all its
atrocity and hideousness, just as gentle
men had, here, polygamy. Public senti
ment will burn and scour out slavery, and
the proper way is by the action of the slave
States themselves. He had endorsed the
Helper book because he wanted to do it,—
He did so without asking the gentleman
from Missouri (Clork) or anybody else.—
\ou sbed the blood of my brother twenty
years ago, and I am here free to speak my
mind. r I lie Republican party would spring
up in Kentucky, and geutlemen now here
would liad themselves displaced by more
moderate, and if it were not offensive, he
would add, more sensible men. He wan
ted to say in Charleston what he could say
here.
Mr. Bonham—You had better try it!
Mr. Lovejoy—I can go to England, and
there discuss the question of Church and
State, or any other British institution, hut
if I go into the slave States, and talk a-
gainst slavery, where is my protection?
Mr. Miles, (Dem., S, C.—Can you go
to England and incite the laboring classes
there to assassinate the Queen ?
Mr. Lovejoy—I don’t desire to do that.
I claim the right to discuss slavery every
where under the stars and stripes. I claim
it. I demand it.
Mr. Bonham—Wo want you to assert
it!
Mr. Lovejoy—When you call us small
farmers,-and apply other epithets against
the working people of the North, we don’t
harm you. If a mechanic from Pennsyl
vania were to go South and speak about
the superiority of white labor, lie would
be held morally responsible. You would
strip him and scourge him by the hands of
a slave, and perhaps tar and feather him.
Mr. Barksdale—The meanest negro in
the south is your superior !
Cries of “Order!” from the Republican
side.
Mr. Lovejoy, in speakingof John Brown,
said he would not curse him. He would
pour no execrations upon old John Brown.
He condemned what he (Brown) did. He
disapproved of his act. He believed, how
ever, that his purpose was a good one, and
his motives honest and faithful. John
Brown stood head and shoulders above any
man hero until he was strangled. Any
law to enslave man was as an arrangement
among pirates to distribute the spoils. By
what right do yon of the South get togetb
er and enact laws that I or my child should
be your slave ? Every slave has a right
to run away in spite of your laws, and to
fight away. Were lie (Lovejoy) a slave,
and were it necessary to achieve his free
dom, he would not hesitate to fill up the
chasm and bridge it over with the carcass
es of the slain. He loved the South.
A Voice—We don’t love you.
Mr. Lovejoy—So it is with the Saviour;
they didn’t love him. [Laughter.] Gen
tlemen who talked of dissolving the Union
could no more do it than they could stop
the shining of the sun. Virginia, instead
of clothing herself in sheep’s-gray, should
clothe herself in sackcloth and ashes on
account of Slavery, and ought to drink the
waters of bitterness.
Mr. Martin (Dem., Va,)—If yon will
come into Virginia, we will hang yon high
er than we did John Brown.
Mr. Lovejoy—No doubt abont it.
Tbe Committee rose, and the Honse ad-
journed.
The Anburn Prison, which in the year
1858 was a drain upon the State to the
amount of over fifty thousand dollars, ex
hibited a surplus for the last year of more
than ten thousand dollars; and for the first
month of the present year the earnings
of the same institution have exceeded
the expenses by two thousand dollars.
The genera! result in the other two prisons
at Sing Sing and Cliuton indicates that
tbeir management has been entrusted to
good hands. There is no reason why our
prisons should not yield the State a large
revenue. ^
Important to Newspaper Subscribers.—
Both Houses of Congress have agreed to
the Bill authorizing publishers in sending
papers by mail to state in the address the
date when subscriptions will expire, and
also providing that the carriers in the cities
and towns shall charge but one cent on de
livery of drop letters.
From the Chronicle 4k Sentiael.
The tight er Self etwwe*l-Pap»Iir
lowreignty—Non-IHmen Us**
We frequently hear the above words ban
died about among politiciuis, and see them
every day in tbe public press—in fact, they
have become the “flash” language of the po
litical bruisers. They are about as un
meaning as anything that can be nsed to
catch gulls—and they are only nsed for
that purpose. Id this “g-u-U-orious kedn-
try” perhaps nothing answers better tbe
designs of party hacks than just such
senseless jargon, such trashy slang. These
are taking words, for they may mean any
thing or nothing.
In a state of nature it is said that each
man is inherently entitled to govern him
self; but what is this right worth to him,
if bis neighbor denies it practically by
force? Whatever rights a man has natu
rally must be determined solely by his
own brute power to- secure them, and
“might makes right” everywhere between
individuals, until communities combine
for their own protection, giving up natural
rights and subjecting each individual to
tbe public law, which is prescribed as the
rule of action, by which each must be
governed. In organized communities, no
man has a right to govern himself as he
ploases, nor can the community govern
itself, except in couformity aud in sub
jection, to the organic law of its being.
Settlers upon the public domain of the
United States, upon the common Territo
ry acquired by the blood and treasure of
all the States, have no rights of self-gov
eminent, and cannot possibly have any,
except they be conferred upon them by
the Federal Government, and the Fed
eral Government cannot confer upon
them any such rights of self-govern
meat as would enable them to violate tbe
organic law of the iand, in letter or
spirit. It is palpably absurd to claim for
the inhabitants of a Territory any such
rights, either natural or conferred, as
would allow them to deprive any citizen
of any State, of a single right conferred
by his own State, acting as a sovreign.—
The people of a Territory are not sov
reign in themselves, bat subject to law,
and it is violative of the Constitution of
tbe United States, for them to attempt
to deprive citizens of vested rights. Sla
very is the legal condition of the African
in these United States, and the Territories
belonging thereto, except where slavery is
prohibited by statute, and no such pro
hibitory law can be rightfully enacted un
less by a sovereign power, and no such
sovereign power exists, except in each
State separately.
Not only this theory of Popular Sov-
reignty is absurd as a theory, but it is a
nullity in fact. Those who contend for
the doctrine hold that a bare majority of
Territorial Legislature may lawfully
exclude slavery, while at the same time
they know (and do not object to it) that
the Territorial Governor, not elected by
those over whom he rules, but appointed
by tbe President of the United States,
and really a Federal office-holder, can le
gally prevent this right of self-government,
by his veto. What perfect nonsense, to
talk of such popular Sovreignty. And
only a few days ago, as if to destroy for
ever the last faint glimmering of popular
rights, Mr. Branch, a Democrat of North
Carolina, proposed a bill in the Honse of
Reprerentatives, empowering the Presi
dent to appoint the Legislative council of
the Territory of Utah. This was his plan
for rooting oat Popular Sovereignty, and
prohibiting polygamy among the Mormons.
His bill tailed, but a bill did pass tbe
House, 149 to 60, absolutely prohibiting
by law of Congress any man in Utah from
having more than one wife at a time, iu
utter disregard of the will of the people
upou whom it is to operate. Why not
cry alond now for the right of the people
of Utah to manage their own affairs in
their own way ? It there ever was a
case in which Popular Sovereignty should
have ruled, it is in this matter of polyga
my among the Mormons, for it is a matter
that entirely concerns themselves, does not
effect any body else, and does not destroy
or impair tbo constitutional right of any
citizen of any State.
But again, if the people of the Terri
tory are Sovereign, in the sense held by
Judge Douglas and his freesoil adherents,
it is manifestly unjust and wrong, to re
serve to Congress the power to annul the
action of the Territorial Legislature, as
was expressly done in the bill to organize
Utah, and for which Judge Douglas voted.
The people of the Territories cannot be
Sovereign, and still Congress have the
right to repeal the laws they make, for
which Judge Douglas also voted. And
the people of the Territories never have
been recognized as Sovereign, even by im
plication, in any action of Congress, from
tbe foundation of the government till 1854,
and the Democratic party, in every instance
where it hail power, previous to 1854,
prohibited slavery, where it did not exist.
The doctrine of non intervention is correct,
if rightly understood, and viewed by con
temporaneous construction, when it was
first established, in the passage of the New
Mexico and Utah bills. Frcesoilers de
manded that Congress should prohibit sla
very in those Territories, but they were
organized icilhout prohibition, aud that was
non-intervention by Congress. But tbe
bill did not make the people there, while
iu a Territorial condition, sovereign judges
of the question; for tbe same Congress
which refused to prohibit slavery there, al
so reserved to itself tbe right, in words, to
prohibit the people of the Territories from
prohibiting slavery while the Territorial con
dition lasted, but guaranteeing them the
right to admission into the Union, “with or
without slavery, as their Constitution might
prescribe at the time of admission.” That is
the Filmore doctrine of non-intervention,
the doctrine of Cobb, Toombs and Stephens
and the Constitutional Union men of that
day, and the doctrine of the Constitution
al Union men of 1860, and of all true
Southerners, who are not willing to sell
their section, for the sake of a party vic
tory under Douglas.
Afl Iftsm'iiC: Article about Senate
The St. Louis Republican pnbij
following article from the pen of
German, who Is well educated in L ^
country. We copy it because it n !!
gives some interesting information •
gard to German society, but it she" ^ !
the difficulties of mastering a fore’* 5
guage : “There is three kinds of If!
Germany : the girles of tlie ricli ‘
the servant maid, and the farmer’s ^
The girle of a rich man, she geest-
like orthers and learns reading °
cheifering, and a lady teacher lean*
sewing a shurte and making stock
Sometimes gets some lessens beside'^'
sho gets confirmed. At this time l 1
another life for her; her parents 5 g
to a female school one or two ypT'
pay 50dollais for her this time 1"
kept there like a lady, and she l,
much to do. One of them has to be • :
kitchen one week—another one th ^
week ; for that time she stays in th e V
en she has to take the bread in the ^
ing when the baker comes with U1
and the old lady shoes her how to fi '
and that, aud in sommer time how tn ^
vegitables. The ortber time she uj
playing piano and ortber fine female T
but there is institutions where they v
to work hard. Returned to her Li
she stays at home until she gits chi/
git marrid. She tries to git° a p reac fc‘
a lawyer. Cannot she git one like |
at last she takes whatever she cm, ^
But it is an other case with the
girls. After she is confirmed, she ua
live out for a child's maid, because herfL?
er is a poor man and lives from his i,U
He makes tbe capital of two bets a <!
and sends his daughther to live out. ’
gits for a full year the sum of 5 dollars, aa
one or two paares of shoes. She stays i
this way in this condition a few years n
then she gits kitchen girle, aud‘ she
ten dollars waiges for the year and
Christmas time an apron or a neke 1-jT
kerchief. She has to worko hard, maki-
the dough of the rye bread. Some m?.,
a small dongb, but big hous keepings m!-
a dough for half a dozen loafs of bread ^
Every loaf wais 40 pounds. She war
jvooden shoes a good many good times,
cause the common leather shoes cost
dollars. She has to do the garden wo
(every family keeps her garden,) takest;
wheel barrow and fetch things at boa*
along, or she carries it on her head,
sbe washes she has no washboard to ml
on—she rubbes it in her hands. ShecookJ
the washing and takes sometimes
Betvri
Connecticut Election.
New Haven, April 4lh.—Buckingham,
the Black Repnblican candidate for Gov
ernor, baa been elected by five hundred
and seventy-one majority.
The above is the latest Telegraphic an
nouncement and it is significant enough.—
It proves notwithstanding the incredible
exertions of Fernando Wood, and other
National Democrats, to cany Connecticut,
for the Democracy, in the existing canvass
just passed in that state, that not a single
Northern State can be relied on, as going
for a Democratic Candidate for President.
On the other hand, not a single Southern
State will go for the Black Republicans, near this city, has in the last ®
1 If! _• _l_ .1 a ma Vk«w+ii fax-, llVA full-sized and ,*
unloss Missouri should do so. r J.’hesff'two
great parties are therefore ultra sectional,
and a third and Constitutional Union Par
ty becomes a necessity of the country.—
Neither of the extremes will do, but the
safer coarse will be through a middle path
avoiding both Scylla and Charydis of the
political whirlpool.—Geo. Citizen.
Tbe Milt
to be held
ashes that hurts her fingers most into pc-..,
es. Is she so happy to git a ponr lab
that makes his 2 bets a day, she helps M
husband working, going out in tbe field...
Is her husband got mad lie wipes her
dog. Without doing anything against i
she is silent like a lamb. The farms
girle goes to school in winter time on!-,
and in sommer time she has to hide fti
cows. Shu lives that way until she is cos-
firmed. After this time she has to feed
cows, hogs, chickens, and nurses the b*
bys. Alter she gits strung enough she hi;
to thresh and go out in tlie fields. S
git up at 2 o’clock at neight and thresh;
half-past 5, then she milks 6 cows a
goes to breakfast. For breakfast she gits
a large piece of rye bread griesed with i
little bit of lard or butter. At 10 o’clock
she gits a butter bread again like in tin
morning. At dinner time she git a peace
of meat about 4 ounce havy. She esa
with a wooden spoon out of a big dish wit:
the boys. She likes a boy and mania
generally one that eats with her out of th‘
same dish, and most cf the time she is
bound to take him. If she marries sLe
and her husband live in a small house ami
pay 20 dollars a year for rent. They keep
a cow and a she goat, a little pig. make;:
fat and raise it, raise their own veritable-
and help other people work. He gits :
bets a day aud his woman 1 bet a day.—j
They are poor and never git rich. Amu
can be glad to live iu this country, s<
minding the dole times.”
Character of a True Friend.—Cut
cerning the man yon call your friend : tell
me, will he weep with you in the house
distress: Will he faithfully reprove you
to your face, for actions which others an
ridiculing and [censuring behind yo
back ? Will he dare to stand forth in yon
defense, when detraction is secretly airnin.
its deadly weapon at your reputation
Will heacknowledgeyou with the samecor-
diality, and behave to yon with the sans
friendly attention in tbe company of y«#
superious in rank and fortune, as wbea
the claims of pride do not interfere with
those of friendship ? If misfortune ari
losses should oblige yon to retire into i
walk of life in which you eaunot tpp*R
with the same liberality as formerly, wia
he still think himself happy in your socie
ty, and, instead of withdrawing himselt
from an unprofitable connection, take
pleasure in professing himself your friend,
and cheerfully assist you to support tbe
burthen of your afflictions ? When sick
ness shall call you to retire from the g»?
and the busy scenes of the world, will t*
follow you into your gloomy retreat, listea
with attention to yonr “tale of symptoms-
and administer the balm of consolation :i
your fainting spirits ? And lastly, when
death shall burst asunder every earthly tie.
will he shed a tear upon his grave and
‘ ~ 5 toil
the dear remembrance of your mu
friendship in his heart l
Convicted—At Randolph Sup’ Con:!,
held last week in Aslieborough, N. C-, :ai
Rev. Daniel Worth was tried for circulating
a book of an incendiary character, kno«
as “Helper’s Impending Crisis.” The bw
of indictment contained three other con its,
but they were stricken out for want of cer
tainty, we suppose. Four witnesses testi
fied to having bought or received Helper’
book from the defendant.
The case was argued by Solicitor Sett* 2 *
Robert McLean and Wm. Scott, Es*]*,’
for the prosecution, and by J. T. More&e* 1
and Ralph Gorrell, Esqs., for the delt-nce-
Judge Bailey’s eharge occupied forty
utes—tho arguments of counsel six a- 1 s
half hours. The jury was out from ha *
past 10 P. M until 4 o’clock in the Bo
ning. Verdict rendered, guilty.
Judge Bailey sentenced the prisoner
be imprisoned one year. He said t** 1 .
discretion of the Court he might be P*»
in the pillory and whipped. Lnd cr *^
circumstauees, lie did not deem it h*» u r-
matter up to
failing »
fas rt-
to inflict corporal punishment. Th e
fense have carried the matte Tin ■*
Supreme Court. The prisoner
give the required bond of §2000,
manded back to prison. .,
[ Wilmington (N. C) H eTtL
Profitable.—A
woman on the plantation of a
Prolific and
the oth-
give birth Hr-five full sized and
children, two at one. and three at -
er birth ; all alive and kicking an . eJ
well. At this rate no need of import
from Africa.—Columbus Times.
—— ■ e fler.tf
He*RY Clat.—The Virginia statute
Claj is to be inaugurated st RKhmond „iH
of April. Mr. Clay’s birthday. The oran ^
^ - - fir. Beniamin Johnson
through the e*""*