Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, November 27, 1860, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextVOLUME Xll <2^ , X [. Oil ME & SON. 1 editors and proprietors MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 27, 1860. NUMBER 48. -'’The Recorder is published weekly, at the IT Tsvo Dollars per auuuiu, when paid ■' not iu advance, Two Dollars and JfdtU r - —-— - ■ - « - — O'STS—and if not within the year-, Three r " 1 \n-iifi annum. No subscriptions received foi '• ,L un‘ -ix months—to be paid always in advance. l' 1 '’ Viam"e.s by mail in registered letters at our risk, i-ribers wishing the direction of their paper 'p.r'.,l. will notify us from what office it is to be ^tihemexts conspicuously inserted at $1 00 * [ uare for the first iusertiou, and 50 cents per ”, for each subsequent insertion. Those scut Ij.eUt a •itication of the number of insertions, hlislicd until ordered out, and charged ae- , li be 1'U ,r,1 !'!f 0 V Land and Negroes, by Administrators, Ex- "T or Guardians, are required by law to be held "ti e first. Tuesday in the mouth, between the hours ‘ ,,, in tlie forenoon, and three iu the afternoon, at f ''court house, iu the county iu which the proper- situatr Notices of these sales must he given ublVc gazette forty days previous to the day p»P V !tices for the sale of personal property must be I '' ;lt i ea .t TEN DAYS previous to the day of sale, to Debtors and Creditors of au Estate must published FORTY DAYS Votive that application will be made to the Court I OiJiuary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must >published for two months. _ ViriTioNS lor Letters of Administration must lie - hlislied thirty days—for Dismission from Admin istration. monthly sir. months—for Dismission from •.if'liHiiship, forty days. ■ 'Kites for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be pttb- I. j 1( j monthly for four months—for establishing lost I' 1 ” , f ur tin full space of three mouths—for coinpel- titles from*Executors and Administrators, where |. blind lias been given by the deceased, the full space l/ltiw months. Publications will always lie continncd according to |. ,„c. the legal requireineuts^uuless otherwise or- Allbusiness iu the lino of PRINTING will meet with I »:’t attention at the Recorder Office. lion. B. H. Hi IPs Speech. |_ CORRESPONDENCE.] Milleogevillk, Nov. 16, 1SG0. Ihn. li. II. Hill—Dear Sir : The undersigned, y y appreciating the questions involved in our | ; ,resent political divisions, and having listened |«i;li pleasure to tlie able address delivered by Ivourself last evening at the Representatives Hall, Ibelieving as we do, that “wc should fully under lain! the issue in order to meet it,” and desiring Emit other citizens of our state should have the grat- | twtion of reading what many of us have heard fall L m your own lips, we therefore respectfully Illicit a copy of your able, eloquent and patriotic (address, for publication, hoping you will comply. We arc Respectfully yours • li **• P«l«*ic*.I party has been organized in the Northern States, the great common idea of which is to prohibit the extension of slavery by L digress, and hostility to slavery generally. 2. That this party litis succeeded in getting the rol of many of the Northern State Legislatures B. L McWhorter, T. J. Hightower, mV F. Holden, Mum’l L. Williams, T. AV. Alexander, John McRae, f. C. l’atton, W. M. Wallace, U. M. Mintz, T. J. Smith, Vm. H. Brantly, A. Colvard, A. E. Tarver, Geor. T. Barnes. ft’. II. Pilcher, II. W. Howell, Cicero Gibson, R. C. Hntnber, Jolm Thrasher, James Parks, H. L. Taylor, J. F. Usry, Allen Kelly, J. M. Brinson, J. R. AVilson, Neill McLeod, B. J. Evans, E. C. Hood, T. 0. AAticker, S. Y. Jameson, R. II. Ward, E. A. Flewellen, J. M. Bonds, K. H. Davis, John J. Thrasher, Phil Cook, A. J. Cleud, 8. F. Alexander, 3. ft. Kecu, ■*» v WtidU. I. L. Guerry, ticut/emen : Since the reception of your letter I have hastily I written out the speech to which you refer. I could Lot recall the exact language, but the argument, I nidi as it is, is herewith submitted for your dis posal. I see nothing iti the remarks inconsistent with I anything heretofore written by me. There is a I prudent and imprudent way of accomplishing the I nine good. I think some of our friends are hasty. I Let us keep right and ‘"make haste slowly.” I I nave discussed a policy of resistance, but I am Lady to yield it foi a better when I can find it.— I That policy which can most cordially unite our I people, and most effectually redress our grievan- | eies, is the one I shall prefer. Yours, very respectfully, B. H. HILL. November 19, I860. SPEECH. •tidies and Friends : While 1 am speaking to you to-night I earestly I -g for perfect quietness and order. It seems to |general idea ;hat public speakers feel highly I oniplinieiitcd when their opinions are received l uth boisterous applause. I do not so teel on any Lccasioii, and certainly would not so regard such a L ministration now. The occasion is a solemn liad seiior.s one, and let us treat it in no light or tri ll manner. One more request. I have invoked |pood older. 1 yet more earnestly invoke your oud and considerate attention. No people ever luseinbled to deliberate a graver issue. This gov- Lnunent is the result of much toil, much blood, |Mich anxiety and much treasure, lor nearly a I utury we have been accustomed to speak and Lout of it as the best on earth. Wrapped up in it lire tlie lives, the happiness, the interests and the Lsacs of thirty millions of treemeu now living, and |o! unnumbered millions iu the future. Whether we shall now destoy that Government ir make another effort to preserve it and reform its lauuses, is the question before us. Is that question I not entitled to all the wisdom, the moderation and I the prudence we can command ? Were you ever at I sea in a storm ? Then you know the saiiur often I ends it necessary, to enable him to keep his ship I wove the wave, to*tlirow overboard his freight, I even his treasure. But with his chart and his com- I bass h“ never parts. However dark the heavens I «t furious the winds, with these lie can still point I the polar star, and find the port ot liis safety.— 1 Would wot that sailor be mad who should throw hese overboard ! We are at sea, my friends. Tlie skiesjtf e fearful- I J darkeued. The billows roll theateniugly.— bangers are on every side. Let us throw over board oar passions, our predjudices and our party tteliiigs, how ever long or highly valued- But let Ui hold on—hold on to reason and moderation.— I lhese and these alone point always to the fixed I star of truth, by whose guidance we may yet safe- I if come to shore. We must agree. We do agree if we but knew it. I Our people must be united to meet this crisis.— | bivisious now would uot only be unfortunate, but hreedingly disastrous. If divisions ari-e they Lmuot be based on our interest* or onr paijmses [for these are and must be the same. Divisions j »mit tiud their origin in our suspicious and jeal- | unies. Let us give these suspicions and jeatoiis- ;es to tlie winds. Let us assume as the basis of I **try argument that we are all equally honest, | »'id equally desirous in our various ways, ot secitr- 1 one end—our equality and rights. There must I ■« one way better than ail others. Let onr atubi- hon be to find that icay, and unite eur people in Ihe advocacy of that way. I have listened with earnest attention to the elo- I Httent speeches made by all sides, and I believe a ■ommon ground of agreement can be found if not t for universal at least for very general agreement, lliose who hold that the Constitution is wrong, 6>e Union, bad per se, of course will agree to Nothing hut immediate disunion, and such I shall Ibe able to affect. . in the first place what are our grievances. All "7 “pcakers, thus far, even the most ultra, hare ‘“nutted that the mere constitutional election of inaa is uo ground for resistance. The mere • tctiou of Mr. Lincoln is on all sides admitted uot be the grievance. Our State would uot be •nch *t 0,1 * »»»* 0,1 point. Ittthe^Biwf** * n Reneral terms, that the anti- trade wen (£**$. Hl lk * North, has been mad* tk* CoiucrvativV^! P®"*'- • the followingnpncUK*- control _ and have procured the passage of acts nullifying the fugitive slave law, encouraging the rescue of fugitives, and seeking to punish as felons citizens ot our Southern States who pursue their slaves iu the assertion of a plain constitutional right. •!- I hat this party lias elected Governors in Northern States who refuse, some openly and oth ers under frivolous pretexts, to do their plain Con stitutional duties, when these duties iuvolve the re cognition of property in s aves. 4. I hat Northern Courts chosen by the same party, have assumed to declare the fugitive slave law unconstitutional in the teeth of the decisions of the United States Courts, aud of every depart ment ot the Unit, d States Government. 5. We complain that the Northern States, thus controlled, are seeking to repudiate every Consti- tioual duty, or provision in favor or in recognition of slavery—to work the extinction of slavery, and to secure to the negro social and political equality with the white race; aud, as far as possible they disregard and nullity even the laws of the South ern States ou this subject. In proof of this com plaint we show that Northern Governors have ac tually refused to deliver up fugitives from justice, when the crime charged against such fugitives re cognized under state laws property in slaves. Thus, a Northern man married a Southern lady having a separate estate in slaves. He deceived the lady, stole her negroes, sold them and pocketed the money, and fled to a Northern State He was charged with larceny under the laws of the State iu which the crime was committed. A true bill was obtained and a demand was properly made for his return, and the Governor of the State to which he fled refused to deliver him up on the ground that to commit larceny a man must steal property, and as slaves were not property according to the laws of the Northern State, it could not be property according to the laws of the Southern State ; that, therefore the Southern Court Jury and Governor were all wrong in obeying the laws ot their own State, instead of the laws of the Northern State ; that the defendant was not guilty and could not he guiity, and should not be delivered ap. The same principle w'as involved to shield sever al of the conspirators iu the John Brown raid. The inexorable logic of this party, on such a pre mise, must array them against the whole Consti tution of the United States ; because that instru ment in its very frame work is a recognition of property in slaves. It was made by slaveholding States. Accordinly we find this party a disun ion party, aud its leaders—those of them who follow their logic to its practical consequences— disunionists |«;r se. I would not quote from the low aud the ignorant of that party, but I will quote from the learned aud the honored. One of the most learned disciples of this party says: “ The Constitution is the cause of every division which this vexed question of slavery has ever oc casioned iu this country. It (the Constitution) has been the fountain and father of our troubles, by attempting to hold together, as reconciled, two op posing principles, which will not harmonize nor agree. The only hope of the slave is over the ruins of the Government. The dissolution of tlie Un ion is the abolition of slavery.” One of the ablest, aud oldest, and long honored Senators of that party—a Senator even before the existence of the Republican party—said to the nominating Convention of that party : “I believe that this is not so much a Convention to change the administration of the Government, as to say whether there shall be any Government to be adminis tered. You have assembled, not to say whether this Union shall be preserved, but to say whether it tliall be a blessing or a scoru and hissing among the nations.” I could quote all uight my friends, to show that the tendency of the Republican party is to disun ion. Tlwt to be a Republican is to be logically and practically against the Constitution aud the Union. And we complain that this party is warring upon us, and at the same time, and in the same way, and by a necessary conseqnence, warring upon the Constitution and the Union. 6. We complain in the last place, that this party having thus acquired the control of every depart ment of Government, Legislative, Executive, and Mififrkrjp stSxi Government so acquired, in violation of the Con stitution of the United States, in disregard of the laws of the Southern States, and in utter denial of the property and eveu liberty of the citizens of the Southern States—this party I say, with these prin ciples, and this history, has at last secured the Ex ecutive department of the Federal Government, and are seeking to secure the other two depart ments—the Legislative and the Judicial. Here then is a party seeking to administer the Government oil principles which must destroy the Government—proposing to preserve the Uuion upon a basis ou which the Union, iu the very na ture of things, cannot stand ; and offering peace on terms which must produce civil war. Now, my friends, the next question is, shall these grievances be lesisted ? 1 know of no man who says they ought not to be resisted. For my self, I say, and say with emphasis they ought to he resisted—resisted effectively and at ail hazards. What lesson have we here ? We have seen dif ferences running high—even apparent bitterness engendered. Passion gets up. debates become jeers aud gibes and defiance. One man says he will not resist Lincoln. His adversary pronoun ces that treason to the South and the man a Black Republican. Another man says he will resist Lin coln and demand immediate secession. His ad versary prououuces that treason to the Coustitu tion aud the man a disunionist. What do you mean by Lincoln ! Stop and de fine. The first means by Lincoln the man elected, the second means by Lincoln the issue on which be is elected. Neither will resist tlie first, both will resist the latter, and so they agroe and did agree ail the time they were disputing! These grievances are our real complaint. They have advanced to a point which makes a crisis; and that point is the electiou of Lincoln. We dare not, we will uot let this crisis pass without a settle ment. That settlement must wipe out existing grievances, and arrest threatened ones. We owe it to our Constitution, to our country, to our peace to our posterity, to our dignity, to our self-respect as Union men and Southern men, to have a cessa tion of these aggressions and an end to these dis turbances. I do uot think we should wait for any further violation of the Constitution. The Consti tution has already been violated and even defied. These violations are repeated everyday, We must resist, and to attempt to resist and not do so effectively—even to the full extent of the evil, will be to bring shame on ourselves, aud our State, aud our cause. _ Having agreed on our complaints, and discovered that all our suspicious of each other are unfounded, and our disputes on this point had their origin in hasty conclusions and thoughtless mistakes, let us with an encouraged charity and forbearance ad vance to the next step in this argument. Who shall inaugurate this resistance ? Who shall determine the inode, the measure and the time of this resistance 1 . My reply is: The people through their delegate convention duly assembled. It is uot necessary for me now to urge this point. Here again we have bad disputes without differ- ^llhave the pleasure of announcing to-night that the prominent leaders of all shades of opiuion on this subject came together this day and agreed that it was the right aud privilege of the people in eonveatfon to pass on these questions. On tins point wo have disputed for a week, and to-day ac tiiur as Georgians should act, we came together iu a spirit of kindness, and in fifteen minutes our hearts w ere all made gUd by the di^overy that our difference* or disputes w ere founded on ground less suspicious, and **are agreed. Weareall tor resistance, and we are all for the peoplMMOD- ▼eution to say how and where, and by nlpgPipans we shall resist. v .^ I never beheld a scene which made niy heart re joice more sincerely. Oh, tfoulcoukkseetbe same snirit of concord on the only remaining qnestfon ot difference. With my heart full of kindness 1 beg my friends, to accompany me now to that ques tion. I do believe we can agree again. My aei- emu conviction is that we differ as little on this as we did on the other point, in every material mew At last nearly all the qnarrels of the world m all ages have been founded more in form than sob St 8ome men are honest wise,and"prudent Others are equally honest and '»£'***’ impetuous. The latter are often encouraged ; but the first alone are to be reludam ia WeoSmr appeal to the historyof Islw^rMi fww Mxoiy. « a id aver confidence an the one hand, cad «f cool uessand wisdom oa the other. During aar calouial history, the KngUsh flowra meat sent Guuecnl Braddock to Amenc*to«a- lodge and drive back the French and Indians.— The General in arranging the compaign assigned to his own command the duty of recovering the Ohio Valley and the great Northwest. It was nec essary to capture Fort Duqiiesne. He never thought of any difficulties in the way of success. He promised Newcastle to be beyond the moun tains in a veiy short period. Duqnesne he thought would stop him only three or four days, and there was no obstruction to his march to Niagara He declared the Indians might frighteu the raw A- mericaii Militia, but couid make no impression ou the British regulars. This was Braddock. One of that raw American Militia who bad join ed Braddock's command, was the young Washing ton, then only about twenty-three years old. He became one of Braddock’s aids. Hearing his Gen eral’s boasts, and seeing liis thoughtless courage, Washington quietly said to him, ,l lie shall hate more to do than to go up the hill sand come down.''’— Speaking of Braddock to another, Washington said, “He was incapable of arguing without warmth, or giving up any point lie had asserted, be it ever so incompatible with reason or common sense.” Braddock was considered on all bands to be a brave, gallant and fearless officer. Here then are two men, both brave, noble and intelligent engaged together to accomplish a com mon enterprise for the good of their country. The one was rash, thoughtless, never calculating diffi culties, nor looking forward to,- and providing against obstructions. He arranged his express aud sent forward the news of his victory beforehand. But the other was cool, calculating, cautious, wise aud moderate, He was a man who thought before he acted aud then he acted the hero. Now, for results: Braddock was surprised before he reached the Fort. His British regulars fled be fore the yelling Indians, and the raw American militia were slain by them Braddock himself fought bravely and He was borne from the field of bis shame, leaving more than half his little army dead, and himself senseless with a mortal wound. After the lapse of a day he came to himself, and his first exclamation was “who would have tho’t it!” Again he roused up and said, “We shall better kuow liow to deal with them auother time.” Poor General, it was too late, for with that sentence he died! For more than a century lie has slept near Fort Necessity, aud his only history might be written for his epitaph—He was brave, but rash, gallaut but thoughtless, noble but bigoted. He fought hastily, died early, aud here he lies. The young Washington was also brave, and in the thickest of the light. Horse after horse fell from uuder him. The bullets of the Indians whis tled arouud him aud through his clothes, hut Prov idence spared him. Eveu the ludiaus declared some God protected him. So cool, so brave, so wise and thoughtful was the conduct of this young officer, before, during aud after tlie battle, that ev eu tlieu a distinguished man “points him out as a youth raised up by Providence for some noble work.’’ Who does not know the historyof Wash ington ; yet, who can tell it T Our glorious revolu tion, that wise Constitution, this happy, wide spread and ever spreadingconntry—struggling mil lions tired on by the example of his success, are some of the chapters already written in that history. Long chapters of yet unrealized glory, and power, and happiness shall be eudlessly added, if the wis dom of him who redeemed our country can be con tinued to those who inherit it. The last hour of Constitutional liberty, perpeiuated to the glory of the eud, or cut short in the phrenzy of anarchy, shall wind up the history of Washington. Behold here the suddeu destruction of the rash man and his followers, and the still unfolding success of the cool and thoughtful man, and then let us go to work to meet this crisis that is upon us. Though there are various modifications of opin ions, there are really but two modes of resistance proposed. One method is to make uo further ef fort iu the Uuion, but to assume that the Union either caunot or ought uot to he preserved, and se cede at once aud throw ourselves upon the conse quences. The other method is to exhaust certain remedies for these grievances in the Union, with the view of preserving our lights aud the Uuion with them, it possible; looking, however, to, and preparing for secession as au ultimate resort, cer tainly to be had, if those grievances caunot be reme died arid completely remedied and ended iu the Union. Irreconcilable as these differences at first view seem to be. I maintain a of coautos Truan- ciiiturau can De reached. Now, let us look to the reasons urged by the ad vocates of these two modes of redress. The advocates of the first- mode declare that these grievances are the fruits of an origiual, innate anti slavery fanaticism. That the history of the world will showthatsuch fanaticism is never convinced— is never satisfied, never reasons aud never ends but iu victory or blood. That accordingly this fanati cism iu the Northern States has been -onstantly progressive, always getting stronger and more im pudent, defiant aud aggressive; and that it will never cease except in our subjugation unless we tear loose from it by dissolving the Union. These advocates say they have no faith in any resistance iu the Union, because, iu the uaturc of the evil, uoue can be effectual. The advocates of the second mode of resistance of whom I am humbly one, reason after another fashion : We say in the first place, that while it is true that this auti-slavery sentiment has become fanatical with many, yet it is not necessarily so in its nature, nor was it so in its origin. Slavery lias always existed iu some form. It is an origiual institution. Besides we say the agitation uow upon us did uot originate in tkuaticism, or philan thropy, but iu cupidity England owned the West ladies aud there she had 9ome slaves. She had possessions iu East Iu- dia which she believed were adapted to tlie growth of cottou and which article of produce she desired to monopolize. The Southern States were her only dangerous competitors. She desired to cripple or break down the cultivation of the cotton plant in the South. The South could uot use her own soil aud climate in the successful production of cottou without the African slave. Kuglaud therefore must niauugc to set free the slave and turn the South over to some inadequate peasantry system, something like tire coolie system. To this end England raised a great cry of philanthropy iu behalf of the poor negro. As a show of sincerity she abolished sla very in the West Indies near us, thiuking thereby to affect the same institution iu her Southern neigh bor. She taught her lessons of false philanthrophy to our Northern pulpits and Northern papers, aud thus to our Northern people. At this time tlie Northern politician saw in this inflammable subject tine material for political agita tion, party success and self promotion. They leaped upon the wave aud rode on. The Southern politi cians raised the counter cry, leaped on the couuter wave and uict the Northern politicians—in office. As loug as the people answered the politicians called, aud the result is what we uow see. The sub ject is interminable in politics, because utterly ille gitimate as a political Issue. Thus it has never approached, but receded from a political solutiou, and increasing in excitement as it has progressed, all statesmanship North aud South is dwarfed to a mere wrauglang about African slavery. Slavery will survive, but the Constitution, the Union, and peace may not. The Southern States will contin ue to raise cottou, but the hoping subject of tyrau- ny ia the earth may uot continue to point to the beautiful success of the experiment of self-gov ernment in America. While tlie storm which Enghiud raised iu Amer ica has been going on, England lias been trying to raise cotton iu India. She lias failed. Her fac tories are at home, but ber cottou cau't come from India. She must have cotton. Four millions of her people ean’t live without it. Tlie English throne can’t stand without it. It must come from the Southern States. It can’t be raised in the South without slave-labor. Aud England has become the defender of slavery in tlie South. I will frankly state that this revolution in Eng lish sentiment and policy has not yet. reached the Northern peope. The same causes must slowly produce it. ; But while the anti-slavery sentiment has spread in the North, the pro-slavery sentiment has also strengthened in America. Ilf our early history tlie Soiitbern statesmen were anti-slavery in feeling. So were Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Ran dolph, and many of that day, who had never stud ied tlie argument of the cotton gin, nor beard the eloquent productions of the great Mississippi Val ley. Now our people not onfy see the justice of slavery, but its Providence too. The world can never give, up slavery uutil it is ready to give up clothing and food. Tlie South is a magnificent ex- emplifieation of the highest Christian excellence. She is feeding the hntigrr, clothing tlie naked, blearing them that curse her and doing good to them that despitefuHy one and persecute to r. We say again that even the history of the slavery aw itorion inthis eountrv does not jnsti fy the retry isou- emsion that abolitionism has been always progres sive. Whenever popular sentiment in politics has condemned the agitation, abolitionism has declined Many instances could be given. In 1848 the abo lition candidate for the Presidency received about 3OO.WO0 votes. At the end of Mr. Fillmore’s Ad- miaistration ia 18G4t, the candidate of that party received about half that veto, and a fugitive slave could be recovered almost without opposition in any Northern State. Even the Act of Massachusetts nul lifying the fugitive slave law of 179J, had uot been applied to tlie new fugitive slave law of lt'f-O. aud was not so applied uutil 1855, after the agitation had been revived. These, and many other similar reasons, we urge tor believing that all the enumerated grievances— the results of slavery agitation—are curable by remedies within the Union. But suppose our reasoning all wrong ? How shall we be convinced ! Only by the experiment; for in the nature of the case, nothing but a trial can test the virtue ot the remedies proposed. Let us try these remedies, and if we fail, this failure will establish the truth of the positions of the ad vocates of immediate secession, aud tee shall all join in that remedy. For let it be understood, we are all agreed that these grievances shall be. resisted—shall be reme died—most offectively remedied, aud if this e*n- not be done in the Union, then the Uuiou must go. And we must not let this crisis pass without forever solving this doubt. If the Union and the peace of slavery cannot exist together, then the Union must go ; for slavery can never go,. the necessities of mau and the laws of Heaven will never let it go, and it must have peace. Aud it has been tanta lized aud meddled with as long as our selt-respect can permit. But what remedies in the Uniou do we propose ? I will auswer : The grievances enumerated are of two kiuds— existing aud threatened. The existing actual griev- auces are all violations of the Federal Constitu tion and Federal laws either by Northern citizens or Northern States Now, what does good states manship, good logic, aud coinmou sense naturally suggest! Why, that the Federal Government shall enforce its laws. No State can enforce, or punish for the violation of a Federal law. The power offended, must adequately punish the offend er. The punishment must be such as to redress the past and by certaiuty and terror secure the future. The Federal law is offended. The North ern States and people are the offenders. The South is damaged by the offence. This gives her the right to demand the redress at the hands of the Federal Government, and if that Government for wautot will orpower shall uot grant the redress, then that government is a demonstrated failure. And when governments ends, self-defence begins. We can then take redress iu our owu way, aud to our entire satisfaction. Let the Georgia Convention meet. Let her not simply demand but command that this war on slavery shall cease—that these unconstitutional acts and proceedings shall be repealed and aban doned by the States, or repudiated and redressed by the FederaJ Government. Let her invite all the States to join in this demand. If no others will come to their duty aud meet with ua, let the fifteen Southern States join in this demand, and let the penalty of refusal, even to the demand of one State, be the abandonment of the Uniou, aud any other even harsher remedy each State may think her rights and honor required. We have an instance before us, made by the North. When, in eighteen hundred and thirty-three, South Carolina was refusing to obey a Federal law iu the execution of which the Northern States had an interest; Congress passed a Force bill, and put i: in the hands of a Southern President for enforce ment eveu with the army and the navy and the militia if needed. Let us turn this battery against Northern rebels The constitutionality of thcact which South Caro lina resisted was doubted. A Southern State never nullified, nor refused to obey, a plain constitu tional law. But here are the Northern States, and people nullifying and setting at definance, the plainest constitutional provisions and laws passed iu pursuance thereof; and, instead of demanding of the Federal Government tlie enforcement of its laws for the protection of our rights; we are spend ing our breath, and wasting onr strength in vain boastings of wrath and hurtful divisions of our own people. Some of our wisest Southern statesmen think we have laws already sufficient for this caisis. if en forced. Wc have an act in 1795, and one in 1SU7, and perhaps others, to execute the laws, to su|>- press insurrections, aud repel invasions. If these and other enactments are sufficient, let us have them enforced. A voice—The Presidents we have already had won’t enforce that law. air. Tim.—-1 nen you ousht to have dissolved loug ago. It the grievance has been by men of nur own choosing, why have we not complained before. Let us begin now. Let us begin with Mr. Buchanan. A few days ago, aud perhaps now, a fugitive is standing protected by a Northern mob iu a Northern State, in defiance of the U. S. Mar shall. Let us demand now that Mr. Buchanan en force the law against that rebel aud agaiust that State w hich protects him, or suffers him to be pro tected ou her soil. Let us have out the army and navy, and if they are not suflicieut, let there he a cull for volunteers. Many of us say we are ready to fight, anxious to fight. Here is achauce. Let ns tender our services. If the laws now existing are uot sufficient, let us have them sufficient. It is our right. We are entitled to a force hill for every clause in the Con stitution necessary to our rights. What have our statesmen been after that these laws are not suffi cient. Some of these nullifying grievances have existed since IS43, and is it possible that our states men have been all asleep, or lost and forgetful iu wrangling about slavery? Let us begiu now. We can yet have all needed laws under Mr. Buchanan. We have all the departments of Government. It is three months from the meeting of Congress to the fourth of March, Let us begin now and per fect our laws for the enforcement of every consti tutional right, aud against every rebel enemy.— Let the Convention add to the contingencies of disruption in the Georgia Platform. Let the refu sal to enforce the laws granted for our protection and defence be one contingency, aud the refusal to grant tlie laws needed for that protection aud de fence be another contingency. A Voice—How loug will you wait ? Mr. Hill— Uutil tbe experiment is tried aud both tlie demands enumerated may be tested and the contingencies may trauspire before the fourth of March next. If they do not, if a larger time shall be needed, Mr. Lincoln cauuot do us damage.— As you heard last night, he cannot even form his Cabinet unless he make it acceptable to a demo cratic Senate. Aud 1 go further aud say that he cannot get even his salary—not a dime to pay for his breakfast—without the consent of Congress. Nor would I have the Southern States, nor even Georgia, to hesitate to demand the enforcement of those laws at the hands of Air. Lincoln, if we can uot test it before. The North demanded of a Southern President the execution of the law against a Southern State in 1833. Now let tlie South com pel a Northern President to execute the laws against a Northern people; yea, the very rebels that elected him. A Voice—Do you believe Lincoln would issue his proclamation ? Mr. Hill—We can make him do it. It is his oath, lie wili be a traitor to refuse, and we shall have the right to hang him. He dare not refuse. He would be on Southern territory, aud for his life he dare not refuse. A Voice—The “Wide Awakes” will be there. Mr. Hill—Very well, if we are afraid of the “Wide Awakes” we had better surrender without further debate. The “Wide Awakes” will be there if we secede, and if they are to he dreaded, our only remedy is to hide. No, my friends, we are not afraid of any body. Arm us with the laws of our country and the Constitution of our fathers, and we fear uo enemy. Let us make war upon that Constitutfon and against those laws and we will be afraid of every uuise in the bushes. He who feels and knows he is right is afraid of nothing, and he who feels and knows Le is wrong, is afraid of nothing too. We were told the other night by a gentleman urging immediate secession, that we had never had a member in Congress, but who was afraid to de- inaud the laws for the enforcement of .these Consti tutional rights. Aud this is true, hut whose fault is that? tihame upon us that we have been afraid to demand our righto at the hands of our own gov ernment, administered to this hour by men of our own choice, and yet insist on onr courage to sns- tiiin us in seceding from that government in defi ance of its power. No, we have a right to go otit, hat let ns kmw we mmwt exercise that right before we go, and how can we know it unless we ask first. The Dedamtion of Independence, which you invoke for an example, says a decent respect' to the opinions of mankind requires us to declare the causes which impel us to the separation.— When we separate and allega our grievances as ■onr causes aud mankind sliaH ask us if we at tempted, even demanded a redress of those griev ances iu the Union before we went out, shall we haqg onr heads aud say np ? A people who are afraid to domain] rasped for their rights , can hare ne rights worthy to be respected. Oar fathers de manded, yea, petitioned, and. waned and conjur ed , and not until tbe Government wee deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity, did they acqui esce iu the necessity which-denounced their sepa ration. It is not the cowardice of fear, hot the courage of right and daty to demand redress at the bauds of our Ueverument. I confess I am anxious to see tlie strength of this government now tested. The crisis is on ns, not of our seeking, but in spite of our opposi tion, and now let us meet it. I believe we can make Lincoln enforce tbe laws. If fifteen Southern Slates will take that Constitu tion and the laws and his oath, aud shake them in the face of the President, aud demand their ob servance and enforcement, he cannot refuse — Better make him do it than any one else. It will be a magnificent vindication of the pow er and the majesty 0/ the iaw, to make the President enforce the law, ever, to haugitig, against the very rebels wlio have chosen him to trample upon it. It will he a vindication that will strike terror to the hearts of evil doers for a century to tome. Why, Lincoln is uot a monarch. He lias no power outside of the law, and none inside of the iaw except to enforce it. He is as much subject to the law as you or my self. The law is onr king over all. From the President to the humblest citizen we are the equal subjects of this only ruler. We have no cause for fear except when we offend this only sovereign of the republican eitizen,and have no occasion for des pair until his protection is denied us. I am also williug, as you heard last night that, our Convention or State should demand of tlie nullifying States the repeal of their obnoxious laws. I know this idea has been characterized as ridiculous. I cannot see wherein. You would make such demands of any foreign power iuter fering with your rights, and why do less towards a confederate State ! But iu my opinion, the wisest policy, the most natural remedy, and the surest way to vindicate onr honor and self icspect, is to demand the uncon ditional observauce of the Constitution by every State and people, and to enforce that demand.— Ami if it be necessary, call out for this purpose the whole pow er of the Government even to war on the rebellious State. And when a State shall allow a fugitive to he rescued in her jurisdiction aud carried beyond the reach of the owner, require her to indemnify the owner, and make the Gov ernment compel that indemnity, even to the seizure of the property of the offending State, and her people. One such rigid enforcement of the law will secure universal obedience. Let the law be executed though the Heaven’s fall, for there can be no government without law, and law is hut sand, if not enforced. It need be, let the State continuing in rebellion against the Constitution he driven from the Union. Is this Union a good ? If so, why should we surrender its blessings be cause Massachusetts violates the laws of that Union. Punish the guilty. Drive Massachusetts to the duties of the Constitution or from its bene fits. Make the General Government do this, and abandon the Government when it shall take sides with the criiuiual. It would be a trophy to fanati cism. above all her insolence, to drive the dutiful out of the Union with impunity on its part. Let 11s defend the Union against its enemies, until that Union sliail take sides with the enemy, and then let us defend ourselves agaiust both. In the next place let us consider the benefits of this policy. First, let us consider its benefits if we succeed ; and then its benefits if we fail. If we succeed we shall have brought about a triumph of law over the fell spirit of niolmcracy. never surpassed in the world’s history, and the re ward of that t-iiiinph -will be the glorious vindica tion of our equality, aud honor, and at the same time the establishment of the Union in its integ rity forever. And I tell you, my friends, we owe it to our history, ourselves, and onr posterity, yea, to constitnfional liberty itself, to make this trial. Can it be possible that we are living under a gov ernment that has no power to enforce its own laws? We have boasted of our form of government. We have almost canonized its authors as saints, for their patriotism and wisdom. They have reputa tions world-wide. They have been, for nearly a ceutury, lauded as far above all antiquity, and all previous statesmen. Their faces and their forms have been perpetuated in brass and marble for the admiring gaze of many generations made happy iu the enjoyment of their labors. In verse and song, in history and philosophy, in light literature aud graver learning, their names are eulogized, and their deeds commemorated, and their wisdom ennobled. Tlie painter has given ns the very faces and positions of the great counsellors, as they an honest effort to redress our grievances in the I ly to my position iu 1850, when we acre somewhat Union, is the Uniou of all tto- 8onthem States. | similarly excited, it is well known that I opposed Some of the States will not secede now. Some of j the compromise measures, and acted with the the States who snffer most Irom the grievanci » we have enumerated will nut secede Mow. Because they think these grievances can be redressed in the Union If this idea be a dream, let us wake up. to the reality by an actual experiment. A furtiter benefit to lx- di sired is, that if all the Southern States get ready and secede together, we shall be allowed to Uo so peaceably. Certaiuly, is onr right logo peaceably any u ay. Tin* Govern inent, though having the right to enforce its iaw against all tlie world, has uo right to coerce back a seceding State. But the attempt might be made and the peace broken, if only one State should se cede, or even a few. But let all the Southern States get ready and go together, and no earthly power would interfere or molest My owu opinion is that every Western and North-Western State and the Middle States, aud perhaps allbuttbeXew England States, would go with us. And the glo rious result at last might, be that we should bold the Government with ail its power, and thrust off only those who have lieen faithless to it. But the Southern States alone wilh the territory naturally falling into our hands, would form the greatest government then on earth. The world must have our products; and after peace was once secured to 11s, the world would flit nisli onr uavies and our army, without the expense to us of a ship or a soldier. Finally niy friends, we shall have secured, by this policy the good opinion of all mankiud and of ourselves. We shall have done our duty to histo ry, to our children, and to Constitutional liberty the great experiment of self-government. We shall have also discerned the defects iu our pres ent government, and will lie prepared to guard against them iu another. Above all we shall have found good consciences, and secured that, either in the Union or out of it, which ia dearer to ns than any Union, and more to be desired than all Con stitutions however venerated—that which is the eud of all our efforts, and the desire of all our hearts our equality as States, our rights as citizens, and onr honor as men. GOV. JOHNSON'S LETTER. AilLI.EDGEVII.LE, GEORGIA, \ Nov. 15, li*i0. ( Gov. Johnson—Sir:—The undersigned members of the Legislature with others having great ccnfi deuce in your wisdom and patriotism, most res pectfnBy request of you that you shall at venr earliest convenience address us upon the perilous issue now upon our country. Respectfully, sat together deliberating^!! the formation of this Constitution. The pulpit has placed their virtues next to the purity and Inspiration of the early apostles. The Senate Chamber h*® »»•-•*■ ■■ J tl.oir sayings as tlie test 01 good policy. Tbe fire-side lias held lip to its juvenile circle their manners as the models of good breeding. Tlie demagogue 011 the hustings has falsely caught at their mantles to hide his own shame. All this, because we have been accustomed to believe that they succeeded in framing the best Constitution, and in organizing the best Govern ment the world ever saw. Is that government, after all, a failure ? Who shall give us a better, and how shall we commemorate the worth of such wiser benefactors ? But if tins government cauuot enforce its laws, then it is a failure. We have professed to feel and realize its bless ings. Eloquence has portrayed in magic power its progress in all the elements of power, wealth, greatness, and happiness. Not a people on earth, since we achieved our independence, has shown symptoms of a desire to he free, that wjs have not encouraged by our sympathies, and as the suffi cient evidence of all success in self-government, we have pointed them to our example. There is not a people on earth who do not point to America and sigh for a government like that of the United States. Shall we now say to all these: Stop, you are mistaken. Our reputatiou is not deserved.— Be content with your harsher rule. The people are not capable of self-government. This very government, which you admire, and which we have thought was a model, is unable to protect our own people from the robber, the thief, the murderer and the fanatic ! Fellow-citizens, before we settle down in such a conclusion, let us make the effort and put this gov ernment to the test. Another advantage to be derived from success is. that we shall thus end the agitation of slavery forever. Its agitation in politics wns wrong from the beginning. Debate its morality and justice as much as you please. It will stand the argument. But don’t drag it down into a party political issue. Show me the man who agitates slavery as a politi cal party question, and I will show you the true enemy of slavery and the Union, I care not whether lie lives North or South. The safety and peace of the slaveholder aud the Union demand that this agitation should not longer be allowed. But, in the second place, if we foil, we cannot be J damaged, but great benefits will be secured by tbe effort. In the first place, we shall have lime to get ready for secession. If we secede now, in what condition .ire we ? Our secession will either be peacrable or otherwise. If peaceable, we have no ships to take off our produce. We could not.get and would not have those of the government from which wc had just seceded. We have no treaties, commercial or otherwise with any other power. We have no postal system among onr own people. Nor are we prepared to meet any one of the hundred inconveniences that must follow, and all of which can be avoided by taking time. But suppose our secession be not peaceable. In what condition are we for war? No navy, uo forts, uo arsenals, no arms but bird guns for low trees. Yet a scattered people, 'viih nothing divi ding us from our enemy hut an imaginary line, and a long sea and gulf coast extending from the Potoiuac to Galveston Bay, if all should secede.— In whut condition are wic to meet the thousand ills that would beset us, and every one of which cau be avoided by taking time. “ We have more to do than to go np the hi I la and come down.” Se cession is uo holiday work. While we are seeking to redress onr wrongs iu the Unio.), we cau go forward making all neces sary preparations to go out ifit should become ne cessary. We can have a government system per fect, aud prepared, ready for the emergency when the necessity for separation shall come. Again, if we foil to get redress in the Union, that very failnre will nuito the people t>f eur State. The only real ground of difference now is, some of us think we can get redress in the Union, and others think we cannot. Let those of us who still hare faith make that effort which lias never been made, and if wc foil, then we are ready to join yon. If you will not help ns make that effort, at least do not try to prevent. Let ns have a fair trial. Keep cool aud keep still. If we cannot save our equal ity, and rights, and honor in the Uniou, we shall join you and save tliem out of it. A voice. Wheu you fail to save your rights in the Union, if you refuse to go with us then, wluit will you do? Mr. Hill. But we will go. We allow no 1/to oar conduct in that connection. IF, when we come to join you, you get stubborn and refuse to go, then we shall go without you. Now, my secession friends, 1 have all confidence in your zeal and patriotism, but simply let ns take time and get ready. Let us work for tbe best, and prepare for tbe worst. Until an expert mept U made, I shall always believe that the Constitution has strength enough to conquer all its euemies— even the Northern fanatic. If it proves to have not strength, I will not trust it another bout. A third benefit to be derived from the failure of Geoige A Hall, WT Day, Jas >S Reid, N Bass, Jas LRender, Thus R Lutusdcn, Joel F Rusbiu, W L Taylor, TbosF Jones, J F Johnson, R Stewart, J A Turner, L H Briscoe, Win Grice, L M Hill, Phil Cook, \Y W Paine, W S Wallace, W C Cooper, Garnett Andrews, J A Stewart, Juo R. \\ ison, JoiinE l'ruit, George Young. Mlu.EDGEYii.LE, Nov. IG1I1. i860. Gentlemen :—lam in receipt of your note of yes terday requesting me to deliver au address upon the “perilous issue now upon the country.” Alter ma ture reflection, I decline to comply with your re quest. Several able speeches Lave been uiade.du- riug the week, ou both sides aud 1 could not hope to add a single ray to tlie flood of light which has been poured upon the great questions which are be fore the Legislature and engage the minds of the people. As a substitute for a speech, 1 otter you the following brief expression ot niy views: Mach as 1 deplore the election of Lincoln,it isau event which I confidently expected,trom tbe mo ment of the disruption of the Cliat’11 Convention. It requires all the energies of a united Democracy to elect a President; with a divided Democracy, it is impossible. To that schism therefore,must l*e asc- ibe- ed onr defeat. If the Convention had harmoniously nominated any distinguished Democrat, either North or South, upon the Cincinnati platform, with the Dred Scott Decision, 1 believe he would have been elected. But iu the election of General Pierce and Mr. Buchanan, the pnucipteur nou- interveutiun was triumphantly maintained. The departure from that, aud the attempt to engraft tbe doetriue of Congressional Intervention, iu favor ot slavery iu the Territories, were fatal to our cause and gave the battle to the Republicans. I say ibis much, as a frank and honest expression of my opinion, without intending to attach blame to any body; without intendiug to question the patriotism of anybody; without even intending to express au opinion, as to who was right and who was wrong- 'l hat one side or the other was wrong is self-evi dent; for both could not he right. AYe are therel fore indebted loan error in our owu, for our siguat I defeat—it elected Lincoln. Hence, as we are me entirely blameless, it behooves us to temper ourex asperation by calm reflection and prudent counsels Hasty action is always unwise: it is superlative folly, wheu prompted by passiou for which, our own indiscretion has created the existing occasion But “let the dead bury their ih-ad.” Let the con flict through which we have just passed, with all its acerbity and rancor be consigned to obliviou and animated with a patriotic desire to rescue our country from impending dangers, let us take conn swl wilh each other, as friends aud fellow-citizens whose political interests and destiny are one. I do not think the election of Lincoln a sufficient cause for secession. No man deprecates it more than I do. None is more implacably hostile to tbe avowed principles and policy of tbe Republi can party. 1 trust 1 am second to no one, in an intelligent devotion to the lights and honor of the South. But he, is legitimately elected—elected in strict accordance with the Constitution, and there fore, being stricklers ourselves, for conformity on the part of others to the Constitution, let us prac tice our precept by observing it, on our part. If he obey the Constitution, in bis administration, we shall have, suffered no injury by liis election ; if he violate it, by aggressing upon onr rights, w will resist it and the justice of that resistance will rally the united hearts aud hands of all true patri ots. But, it is contended by many, that we must antici pate aggressson—assumed that it will come, and secede from the Uuion immediately to avoid it. do not approve of such a course. But anticipa ting that it may route, prudence suggests tin begin, at once, to prepare to resist it. 1 believe however, that, under the existing cir cumstances, it cannotchme. The President is pow erless, without tlie concurrence of both houses «*f Congress. But both are known tube opposed to the federal principles and policy of the Republican party. How is it possible then for Liucoiu to com mit any aggrssiott upon the Month ? He cannot organize his administration except by the approval of the Senate ; no measure can be adopted, with out the action of Congress. He can do nothiug of himself. He is at tbe mercy of Congress—su - ject really to its dictation—as powerless as 8... sou shorn of his locks. Therefore, wher »t is asked, will you submit to the rule of Lincoln? I reply uo; 1 am not under his rule, but under tlie rule of the government whose legislative depart ment isituown to be friendly to the constitutional rights of the South. He is the one who is under rule—bound hand aud foot. I bkl biin defiance, while thus bound ; hut if tbe complexion of Con gress shall change to tha: of hostility to my section, knock off his fetters ami violate our rignts, I will defy them all: and if 1 caunot obtain redress in the Union, then, trusting to the reserved sovereignty of tbe State, 1 will strike for separate independence out of the Union. But the South has grievances of which to com plain, far more galling than the bare election of a Republican to the Presidency. The surrender of fugitive slaves is a constitutional obligation upon every State iu the Uuion. Without such a guaranty the Union would m-ver have been funned It cannot long survive its continued and persistent disresrard bv theuou-slavclioldingStates. The vio- Southern lights party. 1 did then as 1 would do now, under similar circumstances', and I am not conscious of any material change in the views which I entertained, touching the great questions involved in that contest. 1 was denounced than as a disui.ionist; and because I am not a disotuon- ist uow, 1 am charged with inconsistency and the abandonment of uiy Southern rights principles.— From all that lias lx-eu said recently, the country doubtless believe, that I was au active participant in the contest of 185tl—iu its fiery debates and the extreme views entertained by many of the leaders of the Moutheru rights party. The truth is, I did not make a single speech during the contest, ex cepting a few remarks, uot occupy ing ten minutes, in a meeting iu Baldwin county, in which I tbeu resided. I was ou the bench of the Ocwulgee Circuit. 1 wrote hut one letter, after tlie opening of the canvass for delegates, to the Conveutiou, and that was after the electiou. 1 appeal to that for the evidence that I was uot for secession then, and that 1 stood then, ui reference to the action of the State, precisely where this communication will show that I stand uow. _ 'I he letter alluded to, was written on the 5th of Nov. ]M50, in reply to James S. Hook aud others of Washington county, who asked my “opinion with reference to tbe policy to he pursued by onr State,” iu the then emergency. After briefly re viewing the compromise measure, I said : ‘ VVtiat then is the proper line of policy for Georgia iu the present emergency ? “ The wrongs of which we complain are not pe culiar to Georgia, but comuiou to all tlie slavehol- ding States, alienee, in any action which onr Slate may adopt, r she should regard herself only as an integral part of the South, aud should act only in reference to the concurrence and co operation of tlie slavehoiding States. The interests of sla very and those of cotton, rice and sugar are iden tical, and must share tlie same fate, aud theefore, at least the States engaged in these products shotild be uuiled in measures of redress or future security, lleuce, I have never favored the policy of separate stale secession—not that 1 question the right, but because l do uot regard it au etfectuel remedy for past wrongs or a potent safeguard agaiust future aggressions. »•##•*#»»*•»* Indeed, I am frank to say, that I would not dissolve this Union, by secession or otherwise, tor what has already been doue, if any assurance cau be obtained from the North, that they will cease their aggressions and permit us to remain quietly in tbe Union. Our line of policy then, in my poor judgment, is to adopt such measures as will pre vent all future encroachments upon our rights.— To render these effectual, they must meet the ap proval aud co-operation of those States which glow •otton, rice ami sugar.” These are my opinions uow, so far as they are applicable to tbe existing circuinstances. I am ipposed to dissolution now, by secession or other wise, ami for reasons similar to those which con trolled my opiuion theu. The course which i then suggested for the State conveutiou was contained in the following propo sitions : 2. I would have our convention record tbe unan imous aud strong protest of Georgia against the late acts of Congress, in reference to our Mexican teintories and her unalterable determinatiou nev er to ^ield another inch of ground to Northern en- roachinents.” 3. Let the convention demand of Congress tlie repeal of the Mexican laws in Utah and New Mex ico, against slavery, so as to open the door of safe emigration thither, by the slaveholders of the Month.” -f. The conveutiou should demand of the Nor thern Mtates, as a matter of loyalty to the Consti tution, the repeal of those legislative acts obstruct ing the recapture of fugitive slaves, to tbe end that thereceut statute of Congress inay be executed in good faith and without molestation under the forms of law.” 5. The convention should demand of the Nor thern Mtates that they should suppress the aboli tion agitatiou, on the ground that it endangers the public peace aud puts in jeopardy the friendly re lations between these Mtates. “ G. The convetifion should demand, in behalf of the South, perpetual exemption front future ag gression.” “7. The Convention should require our State Legislature to adopt such measures of legislation as are necessary to place tlie State iu a condition of the most ample preparation to meet all conse quences which a continued disregard of our righto by the North may force upon us. “ Let these propositions be distinctly propoun ded to the North for their soleuiu reflection ^nd to our sister Southern Mtates for their co-operation and adoption. And let us invi.e tbe latter to send delegates to a Southern Congress to meet in Mill- edgeville on the 4th of July, 1851—not to dissolve the Union, hut to devise measures for their enforce ment, with the new to preserve the rights of the South iu the Uuion ” These were my opinions as to the proper course for Georgia to adopt in I85». As for as they are applicable to the present crisis, I would advise their adoption now. Then 1 would say : 1. Let this Legislature call a convention of the people, at such time as may be deemed most convenient, to consider and determine what the State should do ; and also, in the meautime, put the State in a condition to meet any emergency. 2. Let that Convention reaffirm tbe “Georgia Platform’’ of 1850 and demand the repeal of all laws passed by any of the non-slaveholdmg State*, w hich obstruct the execution, in good faith, of the act of Congress for the rendition of fugitive slaves. 3. Let that Convention appeal to the Northern Mtates to suppress by all legitimate measures life slavery agitation, as siibversp 3 ol the peace and fraternity betweeu the States of this Uuion. 4. Let that Convention ask a consultation wilh the other Southern States, either in a Congress for that purpose, or in such other manner as may be best calculated to secure concert of action. I repeat what I said in the letter alluded to. “ As to the means a Southern Congress ought to adopt to enforce these propositions, it would be presumption 111 me to venture a suggestion. I prefer lather to staud mute before the wisdom of its counsels and bow submissively to its decisions. I am willing to confide the interest, tbe honor and rights of tlie South in the hands of such a body; and sure 1 feel, that its moral influence,represent ing as it would, the patriotism, the intelligence and firm resolve of the Mouth, would be potent to save the Uniou and awaken the Northern Mtates to the danger with which their nuisgaided fanaticism has imperiled it.” 1 should hope that a firm and earnest appeal by the South to the Northern States would be heeded ; that they would, under a sense of Constitutional obligation, repeal their “personal! iberty bills” and cease to hinder the surrender uf fugitive slaves.— 1 repeat, a continued and persistent disregard at oar rights, in this particular, by the noa-slavehoV- ding States, cannot and ought not to be submitted to. It is time for the Mouth to demand exemption from tbe agitation of slavery, from unjustifiable interference whit onr domestic peace and security, trom further aggression* upon oar rights and the faithful observance by toe Northern Slates of the requirements oud guarantees of the Constitution. Let the business of redress be began now and pioaecuted to a final consummation. Let every effort be made »*>d every means be exhausted to restore tbe tliiiv* back to what it was intended to be, by its founders. If we fail in this, which I will wot anticipate, then the interest, rights, peaca and honor of tbe Mouth will require a dissolution of the Uniou. Thanking yon gentlemen for the complimentary terms of your note, I am Truly and faithfully, Yonr ob’t srrv't, UERMCHELV JOHNSON. Messrs. Geo. A. Hall, Thomas K. Jones, and many others. disregard by the uou-slay(-holding States hit ion of it, by some, coiniiicui'ci] almost simulta neously with the abolition agitation. It has “grown with its growth and str< uglheued with its strength,” ua ti now, in defiance of h deral enactments, a ma jority or those Mtates have passed stringent laws to obstruct and hinder the recovery ef fugitive slaves. True, tlie cottou States have nor suffered very con siderably, on tlris seote ; the evil necessarily falls mainly upon thelmrder Mtates. But ail tlie slave- holding Mtates have felt and do now kec-nlv feel this infidelity of their Northern sisters to their plain constitutional obligation. They have said bet lit tle however; they have submitted to it, ah.toftt evil, which I apprehend from tlie election of Lin coln, I .see one good result, aud that is, tlie awa kening of the Mouth to these great grievances. They ought not to be permanently submitted to ; but promptly redressed, upon the united demand of the Mouth. Let the appeal be made to the delin quent Mtates. Having presented these general views, I will venture a few suggestions as to the best course to fe pursued- In justice to myself I must refer brief- TO THE UNION PARTY OF GEORGIA MtuiMitriuK, Nov. 19, IHff). " The agreement here, to rail a Convention of the people, with such unanimity, is uot With any view not to make a party qneation. On the contrary, that was the very design of it. I do not meafc a party question «m the old lines, but for the pur pose of getting the sense of the people on the new and great issue that overrides all otbera. You cannot get the sense «t the people without voting for men who agree with jas. When the Legislature met, many of the Breck inridge men were moving everything to have se cession passed by the Legislature, and the Union man of ail parties were for calling a Convention. without complaint. Amidst the almost t»umixed -j.| |e secessionists, finding they weald be beaten, came into the measure of a Convention, rather than he defeated by the Legislature. A large majority of the people are for ,T ni— and tl Of mast not allow themselves to bq chanted out of their wishes. And if you do not pot up and vote for storting Union men. and them only, the Convention will, contrary to tha niahoa at two-thirds of the people, declare for reomrion— Beware, or you on loot. Daemon. (CArrnicfe % fratinti^

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, November 27, 1860, Image 1