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VOLUME XL1I. MILLEDGEYILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JANUARY 8, 1861. NUMBER 2. R . O R M E & SON EDITORS and proprietors The Recorder is published weekly, at th f Two Dollars per annum, when pai- lo'v P rK ^' •.[- I10 j iq advance, Two Dollars ax and if not within the year, Trre I |FT ', K ^V, er auutun. No subscriptions received fo I 10 ' 1 ’,- u six mouths—to be paid always in advance 1> -' t m ll( . ( . s |,y mail in registered letters at our risk, fibers wishing the direction of tlc ir pap»u I r ,.re.i will notify us from what office it is to be tnnsTerred. “JvertisesiMW tr Reiuitt-n Subset onspieuously inserted at $1 (Hi uait . for the first insertion, and 50 cents per P er s • C or each subsequent insertion. Those sent '’'•T .itt » specification of the number of insertions, " ill'lie published until ordered out, and charged ao- C °'-1 •s'iif Land and Negroes, by Administrators, Ex- W . 1 | r '. or Guardians, are required by law to be held ecU hc'iirst Tuesday in the month, between the hours °? teU ju the foreuoou, and three in the afternoon, at ♦I Court house, in the county in which the proper- jjfjate. Notices of these sales must be given, iu a public gazette FORTY DAYS previous to the day 0l \, tiros for the sale of personal property must be th at least tex days previous to the day of sale. ^Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must be published forty days. V,,tkv that application will he made to the Court f Ordinary for leave to sell Laud or Negroes, must L published for TWO MONTHS. _ ClT'Tioxs for Letters ot Administration must be .iibTsbed thirty (lays—for Dismission from Admin istration. monthly sir. months—for Dismission from Guardianship forty days RI LL ' for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be pub- lished monthly for four mouths—for establishing lost napers./or the full space of three mouths—for compel ling titics from Executors and Administrators, where ft bond has been given by the deceased, the full space of three months. ' Publications will always be continued according to these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise or- ^Allbusiness iu the liuc of Printing will meet with prompt attention atthc REi£OHt>EK OFFI»tE^ T ie Addrew of the People of South Caio- ina, assembled ;n Convention, to the Peo ple of m? Slaveholdin- States of the Uni ted States. It is now seventy three years since tin* L nion between the United States was made by the Constitution of the United States. During this time, their advance in wealth, prosperity and power, has been with scarcely a parallel in the history of the world. The great object of their l'n- ion was external defence from the aggres sions of more powerful nations; which ob ject is now attained from their mere pro gress in power. Thirty-one millions ol people, with a commerce aud navigation which explore every sea, and with agricul tural production which are necessary to ev ery civilized people, command the friend ship of the world. I3ut unfortunately, onr internal peace has not grown with our ©x teinal prosperity. Discontent and conten tion have moved in the bosom of the Con federacy for the last thirty-five years. Du ring this time, South Carolina has twice called her people together in solemn con vention, to take into consideration the ag gression and 1 RABUN &. SMITH, Factors and Commission Merchants, SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. Orders for Bagging, Rope, aud other family sunDlies promptly actaadad to. July 24. I860. 30 Cm RIVERS & STANLEY, attorneys at law, IRWINTON, GA. Will practice in the Ocmulgee and Southern Circuits. JONA. RIVERS, April 10. IdiiO. 15 38t ROLIN A. STANLEY. F. gTd a n a, (LATE DANA & WASHBURN) FACTOR & COMMISSION MERCHANT. SAVANNAH, GEORGIA. I CONTINUE th<' above business at the old stand of DAK A & WASHBURN, 114 Bay Street, and prepared to make liberal advances on all produce consigned to my care. August 7, 1800 23 26t N EW LAW FIRM. RLTIIERFORD & HARRIS, MACON, GA. W ILL practice Law in Bibb and adjoining counties, and in the United States Court at Savannah and Marietta. —ALSO— In any county in the State by Special contract. John Ruthkrford. Charles J. Harris. March 10 1860. ] 1 tf. JONES & WAY7 (Successors to WAY & TAYLOR,) FACTORS & C0MHISS10S MERCHANTS, CORNER RAY AND DRAYTON STREETS, SAVANNAH, QA. JOHN JONLS, C. H . WAY. Particular attention paid to selling Cotton, Rice, Corn, Flour, Bacon and Produce generally. Liberal advances made on consignments. Jnly 12,1859 28 tf HARDEMAN & SPARKS, e house AND COMMISSION MERCHANTS ivTa-con, G-eo. WILL GIVE prompt attention to all business committed to their charge and hope to receive a liberal share of patronage. TIIOS. HARDEMAN, Sen., OVID G. SPARKS. Macon, August 21,I860 34 ly ISAAC C. WEST & CO., AGENTS PLANTFRS’ convention, —-AND General Commission Merchants, SA VANN A H GEORGIA. COMMISSIONS—Fifty Cents per Bale for Cotton. I. C* WEST. A. R. RALSTON. August 14, 1800 33 6m Tailoring Establishment. IIE SUBSCRIBER now receiving T bis stock of Fall and Winter 'sS ‘‘UtliMif and flatters himself that he can please all tastes iu his selections of CLOTHS, Cassimeres, cfcc. Garments made to order, with NEATNESS and dispatch. Give me a trial and be your own judge. THOMAS BROWN. Milledgeville, Sept. 25, I860 30 tf T^ILOPtlNGk J. c. SPERLING, thankful for past favors, would in form his old friends and customers, that lie is still at his business, and can be found next door to the Re corder office. Bis fits a»d work, warranted to give satisfaction. September 25, I860 39 tf Military and Fireman’s Hat and Cap MANUFACTURER. M. LENTZ, Milledgexille, Ga.. is now prepared to fill any order in his line of business. The Dress Caps of the Governor’s Horse Guard, is a spe eimen of his workmanship. Particular attention given to renovating OLD hats. Milledgevilie,Nov. 15, I860 47 tf WHEELER & WILSON’S SEWING MACHINES. Prices Reduced $5 to $11) on each. AND hemmkr included, ill machines warranted one year. 3reat Central Agency for the State —Machines of all kinds repaired by— E. J. JOHNSTON & Co., WATCH MAKERS AND JEWELERS n YOON, December 4, 1860 49 tf unconstitutional wrongs, per petrated by the people of the North ou the people of the South. These wrongs were submitted to by the people of the South, under the hope and expectation that they would he final. But such hope and expec tation have proved to be vain. Instead of producing forbearance, our acquiesenco has only instigated to new forms of aggressions and outrage; and South Carolina, again assembling her people in Convention, has this day dissolved her connexion with the States constituting the United States. 1 he one great evil from which all other evils have flowed, in the overthrow of the Constitution of the United States. The Government of the United States is no longer the Government of Confederated Republics, but of a Consolidated Democ racy. It is no longer a Free Government, hut a Despotism. It is, in fact, such a Government as Great Britain attempted to set over our 1 athers, and which was resist ed and defeated by a seven years’ strug gle for independence. I he Revolution of 1776, turned upon the great principle ot self-government aud self taxation, the criterion of self-govermcnt. \\ here the interests of two people united together under one Government, are differ ent, each must have the power to protect its interests by the organization of the Government, or they caunot be free. The interests of Great Britain and of the Colo nies were different and antagonistic. Great Britain was desirous ot carrying out the pol icy of all nations towards their Colonies, of making them tributary to her wealth and power. She had vast and complicated re lations with the whole world. Her policy towards her North American Colonies was to identify them with her in all these com plicated relations; and to make them bear, in common with the rest of the Empire, the full burden of her obligations and ne cessities. She bad a vast public debt; she had an European policy and an Asiatic policy, which had occ^ioned the accumu lation of her public debt, and which kejt her iu continual wars. The North Ameri can Colonies saw their interests, political and commercial, sacrificed by such a poli cy. Their interests required that they should not be identified with the burdens and wars of the mother country. They had been settled under Charters, which gave them self-government; at least so far as their property was concerned. They had taxed themselves, aud had never been taxed by the Government of Great Bri tain. To make them a part of a consoli dated Empire, the parliament of Great Britain determined to assume the power of legislating for the Colonies in all cases whatsoever. Our ancestors resisted the pretension. They refused to be a part of the consolidated Government of Great Britain. The Southern States now stand exactly iu the same position towards the Northern States that our ancestors in the colonies did towards Great Britain. The Northern States, have the majority in Congress, claim the same power of omnipotence in legislation as the British Parliament-— “The General Welfare” is the only limit to the legislation of either; and the major ity in Congress, as iu the British Parlia ment, ‘’The General Welfare” is the only limit to the legislation of either; aud the majority in Congress, as in the British Parliament, are the sole judge of the expe diency of the legislation, this “General Welfare” requires. Thus, the Government of the United States has become a consol idated Government; and the people of the Southern States rfre compelled to meet the very despotism their fathers threw off in the Revolution of 1776. The cousolidationof the Government of Great Britain over the Colonies was at tempted to be carried out by the taxes.— The British Parliament undertook to tax the Colonics to promote British interests Our fathers resisted this pretention. They claimed the right of self-taxation through their Colonial Legislature*. They were not represented iu the British Parliament, and, tlrerefore, could not rightly be taxed by its Legislature. The British Govern nient, however, offered them a representa tion in Parliament; but it was uot sufficient to euable them to protect themselves from the majority, and they refused it. Between taxation without any representation, and taxatiou without a representation adequate to protection, there was no difference. In neither would the Colonies tax themselves. Hence they refused to pay the taxes laid by the British Parliament. And so with the Southern States towards the Northern States, in the vital matter of taxation. They are in a minority iu Con gress. There represeutatiou in Cougress is uselss to protect them against unjust tax ation ; aud they are taxed by the people of the North for there benefit, exactly as the people of Great Britain taxed our an cestor* in the British Parliament for their benefit. For the last forty years the taxes laid by the Congress of the United Sates have been laid with a v’iew of subserving the interest of the North. The people of South have been taxed by the duties ou ina ports, not for revenue, but for an object inconsistent with revenue—to promote, by prohibitions, Northern interest in the pro ductions of their mines and manufactures. There is another evil, in the condition of the Southern towards the Northern States, which our ancestors refused fo bear towards Great Britain. Our ancestors not only taxed themselves, but all the taxes col lected from them were expended amongst them. Had they submitted to the preten sions of the British Government, the taxes collected from them would have been ex pended in other parts of the British empire. They were fully aware of the effects of such a policy in impoverishing the people from whom taxes are collected, and in en riching those who receive the benefit of the expenditure. To prevent the evils of such a policy was one of the motives which drove them on to revolution. Yet this British policy has been fully realized towards the Southern States by the North ern States. The people of the Southern States are not only taxed for the benefit of the Northern States, hut after the taxes are collected three-fourths of them are ex pended at the North. This cause, with oth ers connected with the operation of the Genet a! Government, haa made the cities of the South provincials. There growth is paralized, whilst they are mere suburbs of Nortbern cities. The Agricultural pro ductions of the South arc the basis of the foieigu commerce of the United States; yet the Southern cities do uot carry it on. Our foreign trade is almost annihilated. In 17- JO there were five ship yards iu South Car olina, to build ships to carry ou our direct trade with Europe. Between 1740 and 17 79, there were built in these yards twenty- five square rigged vessels, besides a gieat number of sloops and schooners, to carry ou our coast and West India trade. In the half century immediately preceding the Revolution, from 1725 to 1775, the population of South Carolina increased sevenfold. No man can for a moment believe that our ancestors intended to establish over their posterity exactly the same sort of Government they had overthrown. The great object of the Constitution of the Uni- St t s, iu its internal operation, was, doubt less, to secure the great eud of the Revolu tion—a limited free Goverumeut—a Gov ernment limited to those matters ouly, which were general and common to all por tions of the United States. Ail sectional or local interest were to be left to the State. By no other arrangement would they obtain free Government, by a Constitution com mon to so vast a Confederacy. Yet by gradual and steady encroachments on the part of the people of the North, aud acqui escence on the part of the South, the limi tations in the Constitution have been swept away; aud the Government of the United States has become consolidated, with a claim of limitless powers ii* its operations. It is uot all surprising, whilst sncli is the character of tho Government of the United States that it should assume to possess power over all the institutions of the coun try. The agitations on the subject of sla very, are natural results of the consolida tion of the Government. Responsibility follows power; and if the people of the North have the power by Congress “to promote the general welfare of the Uni ted States,” by any means they deem ex pedient, why should they not assail aud overthrow the institution of slavery in the South ? They are responsible for its contin uance or existence, in proportion to their power. A majority in Congress, accor ding to their interested and perverted views, is omnipotent. The inducements to act upon the subject of slavery, under such circumsances, were so imperious as to amount almost to a moral necessity. To make, however, their numerical power avail able to rule the Union, the North mu«t com solidate their power. It would not be uni ted on any matter conunou to the whole Union—in other words, on any constitu tional subject—for on such subjects divis ions are as likely to exist in the North as in the South. Slavery was strictly a sec tional interest. If this could he made the criterion of parties at the North, the North could be united in its power, and thus car ry out its measures of sectional ambition, encroachments and aggrandizement. To build up their sectional predominance in the Union, the Consitution must be first abolished by constructions ; but that being done the consolidation of the North to rule the South by the tariff’aud slavery issues, was in the obvious course of things. The Constitution of tho United States was an experiment. The experiment con sisted in uniting under one Government different peoples, living iu different cli mates, and having different pursuits of in dustry aud institutions. It matters not how carefully the lititntions of such a Government be lain dowu iu the Constitu tiou. Its success must at leat-tjjdepend up on the good faith of the parties to the Constitutional compact iu enforcing them. It is uot in the power of human language- to exclude false inferences, constructions perversions in any Constitution; aud when vast sectional interests are to be subserv ed, involving the appropriation of the countless millions oi money, it has not been the usual experience oi mankind that words on parchment can arrest power.— The Constitution of the United States, ir respective of the interposition of the States, rested on the assumption that power would yield to faith—that integrity would be stronger than interest; and that thus the limitations of the Constitution would be observed. The experiment has been fair ly made. The Southeru States from the commencement of the Goverumeut have striven to keep it within the orbit prescri bed by the Constitution. The experiment has failed. The whole Constitution, by the constructions of the Nortbern people, has been absorbed by its preamble. In their reckless lust for power, they seem un able to comprehend that scemiug paradox —that.the more power is given to the Gen eral Goverumeut the weaker it becomes. Its strength consists iu the limitation of its powers to objects of common interests.— To extend tho scope of its power over sec tional or local interests, is to raise up against it opposition and resistance. In all such matters, the General Government must necessarily be a despotism, because ell sectional or local interests must ever be represented by a minority iu the conucils of the General Government, having no power to protect itself against the rule of the majority. The majority, constituted from those who dc not represent these sec tional or local Interests, will control and govern them. A free people cannot sub mit to such a government. And the more it enlarges the sphere of its power, the grea ter mast be the dissatisfaction it must pro duce, and the weaker it most become. On the contrary, the more it abstains from usurped powers, and the more faithfully it adheres to'tlie limitations of the Consti tution, the stronger it is made. The Nor thern people have had neither the wisdom nor the faith to perceive, that to observe the limitation of the constitution was the only way to its perpetuity. Uuder sack a Government, there most of course, be many an endless “irrepressi ble conflicts,” between the two great sec tions of the Union. The same faithless iicss which has abolished the Constitution of the United States, will not fail to cany- out the sectional purposes for which it has beeu abolished. There must be conflict and the weaker section of the Uuion can only And peace and liborty in an inde pendetice of the North. The repeated ef forts made by South Carolina, in a wise conservatism, to anest the progress of the General Government in its fatal progress to consolidation, have been unsupported and she has been denounced as faithless to the obligations of the Constitution by the very men and States who were destroying it by their usurpations. It is now too late to reform or restore the Government of the United States. All confidence in the North is lost by the South. The faithless ness of the North for a half century has opeued a gulf of separation between the North and the South which no promises nor engagements can fill. It canuot be believed that our ancestors would have assented to any union w hatev er with the people of the North if the feel ings and opinions now existing amongst them had existed when the Constitution was framed. There w as then no Tariff— no fanaticism concerning negroes. It was the Delegates from New England who proposed in the Convention which framed the Constitution to the Delegates from South Carolina and Georgia, that if they would agree to give Congress the power ot regulating commerce by a majority, that they would support the extension of the Africa slave trade for twenty years. Af rican slavery existed in all the States but one. The idea that the Southern States would be made to pay that tribute to their Northern confederates, which they had re fused to pay to Great Britian ; or that the iustitntiou of Africau slavery, would be made the grand basis of a sectional organi zation of the North to rule the South, nev er crossed the imaginations of our ances tors. The Union of the Constitution was a union of slaveholding States. It rests on slavery, by prescribing a representation in Congress for three fifths ot our slaves. There is nothing in the proceedings of the Convention which framed the Constitution to shew that the Southern States would have formed any other Union ; and still less, that they would have formed a Un ion with more powerful non-slavcliolding States, having a majority in both branches of the Legislature of the Government.— They were guilty of no such folly. Time, and the progress of things, have totally al tered the relations between the Northern and Southern States since the Union was established. That identity of feelings, in terestsaiul institutions, which once existed, is gone. They are now divided, between agricultural aud manufacturing, and com mercial Statos ; between slaveliolding and non-slaveholding States. Their institu tions aud industrial pursuits have made them totally different peoples. That equality in the Government between the two sections of the Union which once ex- ted no longer exists. We but imitate the policy of our fathers in dissolving a Union with nouslaveholding confederates, aud seeking a confederation with slaveliolding States. Experience has prorcJ that slaveliolding tkates cannot be safe in subjection to non- slavcliolding States. Indeed, no people can ever expect to preserve its rights and liberties, unless these be in its own custo dy. To plunder and oppress, where plun der and oppression can be practiced with impunity, seems to be the natural order of things. The fairest portions of the world elsewhere have been turned into wilder nesses ; and the most civilized and pros perous communities have been impoverish ed and ruined by anti-slavery fanaticism. The people of the North have not left us in doubt, as to their designs and policy.— United as a section in the late Fresiden tial election, they have elected as the ex ponent of their policy, one who has open ly declared that all the States oi the Uni ted States must be madefree Stale* or s/acc State*. It is true, that amongst those who aided in bis election there are various shades of anti-slavery hostility. But if African slavery in the Southern States be the evil their political combination af firms it to be, the requisitions of an inexo rable logic must lead them to emancipa tion. If it is right to preclude or abolish slavery in a Territory, why should it be allowed to remain in the States? The one is not at all more unconstitutional than the other, according to the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States.— And when it is considered that the North ern States will soon have the power to make that Court what they please, and that the Constitution ucver has been any barrier whatever to their exercise of pow er—what check can there be in the unre strained couuscls of the North to emanci pation l There is sympathy iu associa tion, which carries men along without principle ; hut wlicu there is principle, and that principle is fortified by long existing prejudices and feelings, association is oin nipotent in party influences. In spite of all disclaimers and professions, there can be but one end, by the submission of the South to the rule of a sectional anti-sla- very government at Washington, and that end, directly or indirectly, must be—the emancipation of the slaves of tho South.— The hypocrisy of thirty years—the faith lessness of their whole course from the commencement of our union with them, show that the people of the non-slavehol ding North, are not, and cannot be safe associates of the slaveholdiug South, under a common Government. Not only theii fanaticism, but their erroneous views of the principles of free governments, render it doubtful whether separated from the South they can maintain a free government a- mougst themselves. Numbers, with them, is the great element of free government. A majority is iulallible and omnipotent. “The right divine to rule in kings,” is on ly transferred to their majority. The very object of all Constitutions, in free popnlar Government, is to restrain the majority.— Constitutions, therefore, according to their theory, must be most unrighteous inveu tions, restricting liberty, l$pue ought to exist: but the Body politic ought simply to have a political organization to bring out and euforea the will of the majority. This theory may be harmless in a small community, having an identity of into ’eats and pursuits; bat over a vast State—still more, over a vast Confederacy—having various and conflicting interests and pur suits, it is a remorseless despotism. In resisting it, ss applicable to ourselves, we are vindicating the great eanse of free gov ernment, more important, perhaps, to the world than the existence of all the United sicn of the Legislature, to hold which would involve an expense of a hundred thousand dollars, at a time when the treas ury is nearly exhausted and a debt accumu lating upon tbe State. Leller froiit Rev. ¥. T. Brantley. By permission, wc publish an extract from a letter to a friend by Rev. W. T. Brantley, who is too well known in Geor gia to require any guaranty for ability aud truth. It w ill be seen that his views on Lincoln’s election strongly corroborate those, expressed iu the first number of “Pincknev,” a correspondent'of the Consti tutionalist : Pim.kDRi.PuiA, Dec. 24, 1S60. Y’ou know that my profession keeps me aloof from ordinary political excitements, but the emergencies of the times compel men in every position to give utterance to their honest convictions. I need not tell you how 6trougly I sympathize with von iu the grievances of which you justly complain, and for which you are seeking ledress. A native of the South, my ear ly childhood and much of my manhood passed in Georgia, receiving at the hands of her people uniform kindness through a series of years, my wile and children born on your soil, many of my kindred and con nexions yet residing there—though provi dentially at the presentjfime a resident of Pennsylvania—I cannot but he deeply moved by whatever gives you trouble. In the recent canvass which lias terminat ed so unhappily, my position precluded me from taking any active part. All I did was to express the apprehension in a private way that the election of Lincoln would destroy the Confederacy. And when I was about to go to the polls, I said to one of the electors-,.who was ot my way of thinking, that I (Tegjrgd to make as strong an an ft Lincoln mark as possible. He gave me the ticket which in his judg ment did this most effectively, and I voted it. The opinions is current with you that the supporters of Lincoln in the North are irre- coneileably hostile to your institutions; and that the recent election must be taken as a guaranty of fnither infringements up on your rights until these have been utter ly overthrown. If this opinion were just, the law of self preserDn^jon would compel you to break off, even in violence and blood if it must he, all political connexion 'with the people wiio are seeking to stab vour vital interests. In suce a case, it w ould he certain destruction to remain in the Union — it could be no more out of it, and it might he comparative safety. But the opinion in question does great injustice to multitudes here, even of those who voted for Lincoln. I will not speak for other States; but in Pennsylvania, where the ' President; elect received (I regret to say) j a large majority than in any other North j ern State, I have the best reason for know- \ ingthat the masses are overwhelmingly in j favor of doing full justice to the South.— Were the question submitted to the poo ! pie of this State to day, Are you in favor J of allowing .slaveholders equal rights with j yourselves in the teiritories? I belivc i that they would answer affirmatively by ! a majority of one bundled thousand. If, States. Nor iu resisting it, do wc intend to depart from the safe instrumentality, the system of government we have estab lished with them requires. In separating from them we invade no rights—no inter est of theirs. We violate no obligation or duty to tbem. As separate, independent Slates in Convention, we made the Con stitution of the United States with them ; and as separate independent States, each State acting for itself, we adopted it.— South Carolina acting in her Sovereign capacity, now thinks proper to secede from the Union. She did not part with her sovereignty in adopting the Constitution. The last thing a State can be presumed to have surrendered is her Sovereignty. Her Sovereignty is her life. Nothing blit a clear express grant can alienate it. Infet- ence has no place. Yet it is not at all surprising, that those who have construed away all the limitations of the Constitu tion, should also by construction, claim the annihilation of the Sovereignty of the States. Having abolished all barriers to their omnipotence by their faithless con structions iu the operations of the General Goverumeut, it is most natural that they should endeavor to do the same towards us, in the States. The truth is, they, having violated tlic express provisions of the Constitution, it is at an cud, as a com pact. It is morally obligatory only on those who choose to accept its perverted terms. South Carolina, deeming the com pact not only violated in particular fea tures, but virtually abolished by her North ern confederates, withdraws herself as a party from its obligations. The right to do so is denied by her Northern confede rates. They desire to establish a section al despotism, not only omnipotent in Con gress, but omnipotent over the States ; and as if to manifest the imperious necessity of our secession, they threaten us with the sword, to coerce submission to their rule. Citizens of the slaveholding States of the United States! Circumstances le- yond our control have placed us in the van of the great controversy between the Northern and Southern States. We would have preferred that other States should have assumed the position we now occupy. Independent ourselves, we dis claim any design or desire, to lead the counsels of the other Southern States.— Providence has cast our lot together, by extending over us an identy of pursuits, interests and institutions. South Caroli na desires no destiny, separated from yours. To be one of a great Slavehol ding Confederacy, stretching its arms over a territory larger than any power in Eu rope possesses—with a population four times greater than that of the whole Uni ted States when they achieved their inde pendence of the British Empire—with pro ductions which make onr existence more important to the world than that of any other people inhabiting it—with common institutions to defend, and common dan gers to encounter—we ask your sympathy and confederation. Whilst constituting a portion of the United States, it lias been your statesmanship which has guided it in its mighty strides to power and expansion. In the field, as in the cabinet, you have led the way to its renown and grandeur, lou have loved tlie Union, in whose ser vice your great statesmen have labored, and youi great soldiers have fought and 1 then, you ask how it Aime to pass that Lin conquered—not for the material benefits it , coin received so large a majority, I answer, conferred, blit with the faith of a generous j it was not opposition to the South, but op- and devoted chivalry. You have long liu- : position to the Administration. They gered and hoped over the shattered re-j feel here towards .Mr. Buchanan just as mains of a broken Constitution. Compro- | your own Chronicle Sentinel feels when, inise after compromise, formed by your a few days ago, it expressed the hope that concessions, has been trampled under footj Mr. Buchanan would resign. I have been by your Northern confederates. All fra-; reading newspapers of all sorts, conversing ternity of feeling between the North aud with intelligent men, and personally obser- ing the movement of the day in Feu nay I cant company compared w ith those who are prepared to protect all your rights. If at your approaching Convention you state auy reasonable conditions ou which yon will consent to remain iu the U nion,I have no doubt that what is asked can be secur ed. Your proposals if refused, would give you a union at home which you do not now possess, and would greatly increase the number of persons here who would justify you iu such measures of redress as may be deemed essential to your safety. But I must not tax your patience lon ger. Excuse this hasty and rambling let ter. It comes fiotn a heart which loves tho South and loves the Uuion which has been confessedly to all of us the source of great good. Iu the Union Georgia has become a powerful commonwealth. Her success is no longer an experiment. Is it certain that she will do better to withdraw l May a merciful God preside over your delibera tions and conduct you to wise conclusions, is the prayer of Your friend, W. T. Brantley. the South is lost, or has been converted into hate ; and wc, of tiic South, are at last driven together by the stern destiny which controls the existence of nations.— Your bitter experience, of the faithlessness and rapacity of your Northern eonfecic rates, may have been necessary to evolve those great principles of free government upon which the liberties of the world de pend, and to prepare you for tho grand mission of vindicating and re establishing them. Wc rejoice that other nations should be satisfied with their institutions. Contentment is a great element of happi ness, with nations as with individuals.— We are satisfied with ours. If they pre fer a system of industry, in which capital and labor are iu perpetual conflict—and chronic starvation keeps down the natural increase of populatioii-and a man is work ed out in eight years—and tho law or dains, that children shall be worked only ten hours a day—and the sabre and bayo net me the instruments of order—be it so. It is their affair, not ours. YVe prefer, however, our system of industry, by which labor and capital are identified in interest, and capital, tnerefore, protects labor—by which onr population doubles every twen ty years—by which starvation is un known, and abundance crowns the land— by which order is preserved by an unpaid police, and the many fertile regions of the world, where the Caucassian cannot labor, are brought into usefulness by the labor of the African, and the whole world is bles- ( sed by our productions. Ail we demand of other people is, to be let alone, to work out our own high destinies. United to gether, and we must be the most indepen- dent, as we are among the most important of the nations of the world. United to gether, and we require no other instrument to conquer peace, than our beneficent pro ductions. United together, and we must be a great, free and prosperous people, whose renowu must spread throughout the civilizod world, and pass down, we trust, to tbe.remotest ages. We ask you to join us, in forming a Confederacy of Slavehol ding States. Fable and Fact, Once upon a time two inen were pad- dliug over a lake in a cauoe nude of birch en bark. The canoe was iight, substan tial, aud skillfully constructed ; nothin^ could be better suited tor the navigation of the waters over which it floated ; but, like all structures of the kind, it required some little care to keep it in trim, and pre vent it from capsizing. One of the inen sat at the stern, the other at the bow. As they paddled on, the shades of evening gradually fell upon them, and star after star became visible in the dark blue heav ens. The inau at the stern suddenly ex claimed, “I wish I had a farm as big as ail the sky,” to which he at the bow re sponded, “I wish I had as many cattle as there are stars.” “Where would you pas ture them 7” said the first. “In your farm,” said the second. “No, you wouldn’t,” was the rejoinder. “And why not,” continued his companion. “Because I wouldn't let you, and I am strouger than you.” This provoked a somewhat angry letort, which was returned in a corresponding spirit.— The dispute waxed hotter and hotter, till at last they simultaneously dropped their paddies, aud grappled with each other.— He who had vaunted his superior strength made his words good. He got his antago nist under; but in the sttuggle the canoe was overturned, and the rash combatants were both drowned. This is our fable ; and the interpretation, or moral, is this. The canoe is the gov ernment of the United States. The man at tbe stern represents the North, and the man at the bow tepresents the South.— 1 lie government is a very good govern ment ; but it requires care, forbearance, and wisdom to cairy it on, because of tbe antagonism between the North and the South. But the North and the South have got into a quarrel upon a subject as un practical and abstract as that we have mentioned in our fable. The South says : “I insist upon the right to carry slaves in to the unoccupied territories of the coun try, and to have my property in them pro tected ; but for all that I do not expect to take any of my slaves there, ir> point of fact.” The North says : “I am well a- ware that you don't intend to carry any slaves there, but a3 a matter of principle— to snow you how much I dislike slavery— I insist npon it that yon shall not have the right to do so.” The South threatens to secede ; and the North threatens to pre vent secession by force. The North is stronger than the South; that is. more wealthy, more populous, and more rapidly increasing in wealth and population. In case of a struggle—of civil war, in other words—the North might prevail. But vania for fouryears; and if I were to classify j w 'here, at t lie end of it, would the govern- Governor Houston, of Texas, lias issued au address to the people ol that State, ex plaining why he does not call au extra ses sion of the Legislature. He declares that he has no intention or desire to thwart the wishes of the people, and belives the time has come for the South to make a firm stand for its rights; hut he believes that tbe precipitate action of two or three ex treme Southern States would involve the Border State* iu destruction, drive slavery from them at once, and ruin their citizens. He baa transmitted to the Governor of each Southern State tbe Texan legislative res olutions providing for the election of seven delegates, to meet delegates from other slaveholding States, to confer upon uieas nres for preserving the rights of the Sonth in the Union. He has also taken measures for tbe election of such delegats in Texas. This, he thinks, is sufficient, as but tew counties have petitioned foe an extra ses- the elements which united in the support of the sectional* 1 candidate, I would say that four-sevenths of those who sustained him acted from hatred to what they call Democratic misrule; two-sevenths voted for Lincoln because they believe that the great industrial interests would be. most ef ficiently protected under his adiniusitra tion ; the remaining seventh voted for him on anti-slavery grounds. .Much has been said about the “Personal Liberty bills” of this State. Whatever lawsinay be on the statute book, I lenote that Pennsylvania off ers no parctical obstruction to the com plete execution of the fugitive slave law. Repeatedly since iny residence in this city, have slaves been returned to their cli mates. On one occasion when a mob of negroes attempted a rescue, they rverc eaten oft’ by order of our Mayor—a man who was elected to his ofice by the same party who have just voted for Lincoln. Some of the best friends of the South who have investigated the matter tell me that there are no laws of the State which at all conflict with full justice to the South in this respect. If there be any real ground ot complaint, I have no doubt that the Legislature, about to convene, will, on the discovery of the fact, erase the offensive provision from their books. When G<>v. Packer relinked tiie John Brown sympa thizers in a letter which has been publish ed in your papers, lie expressed seniimeuts in which the State concurred almost unan imously. If'the South had united en John Pell, he wool' 1 have received the support ol this State, and to day he the President elect. They rallied around Lincoln not because he was au Abolitionist, but because he was in their judgment, the emly candidate trho ceroid orer/hrotc the democracy. The lion. How ell Cobb lias truly said, that opposition t<> slavery is the principle which binds togeth er the repellant elements of the dominant party in the Northern States. Butihetiie which binds the wheel is but a small part of that wheel, and when broken, the wheel falls to pieces. The slavery clement, though holding together the Lincoln party, is only the tir^ Drive out of your federal politics this vexed subject as you may—as you must if you wonld have peace—and the whole party is dismanded and destroy ed. So odious was the name of Republi can iu this State, that the party so called in other States were here generally knowi. as the “People’s Party,” and it was uuder this title the triumph was won, I am not of those who believe that the South should submit uncomplainingly to what has just transpired. 1 believe that sbe should insist upon a redress tor her grievances. But the remedy is not iu son dering ligaments which may result in hor rors of which I shudder to think. You have millions of true friends in tbe North, and when the opportunity is afforded they will demonstrate the fact. That there aiepeo- ple here who hate yott with a hitter hatred, is uot denied ; bet these arc ait iurigatfi- ment, the Constitution, be ? Just where the canoe was. in our fable, at the end of the contest between the man at the stern and the man at the bow.— Boston Courier. A letter from Gapt. M. F. Maury, in the Fredericksburg News, states that a move ment is now going on in New Jersey, “to effect a settlement,” and “secure the Un ion of the States.”' The letter says that New Jersey is to send a Commissioner to the Conventions of Alabama and Mississippi, etc., to ask of the sovereignties there assem bled a statement of the terms and condi tion upon which they will be content to remain in the Union. Having thus obtain ed from tbe people of the Sonth, those of each State acting iu their sovereign capac ity, there ultimatum, she is to bring it be fore her sister States of tbe North for their action, with the request that those who are willing to accord to it, will instruct their Senators, and request their representatives to go for au act incorporating the terras <>f it as amendments to the Constitution, to be thence referred according to its provis ions, back to the States for ratification. Thus, our friends at the North will have something around which the solid men, tbe quiet men of the country, both North and South, East and West, may rally. Having thus fairly ascertained directly from the South, what will satisfy them in this union, it will remain for those of the North to ac cede to it, and save tbe Uniou or to refuse it and so break up the Union.” A correspondent of the New Y~ork Time* writes from Washington;—It is understood that Gov. Brown, of Georgia, has solicited from tbe Secretary of War, and obtained a year’s leave of absence for Col. Hardee, late Commandant at West Point, to go to Europe to purchase gnns and munitions of war for the State of Georgia. I receive this information from excellent authority, which there is no reason to question. A sermon preached by Rev. Mr. Van Dyke, in Brooklyn, recently, in which he boldly met the Abolitionists, and denoun ced their principles as infidel in their ten- icncy and their course as destructive, is a very able production. YVe have no relish for political sermons, at best; but this is really something that was probably want ing just iu the neighborhood of Beecher. \ Alexandria Gazelle. Henry Clay’s YYoros.—If this Union >ball become separated, (said Mr. Clay,) jew Unions, new Confederacies will arise ; tnd with respect to this, If there be any—I •tope there ia no one *in the Senate before ■rhose imagination is flitting the idea of a 'real Southern Confederacy to take possea- iion of the Belize aud the mouth of the Mis sissippi— I aay in my pUflh-urer, merer, never will we who occupy the broad waters of the Mississippi and its epper tributaries consent tliat any foreign flag shall float at the Belize or npon the tenets oftha Cresent city. Never! Narcat