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Message of President Lincoln.
Washington, .Toly 5, 1861.
Fellow Citizens of the Senate
and House of Representatives.
Having been convened on an extraor
dinary occasion, as authorized by the Con
stitution, your attention is not called to
any ordinary subject of legislation. At
the beginning ot the present Presiden
tial term, four months ago, the functions
of the Federal government were fouud to
he generally suspended within the several
States of South Carolina, Georgia, Ala
bama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Florida,
excepting only those of the Post Office
Department. Within these States the
forts, arsenals, docks, harbors, custom
houses, and the like including the movable
and stationary property in and about them,
had been seized, and were held in open
hostility to the government, excepting
only, Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson,
on - and near the Florida coast, aud Fort
Sumter in Charleston liarbor, South Car
olina. The forts thus seized had been
put in an improved condition, new ones
had been built, and armed forces had been
organized, and were organizing, all avow
edly with the same hostile purpose. The
forts remaining iu the possession of the
Federal government in and near these
States, were either beseiged or menaced
by warlike preparations, and especially
Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by'
Avell protected hostile batteries, with guns
equal in quality to the best of its own.
and outnumbering the latter as perhaps
ten to one. A disproportionate share of
the Federal muskets and rifles had some
how found their way into tiiesc States,
and had been seized to be used against the
government. Accumulations of the pub
lic revenue lying within them had been
seized for the same object. The navy was
scattered in distant seas, leaving but a
very small part within the immediate use
of the government. The officers of the
Federal army and navy had resigned in
great, numbers, and of those resigning a
large proportion had taken up arms against
the government. Simultaneously, and in
connection with all these, purposes to sev
er the Federal Union were openly avow
ed. In accordance with this purpose, an
ordinance hid been adopted in each of
the States, declaring the States respective
ly to be separated from the National
Union. A formula for combining and
instituting a combination of these States
had been promulgated, and this ille
gal organization in the character of
Confederated States was already invok
ing recognition, aid and intervention from
foreign powers.
Finding this condition of things, and
believing it to be an imperative duty up
on the incoming executive to prevent, if
possible, the consummation ot such at
tempts to destroy the Federal Union, a
choice of means to that end became indis
pensable. This choice was made aud de
clared in the inaugural address in March.
The policy chosen looked to the exhaus
tion of all peaceful measures before a re
sort to any stronger ones. It sought only
to hold the public places and property not
already wrested from the government, and
collect the revenue, relying for the rest on
time, discussion and the ballot-box. It
promised a continuance of the mails at
government expense, to the very people
who were resisting the government, aud it
gave repeated pledges against any- dis
turbance to any of the people or any of
their rights, of all that which a President
might constitutionally' and justifiably’ do
in such a case. Everythin" was foreborne,
without which it was believed impossible
to keep the government on foot. On the
oth of March, the present incumbent’s first
full day of office, a letter of Maj. Ander
son, commanding at Fort Sumter, written
on the 28th of February', and received at
the War Department on the 4th of March,
was by that department placed in my
bands. This letter expressed the profes
sional opinion of the writer that reinforce
ments could uot be thrown into that fort
within the time for his relief, rendered
necessary by the limited supply of pro
visions, and with a view of holding pos
session of the same, with a force of less
than 20,000 good and disciplined men.—
This opinion was concurred in by all the
officers of his command, and the memo
randa on the subject were made together
with inclosures of Maj. Anderson’s letter.
The whole was immediately laid before
Lieut. General Scott, who at once con
curred with Maj. Anderson's opiuiou.—
On reflection, however, be tbok lull time
for consultation with other officers, both of
the army aud navy, and at the end of four
days came reluctautly but decidedly to
the same conclusion as before. He also
stated at the same time that such sufficient
force was not at the control of the govern
ment and could not be raised and brought
to the ground within the time when the
provisions in the fort would be exhausted.
Ill a purely military point of view’ this re
duced the duty of the Administration in
the case to the mere matter of taking the
garrison safely out of the fort. It was
believed, however, that to abandon that
position, under the circumstances, would
be utterly ruinous; that the necessity
under which it was to be done, would not
be fully understood ; that by many it
would be construed a part of voluntary
policy ; that at borne it would discourage
the friends of the Uniou, embolden its
adversaries, and go far to insure the latter
a recoguitiou abroad; that in fact it w’ould
be our national destruction, if cousumated.
This could not be allowed. Starvation
was not yet upon the garrison, aud ere it
could be reached, Fort Pickens might bo
reinforced. This last would be a clear
indication of policy, and would better
enable the country to accept the evacua
tion of Fort Sumter as a military necessity.
An order was at once directed to be sent
for the landing of the troops on the steam
ship Brooklyn into Fort Pickens. This
order could not go by land, but must take
the longer and slower route by sea. The
first return new’s from the order was re
ceived but one week before the fall of Fort
Sumter. The news itself was that the
officer of the Sabiue—to which vessel the
troop had been transferred from the Brook
lyu—acting upon some quasi armistice of
the late Administration, up to the time the
order was dispatched, had ouly two vague
and uncertain rumors to fix attention, and
had refused to land the troops.
To reinforce Fort Pickens before a cri
sis would be reached at Fort Sumter was
impossible, rendered so by the near ex
haustion of provisions in the later named
fort. Iu precaution against such a con
juncture the government had a few days
before commenced preparing an expedition
as well adapted as might be, to relieve
Fort Snmter, which expedition was intend
ed to be ultimately used or not, according
to circumstances. The strongest antici
pated case for using it was now presented,
and it was resolved to send it forward as
had been intended in this contingency.—
It was also resolved to notify the Governor
of South Carolina that he might expect au
attempt would be made to provision the fort,
aud tbnt if the atempt should not be resisted
there would be no effort to throw in mure
arms or amuuitioii without further notice,
or in case of an attack upon the fort. This
notice was accordingly given ; whereupon
the fort was attacked and bombarded even
to the fall without even waiting the arrival
of the provisioning expedition. It is thus
seen that the. assault upon and reduc
tiou of Fort Sumter was in no sense a
matter of self defence on the part of the
assailants. They well knew that the garri
son in the fort could by no possibility com
mit aggression upon them. They knew
they were expressly notified that the giv
ing'of bread to the few brave and hungry
men of the garrison was all which would
on that occasion be attempted, unless
themselves by resisting so much should
provoke more. They kuew’ that the gov
ernment desired to keep the garrison in
the fort not to assail them, but to merely
maintain visible possession, and thus to
preserve the Union from actual aud imme
diate dissolution, trusting as heretofore
stated, time, discussion and the ballot box
for final adjustment, and the}’ assailed and
reduced the fort for precisely the reverse
object, to drive out the visible authority
of the Federal Union, and thus force it to
immediate dissolution. That this was their
object the Executive well understood.—
And having said to them in the inaugural
address. ‘"You can have no conflict with
out being yourselves the aggressors,” he
took pains not only to keep this declara
tion good, but also kept tlie use so free
from power of ingenious sophistry as that
the world should not be able to misunder
stand it.
By the affair at Fort Sumter, with the
surrounding circumstances, that point was
reached. Then and there, by the assail-
auts of the Government, began the conflict
ot arms, without a gun in sight or in ex
pectancy to return their fire, save the
tew in the fort sent to that harbor
years before for their own protection, and
still ready to give that protection in what
ever is lawful. In this act, discarding all
eke, they have lorecd upon the country
the destructive issue, immediate dissolution
or blood; and the issue embraces more than
the fate ofjhe United States. It presents
to the whole family of man the question,
whether a constitutional republic or tie
mocracy, a government of the people
by the same people can or cannot main
tain its territorial integrity against its own
domestic foes. It presents the question,
whether discouted individuals, too few in
number to control the Administration ac
cording to organic law in any case, and
always upon the pretences made in this
case or any other pretences, or arbitrarily
without any pretence, cau break up their
government and thus practically put an
end to free government upon the earth.—
It forces us to ask “is there in ail republics
this inherent aud fatal weakness? must a
government of necessity be too strong for
the liberties of its own people, or too weak
to maintain its ow’n existence?” So
viewing the issue, uo choice was left but
to call out the war power of the govern
ment, and so to resist the force employed
for its destruction by force for its preser
vation. The call was made, and the re
sponse of the country was most gratifying,
surpassing in unanimity and spirit the most
sanguine expectations. Yet none of the
States commonly called slave States, ex
cept Delaware, gave a regiment through
regular State organization. A few regi
ments have been organized within some
others of those States by individual enter
prise, and received into the government
service.
Of course the seceded States, so-called,
and to which Texas had been joined about
the time of the inauguration, gave no
troops to the cause of the Union. The
border States, so called, were not uuiform
in their action, some of them being almost
for the Union, while in others, as Virginia,
North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas,
the Union sentiment was nearly lepressed
and silenced. The course taken in Vir
ginia was the most remarkable, perhaps
the most important: a convention elected
by the people of the State to consider this
very question of disrupting the Federal
Union, was in session at the capital of
Virginia when Fort Sumter fell. To this
body the people had cboseu a large nia
jority of professed Union uien. Almost
mimeuiatly after the fall of Sumter, many
members of that majority w ent over to the
original disunion minority, and with them
adopted au ordinance ot withdrawing the
State from the Union. Whether this change
was wrought by their great approval of the
assault upon Sumter, or the great resent
ment of the government’s resistance to
that assault is not definitely kuown. A1
though they submitted the ordinance for
ratification to a vote of the people, to be
taken ou a day then somewhat more than
a month distant, the convention, and the
legislature, which was also in session at
the same time and place, with leading
men of the State, not members of either,
immediately commenced acting as if the
State were already of out the Union. They
pushed military preparations vigorously
forw’ard all over the Slate; they seized
the United States armory at Harper’s
Ferry and the navy yard at Gosport, near
Norfolk. They received, perhaps invited,
into their Slate large bodies of armed
troops with their warlike appointments,
from the so called seceded States. 'They
formally entered into a treaty of temporary
alliance and co operation with the so-
called Confederate States, and sent mem
bers to their congress at Montgomery, and
finally they permitted the insurrectionary
government to be transferred to their cap
ital at Richmond.
The people of \ irginia bare thus al
lowed tnis giant insurrection to make a
nest within her borders, aud this govern
ment has no choice left but to deal with it
where it finds it, and it has the less regret as
the loyal citizens have in due form claimed
its protection. Those loyal citizens this
government is bound to reegnize and pro
tect as being in Virginia, as one of the
border States, so called; in fact in the
Middle States, there are those who favor
a policy which the call armed neutrality,
that is, an arming of those States to
prevent the union forces passing one way,
or the disunion forces the other, over their
soil. This would be disunion complete ;
figuratively speaking it would be the build
ing of an impassable wall along the line
of separation, and yet not quite an im
passable one, for, under the guise of neu
trality, it would tie the bauds of the Union
men and freely pass supplies from them
to the insurrectionists, which it could not
do as au open enemy. At a stroke it would
take all the trouble off the hands of
secession, except only what proceeds from
the external blockade; it would be for
the disunionists that which of a u things
they most desire, feed them well and give
them disunion without a struggle of their
own. It recognizes no fidelity to the con
stitution.no obligation to maintain the Un
iou ; and while very many who have favor
ed it are doubtless loyal- it is nevertheless
very injurious in effect. Recutriug to the ac
tion of the government, it may be stated
that at first a call was made for 75,000
militia, and rapidly following this a proc
lamation was issued for closing the ports
of the insurrectionary districts by proceed
ings in the nature of a blockade. So
far all was believed to be strictly legal.—
At this point the insurrectionists fihfiolinced
their intention to enter upon the practice
of privateering. Other calls weie made
for volunteers to serve three years, unless
sooner discharged, and also for a large
addition to the regular army and navy.
These measures, whether strictly legal
or not, were ventured upon and what ap -
peared to be a popular demand aud a pub
lic necessity, trusting then, as now, that
Congress would readily ratify them. It
is believed that nothing has been done be
yond the Constitution or the competency
of Congress. Soon after the first call for
militia, it was considered a duty to author
ize the commanding general in proper
cases, according to his discretion, to sus
pend the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus ; or, in other words, to arrest and
detain without resort to the ordinary pro
cess and forms of law, such individuals as
be might deem dangerous to the public
safety. This authority has purposely been
exercised but very sparingly nevertheless,
the legality and propriety of what lias
been done under it are questions, and the
attention of the country has been called
to the proposition, that one who is sworn
to take care that the laws be faithfully ex
ecuted, should not himself violate them.
Of course some consideration was given to
the questions of power and propriety be»
fore this matter was acted upon. The
whole of the laws which were required to
be faithfully executed, were being resisted,
aud failing of execution in nearly one-tbird
of the States, must they be allowed final
ly to fail of execution, even had it been
perfectly clear that by the use of the
means necessary to the execution, some
single law, made in such extreme tender
ness of the citizens’ liberty, that practical
ly, it relieves more of the guilty than of
the innocent, should, to a very limited ex
tent, be violated ? To state the quostion
more directly, are all the laws but one to
go unexecuted and the government itself
to go to pieces lest that one be violated ?
Even in such a case, would uot tlie official
oath b.e broken if the government should
be overthrown when it was believed that
disregarding the single law would tend to
preserve it.
But it was not believed that this ques
tion was presented ; it was not believed
that any law was violated ; the provision
of the constitution is that the privilege of
the writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus
pended, unless when in case of rebellion or
invasion tlie public safety may require it.
It is equivalent to a provision that such
privilege may be suspended when in case of
rebellion or’invasion the public safety does
reqire it. -It was decided that we have a
case of rebellion, and that the public safety
does require the qualified suspension of the
privilege of'jtbe writ, which was authoriz
ed to be made. Now it is insisted that
Congress and not the executive is vested
with this power, but the constitution itself
is silent as to which or who is to exercise
the power, and the provision was plainly
made for a dangerous emergency. It can
not be believed that the framers of the in
strument intended that in every case the
danger should run its course until Congress
should be called together, the very assem
bling of which might be prevented, as was
intended in this case by the rebellionists.
No more extended argument is now offered,
as an opinion at some length will probably
be presented by the Attorney General.—
Whether there shall be any legislation up
on the subject, and if any, what, is submit
ted entirely to the better judgement of
Congress. Tbe forbearance of this gov
ernment bad been so extraordinary and
so long continued as to lead some foreign
nations to shape their action as if they
supposed the early destruction of our Na
tional Union was probable. While this
on discovery gave the executive some
concern, he is now happy to say that the
sovereignty and lights of the United
States aie now everywhere practically
respected by foreign powers, and a gener
al sympathy with the country is manifes
ted throughout the world. The reports of
the .Secretaries of the Treasury, War and
Navy Aviil give the information in detail
deemed necessary aud convenient for your
deliberation and action, while the execu
tive and all the departments will stand
ready to supply omissions or to communi
cate new facts considered important for
you to know.
It is now recommended that A’on give
the legal means for making this contest a
short and decisive one ; that you place at
the control of the government for tbe work
at least 400,000 men and 3400,000,000—
that number of men being about one-tentb
of those of proper ages within the regions
where apparently all are willing to engage,
and the sum isless than a twenty-third part
of tbe money value owned by tbe men
who seem ready to devote tlie whole. A
debt of 8600,000,000 now is a less sum per
bead than was the debt of our revolution
when we came out of that struggle, and
the money value in the country u»w bears
even a greater proportion to what it did
then to the population. Surely each man
lias as strong a motive now to preserve our
liberties as eacli bad then to establish
them. A light result at this time will be
worth move now to the world than ten
times tiie men and ten times the money.
The evideuce reaching ns from the country
leaves no doubt that tlie material for the
work is abundant, aud that it needs only
tbe band of legislation to give it legal
sanction, aud tbo baud of the Executive
to give it practical shape and efficiency.
One of the greatest perplexities of the
government is to avoid receiving troops
faster than provided for them. In a word,
the people will save their government if
the government itself will do its part only
indifferently.
While it might seem, at first thought, of
but little difference whether the present
movement at the South be called secession
or rebellion, the movers, however, well un
derstood tbe difference at the beginning.
They knew that they could never raise
their treason to any respectable magnitude
by any name which implies violation of
law. They knew their people possessed as
much of moral sense, as much of devotion to
law and order, and as much pride and re
verence for the history and government of
their common country, as any civilized
and patriotic people ; they could make no
advancement directly in the teeth of those
strong aud noble sentiments. Accordingly
they commenced an insidnous debauchery
of tlie public mind, they invented an inge
nious sophism, which, if conceded, was fol
lowed by perfectly logicial steps through
all the incidents to the complete destruc
tion of the Union. The Sophism itself,
is, that any State of the Union may con
sistently with the national constitution,
therefore lawfully and peacefully, with
draw from the Union without the con
sent of the Union or any other State.—
The little disguise, that the supposed right
is to he exercised only for a just cause, be
cause they themselves are to be the sole
judges of its justice, is too thin to merit
any notice. With rebellion, tiros sugar
coated, they Lave been drugging the pub
lic mind of their section for more than thir
ty years, until at length they have
brought many good men to a willingness
to take up arms against the government,
tha day after some assemblage of men
bkve enacted the farcical pretense of tak
ing their State otii of the Union, vrhti
would have been brought to no such tiling
the day before.
This sophism derives much, perhaps the
whole of its currency, from the assumption
that there is some omnipotent and sacred
supremacy pertaining to a State, to a State
of our Federal Union. Otrr States have nei
ther more or less pGwer than that reserved
them in the Union by the Constitution, uo
one of them ever having been a State out of
the Uniou. Tbe original ones passed into
the Union even before they cast off their
British colonial dependence, and the new
ones each came into the Union directly
from a condition of dependence, except
Texas and even Texas in its temporary in
dependence was never designated a State.
The new ones took the designation ol
States on coming into the Union, while
that name was first added for the old
ones, and by tbe -colonies were cle^
dared to be tree and independent
States, but even then the object plainly
was not to declare tbeir independence of
one another, or of tbe Union, but directly
tbe contrary, as tbe mutual pledge and
tbeir mutual action before, at the time
and afterwards, absolutely shows the
express blighting of faith by each and
all of the original thirteen States in
tlie articles of confederation two years
later. That the Union shall be perpetual
is most conclusive. Having never been
States, either in substance or in name,
outside of tbe Uuiou, whence the magicial
omnipotence of states rights asserting a
claim of power to lawfully destroy the Un
ion itself? Much is said about the sovereign
ty of tlie States, but the word even is not
in the national Constitution, nor, as is be
lieved, in any of tbe State Constitutions.
What is a sovereignty in the political
sense of the term ? Would it be far wrong
to define it a political community without
a political superior? Tested by this, none
of onr States, except Texas, ever was a
sovereignty, and even Texas gave up tbe
character on coming iuto the Union, by
which act she acknowledged the Constitu
tion of the United States, and tbe laws
and treaties of the United States, made in
pursuance thereof by the Congress to be
for her the Supreme law of the land. The
States have their status in the Union, and
they have no other legal status if they
break from this. They can only do so
against law, by revolution. Tbe Union,
aud not themselves separately, procured
their independence and their liberty, by
conquest or purchase. Tbe Union gave
each of them whatever independence and
liberty it bad. Tbe Union is older than
any of tbe States. Originally, some inde
pendent colonies mado tbe Union, and in
turn tbe Union threw off their old indepen
dence for them and made them States.
Such as they are, not one of them ever bad
a State constitution independent of the
Union. Of course it is not forgotten that
all the new States framed their constitu
tions before they entered upon and prepar
atory to coming into, the Union. Un
questionably the States have powers and
rights reserved to them in and by tlie Na
tional Constitution, but among them sure
ly are not included all conceivable powers
however mischievous and destructive,
which are known in tbe world at tbe time
as governmental powers, and certainly a
power to destroy the government itself
ba*d never kuown as governmental merely
administrative power. This relative mat
ter of national power and States rights, as a
principle, is no other than the principle of
generality and legality. Whatever con
cerns the whole should be confided to the
whole—to tbe General Government-—
while whatever concerns only the State
should be left exclusively to the State.
This is all there is of original principle
about it. Whether the National Consti
tution in defining boundaries between tbe
two has applied the principle with exact
accuracy, is not to be questioned. We are
all bound by that defining without qnes
tion.
Wliat is now confuted is the position
that secession is consistent with the con
stitution , is lawful and peaceful. It is
not contended that there is any express
law for it, and nothing should ever be im
plied as a law which leads to unjust or
absurd consequences. The nation pur
chased with money the countries out of
which several of tlie States were formed.
Is it just that they shall go off without leave
The nation paid very
bayonets are all on the side of the ques
tions toted upon, can scarcely be consider
ed demonstrative of popular sentiment.
At such an election all that large class
who are at once for the Uniou and against
coercion would be coerced to \-ote against
the Union. It may be affirmed without
extravagance that the free institutions we
enjoy have developed the powers and im
proved tbe condition of our whole people
beyond any example in the world.
Of this we have had a striking and an
impressive illustration. So large an army
as the government has non’ on foot, was
never before known, without, a soldier iu
it but who had taken his place there of his
own free choice. But more than this, there
are many single regiments whose members,
one and another, possess full practical
knowledge of all tbe arts, science and pro-1
fessious. and of whatever else useful or ele
gant is knowu in tbe world, and there is
scarcely one from which there could not
be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Con
^mitijcrn gictflr&tr.
MILLE DGEVILLF,
TUESDAY, JULY 16, 1861.
RATIFICATION.
i Our table of returns show, that the votes polled,
in all but nineteen counties, make only a total of
j 20,615—and that there is at present only 161 ma-
„ , , i jority in favor of ratification—leaving- it very
gress, and perhaps a Court, abundantly,, ' , 4 ° J
° . . * , *. . . doubtful as to the final result.
competent to administer the government
itself. Nor do I say this is not true, also, in j oowi^ttav
the army of our late friends, now adver-/ * " * '
saries iu this combat. But if it is, so much 1 A Dun,ber of e ent,emen haT,n S b, e » *P oken of
tbe better reason why the government for Governor iu different sections of the State,
which has conferred sueh benefits on both | some of our brethren of the press have declared in
them and us should not be broken up.— favor of holdin S a Convention in this city on Mon-
Whoever in any section proposes to abau- j da ' > °f September, and they recommend that
dou such a government, would do well to delegates be appointed in the several counties for
cousider in defense of what principle it is I that purpose, the object we suppose Js to pre-
lie does it, what better ho is likely to get - veu ^ division among ourselves when there should
in its stead—whether the substitute will give ,,c ‘‘“tire harmony, iu the absence of old partv
or be entitled to give, so much of good to bnes -
the people. There are some foreshadow- j We beg to say in the outset, that we are opposed
ings on ibis subject; our adversaries have j t0 these caucuses of artful politicians, and shall
adopted some declarations of indepen- j never consent to abide their action. Our experi-
dence in which, unlike the good old onq ence has fully convinced us of their demoralizing
prepared by Jefferson, they omit tbe woylsi effects, and now that we have turned over a new
“all men are created equal,” while they j page jn our political history, by casting off one rot-
have adopted a temporary national Consti- !c “ Government, let us free ourselves from the
tutou, in tbe preamble of which, unlike our j equally rotten Convention system, and that aGov-
good old one signed by Washington, they j e mor in the form prescribed in the Constitution,
omit “we, tbe people,” and substitute “we j which is that the General Assembly shall choose a
the deputies of the sovereign and iudepen- j Governor, r ica voce, from the two persons having
deut States.” j the highest number of votes, when either is less
Why this pressing out of view the rights i tliau a majority, after the people have spoken at
of men aud tbe authority of the people 1 j tbe ballot box. By this mode it can be ascertain-
This is essentially a people’s contest on j ed wbo stood highest with the voters of Georgia,
this side of the world, that the form aud aud eitber of the two hi ghest candidates would sat-
substance of government, whose leading iP ubbc opinion, and make a safe Governor.—
object is to elevate the condition of men, j • k,e * ; us try the experiment for once, and if it do not
to lift artificial weights from our sboul-i vy ork successfully, then we may resort to some
ders, to cleave tlie paths of laudable pur
suit for all, to afford all an unfettered
start and a fair chance in the race of life,
yield to the partial and temporary despo
tism only from necessity. This is the
other method. I he old Convention fraud we can
not ratify: tnat mere trick to provide for some
man, or circle of influences, often at the expense of
honor and fair dealing, and always wrong in prin
ciple as usurping the privilege which the Con-
leading object of tbe government, for whose j solution intended to secure to the people alone, of
success we conteud. I am happy to believe j choosing their Governor. The Convention in fact
that the plain people understand and ap-j niade the choice, and insulted the people by re-
preciate this. It is woitliy of note that j quiring them to accept it. This was to all intents
while ill this, the government’s hour of trial, | and purposes the practical result of nominating
large numbers of those in the army and na-, Conventions. We abhor the system as a power
vy who have been favored with the offices unknown to the Constitution, and dangerous in its
have resigned, proved false to the hand exercise.
Which had pampered them, not one com- We maintain the justice and propriety of hav-
unon soldier or common sailor is konwn to : ing a clear field open to all who may think proper
have deserted his flag. Great honor is due to abide the judgment of the people iu the contest
to those officers who remained true, despite; for Governor. Let there be as many candidates
the example of their treacherous associates. I proposed as may be judgdd necessary br their
But tbe greatest honor and most important friends; and in fact there is no valid reason whv
part of all is tbe unanimity and firmness of gentlemen who are willing to serve the Stare as
the common soldiers aud common sailors.; Chief Executive Magistrate, and to allow their mer-
To the last man, so far as known, tiiey sue- its to undergo public scrutiny, should not directly
cessfully resisted the traitorous efforts of announce themselves as candidates. Such was
those whose commands but an hour before | the practice in early dr,vs before the country be-
tbey obeyed as absolute law. This is the! ca me overshadowed by trading politicians who
patriotic instinct of plain people. They ; have carried their devices to such lengths of effron-
understood without an argument, that the tery as to take from high public station the honor
destroying of the government which was properly belonging to it. We are in favor of re=-
made by Washington, means no good to toring the honor which has been lost, and come
them. Our popular government has often 1 what may, or let others do as thev please we shall
been called an experiment; two points in adhere to our choice, and shall keen the name of
it our people have already settled, the sue- the Hon. Thomas W. Thomas of Elbert flving
cessful administration of it. One still re-; at our mast-head for Governor, perfectly satisfied
mams, its succesfui maintenance against with his abyity and fitness, and willing that he shall
a formidable internal attempt to overthrow abide the chances with anv number of competitors,
it. It is now for them to demonstrate to
the world, that those who can fairly carry , . ,
J J] eiwe uie above was in type we have received
an clectiou, can also suppress a rebellion, TmlmTemm
. ., . ,f, i i ci lrom Juuge iiioMAs the following communication,
that ballots are the rightful and peaceful in compliance with which his name is herebv
successors of bullets, and that when ballots withdrawn as our first choice for Governor.
have fairly and constitutionally decided,
there can be no successful appeal back to
bullets, nor except to ballots themselves at
succeeding elections. Such will be the
great lesson of peace, teaching men that
what they cannot take by an election, nei
ther can they take by war, and teaching
all the folly of being the beginners of
war. Lest there be some uneasiness in
the minds of candid men, as to what is to
To the Editors of tki: Southern' Recorder.
Erbertox, Ga.,Sth July,
Dear Sir* :—Last Friday’s mail brought me vour
paper of the 2d inst., containing;! formal announce
ment ot myself as a candidate for Governor of this
feta to at the election iu October next, accompanied
with an editorial, urging me to accept that distin
guished honor if it were tendered.
I had seen my name mentioned before iu some
rights of the States aud the people under
the Gonstittutiou, than expressed in the in
augural address.
without refunding?
large sums, I believe upwards of a hundred ♦ oolul,ern
millions—to relieve Florida of tbe Indian '- ,ave been ^P^essed,
tribes. It is just that she should uow go
off without consent or without making any
return? The nation is now in debt for
money applied for the benefit, of tbe so-
called receded States, in common with tbe
rest. It is just, either that creditors shall
go unpaid, or remaining States pay ?—
While a part of the preseut national debt
was contracted to pay the old debts of
Texas is it just that she shall leave and
pay no part of this herself? Again if one
State may secede, and when all shall have
seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is
this quite just to creditors ? Did we noti
fy them of this sage view of ours when we
borrowed their money? If we now recognize
this doctrine by allowing tbe seceders to
go in peace, it is difficult to see what we
can do if others choose to go or to exact
terms upon which they will promise to
remain. The seceders insist that our con
stitution admits of secession. They have
assumed to make a national constitution of
their own in which, it necessary, they have
either discarded or retained the right of
secession, as they insist it exist in ours.—
If they have discarded they thereby ad
mit that on principle it ought not to bo in
ours. If they have retained, by tbeir
own construction of ours, they show that
to be consistent they must secede from
one another, whenever they shall find it the
easier way of settling their debts, or effect
ing any other selfish or unjust object.
Tbe principle itself is one of disiutegra
tion, aud upon which no government can
possibly endure. If all the States save
one should assert the power to drive that
one out of the Union, it is presumed that
the whole class of secession politicians
would at once deny the power and de
nounce the act as the greatest outrage up
on State rights. But suppose that precise
ly the same act, instead of being called
driving them out, should be called the se-
feeding of the others from that one, it
would be exactly what the seceders claim
to do, unless, indeed, they made the point
that the one because it is a minority may
rightfully do what the other, because it is
a majority, may not rightfully. These poli-
tieaifs are subtle and profuse ou tbe rights
of minorities. They- are not partial to
tbe power which the Constitution gives
and which speaks from the preamble in
words, “We the people.” It may well be
questioned whether there is a majority of
the legally qualified voters of any State,
except, perhaps, South Carolina, in favor
of disunion. There ii much reason to be
lieve that the Union men are in the major
ity in many, if not in every one, of tbe so-
called seceded States. The contrary has
not b’sen demonstrated in any one of them.
It is ventured to affirm this even of Vir
ginia and Tennessee, for tbe result of an
election held iu miliUry camps, where the
be the course of the government towards the P a P ers ’* n tb »t connexion, but supposing it to be
Southern States, after the rebellion shall entirely to the partiality of a few personal
the Executive ‘ nends > 1 did uot think it necessary to respond in
deems it proper to say, that it will be guid
ed by the Constitution and the laws, and
that he probably will have no different un
derstanding of the powerr and duties of
the Federal government in relation to the
any way, and preferred to let tbe matter end where
it began, that is, with those friends whose great
kiudness, and I fear unfounded confidence, had in
duced them to move it.
But when so influential and wide-spead a jour
nal as the Recorder, conducted by editors from
whom I have generally, (though uot always) dif
fered, takes the decided step of placing my name
at tlie head of its columns, the matter assumes a
different aspect, and courtesy to them as well as
justice to myself requires I should reply.
In the begining of May I started to Montgomerr
to learn from our goverement whether we were se
riously threatened with invasion, and iu ease we
were, to offer my services in any capacity iu which
they thought proper to use me, to resist that inva
sion. A severve accident disabled me until the
latter part of the month, before I was able to travel
without pain. J started again to the same
place for the same purpose, but learned the
same day I started that our government had
gone to Richmond. I was unable to travel so far,
He desires to preserve the government
that it may be administered for all as it
was administered by men who made it.
Loyal citizens everywhere have the right
to claim this of their government and the
government has no right to withhold or
neglect it. It is uot perceived that giving
this there is any coerciou, any conquer
ing or any subjugation, in any just sense of
these terms. The Constitution provides,
and all the States have accepted the pro
visions, that the United States shall guar
an tee to every State in this Union a repub
lican form of government. But if a State,
may lawfully go out of tbe Union, . having j and lben wa » I conceived the idea of combining
done so it may also discard tbe republican ! tl ,c companies in the Northern Circuit iuto a Regi-
form of government. So that to prevent i men ^ and leading them to the defence of the coun
its going out is an indispensable means to **. v tbe kind assistance of Gov. Brown, I have
tlie end of maintaining the guarantee men- i succeeded, and have ten companies of as brave
tioned as lawful and obligatory. The in-! and tlue men as ever struck a blow for indepen-
dispensable means to it are also lawful j dence, pledged to march at any time after the 10th
and obligatory. j * nsi; - Go they will, and lead them I must, as sure
* It is with the deepest regret that th e •*= God > P !l ‘ es ni .V life. I have pot my hand to the
Executive found the duty of employing the j p an nms ~ “ ot !o °k hack. I do not pretend
war power in defence of the government,; ^ c tot: ^ - v indiderent t0 worldly honors, though
for forced upon him, lie could but perform* am getting to be as nearly so as human weakness
this duty or surrender the existence of the : P ellT!it - J not hope to be a military hero;
government in compromise. Not that i , , no ' v httle or nothing °f military jcience, bnt I
.compromises are not often proper, but that
do popular government can long survive
such a precedent, as that those who carry
an election can only save the Federal Gov
ernment from immediate destruction, by
giving up the main poiuts upon which the
people gave tbe election. The people
themselves, and uot their servants, can
safely reverse their own deliberate
sion.
As a private citizen the executive could
not have consented that these institutions
shall perish, much less could ho in the be
trayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as
these free people had confided to him.
He felt that he had uo moral right to
shrink, nor even to count the chances of
bis life iu what might follow. In full view
of his great responsibility, he has so far
done what he has deemed his duty. You
will uow, according to your own judgment
perform yours. He sincerely hopes your
views and ypur action may so accord with
bis as to assure all faithful citizens who
have been disturbed in tbeir rights, of a
certain and speedy restoration of tbe laws,
aud having thus chosen our course, with
pure purpose, let ns renew our trust in
God aud go forward without fear and with
manly hearts. •
[Signed :j Abraham Lincoln,
do know, that if I get iu sight of onr enemies, I can
destroy some of them if they don’t kill me first,
do not pretend to have warlike tastes or to love
the smoke and fury of battle. I love home and its
case and comforts—I would be with my family and
watch over their growth and training; but for
once, I must leave them to the care of Providence
and their mother, aud go forth to meet that strife,
decis- j which I did my part in kindling, and which the
evil hearts of our former brethren forced us to kin
dle, and now forces us to quench in blood.
I feel nothing of malice against them—I expect
to strike more in sorrow than in _anger—sorrow
deep and sincere, that they have already forgotten
the principles of that revolution in which the peo
ple of both sections bled and died together to es
tablish—the right of a people to alter or abolish
their government when it became subversive of
life, liberty, or the pursuit of happiness. Bnt they
hare forgotten them, and we must bare onr breasts
to meet their blind fury aud their senseless rage.
If it is in the order of Providence that we shall be
come a subjugated people, then I trust it is also
consistent with His plans that 1 and my family
and my kith and kin shall be annihilated before
the work is accomplished. But such is not His
order, I am well convinced. • We are to preserve
the seed of Constitutional liberty—we are to estab
lish and secure it on a rock—we are to work out the
problem of liberty, regulated, restrained, and
moulded by law, an idea which has an abiding
place now, no where on this contincr; sav „
Confederate States. God has set us apart f or ^
work, ancl we are obliged to accompli;,}, = t * '
cannot help it. if we are true t„ on-^J '
and to Him. The bloody waters of civ : i ^
seem about to overwhelm ns. but it j, *
seeming. Beyond the swelling flood may
seen the sweet fields of liberty, indepenfl^ '
prosperity standing dressed in living green— •
boldly plunge in and strike for that happy 3 v. .
I never doubted our ability to repel their ax V
—the great problem with me is, what shall w
with these wrong-headed fanatical neighbors •
ours after we have repelled them ' I„
we can get rid of a bad neighbor.bv selliiy, c f
and moving ourselves, or bnyinghim out amfjl
ing him away. But the present case cannor
managed in that manner. There they are . n ’
millions strong, fixed eternally on our bcid** *
They have a cold inhospitable climate, no- T
land, and that not very fruitful; they have J”.'' 4
of indigent poor, with & hard-hearted t .i, ■ '
who feel uot for them, and-will not help t 0 „ E
them. They have a small foreign trade, and th ^
fore must meet the wants of au extravagant
eminent by direct taxation. In brief, they \r-
the broad road to ruin, and will eventually drao-,
down with them, oh account of onr proximo r -
we must measurably feel what afflicts a Iar"»
tion so near to ns) unless we extend a ! ,
hand and out of our abundance, give to set tj, ^
up in the world again.
But though we are certain to repel them, we cannot
do it without an effort, it will cost the life of manv
true man to drive them away. I have offered m *
self to do a part of that work, and have Leer
eepted. I could not retire from the task for ap
position, no matter how high or distinguished '
I am profoundly grateful to you for the kind; >
complimentary manner in which yon are p; tii< J
to speak of me. To have the endorsement of
old, influential aud conservative a journal as •
Re cooler is indeed an honor to be proud of. TL..
things are sometimes done for benefits tonf-rr-*
or expected, but not so here. The Recorder In
never been sustained by the favor and patrons
of the titled and distinguished few, but bv tbec-P
fidence of tbe many.
With respect, I am truly yours,
THOMAS W. THOMAS
THE GOVERNORSHIP.
It has been our misfortune to excite the po!i-; ra
spleen of the Southern Federal Union, bv the i;.
we made of the name of the Hon. Thomas \V
Thomas, in view of the next election for Govern-
or. We were induced to suggest a candidate f- Qa;
the belief that, by general consent, there
a perfect oblivion of old party issues, and that the
doctrines which formerly divided the Democrat
Whigs, Democrats and Americans, Southern Ki !
aud Union, as rival organizations, had al! been *•».
en up for'a purpose that lias made tlie peonie ,
Georgia and of the whole South a unit, m.-rginga,:
minor dissections into the liar for Southern ml-
pendencc and Southern honor. With this impres
sion, honestly entertained, we ventured topropn..
a certain gentleman for Governor whose bread-;
of intellect and patriotism we were cons cions won,
defy assault from any quarter, even from the Feu,,
ral Union itself behind the old battery of Fort Bu
chanan, if it still chose that impregnable fortress a*
a talisman against all opposition, as in time pas
The sensitive nerves of the Federal Union nr-
still vibrating, perhaps, from the shock admin!
tered to it by Judge Thomas in the Democrat -
State Convention of 1 -07, when he boldly denomu--
ed President Buchanan for his Kansas police, an-',
for his appointment ol the Hon. Robert J. Walker
as Governor, to manage tbe South out of its con
stitutional rights in the Territory. We thick ■
quite probable that a man of snob fearless saru ■
who would dare touch the anointed of the Fedrrtl
l uion, never could he forgiven by that prin;
therefore, the Southern Recorder is made to fee!
weight of its displeasure for having spoken kindlTui
the ofiending gentleman. We are not apprise
that we have in other respects given the Federal
Uniou any excuse whatever for its tone of hgjuv:
-sion and dictatorial authority.
Since tbe Federal Union has thought proper •
remind the Recorder of the fatality t>f its nomina
tions heretofore, we take the liberty of correcting a
slight mistake into which the Federal Union has no
doubt innocently fallen. The Recorder has at n„
time nominated a candidate for Governor, but ha*
frequently supported the nominee of a Convention
of the Party with which it lias been identified in
sentiment. That some of these candidates failed
of election, was owing to the numerical strength
of lort Buchanan, and to the superior gunnery of
the Federal Union in slaughtering its enemies at the
ballot-box, where the fragrance of Wheatland *
intoxicated the Federal Union that even tu ;!i!*dar
it can dream of no other Elysium. 'Whenever
shall wake from its trance, and realize the nrutau
dition of things.—that Fort Buchanan is out.iirh ot
the Southern Confederacy, and that the perfume oi
Wheatland is offensive to Southern tastes,—tbita
war is raging in which Georgia is united, then
the Federal Lnion may possibly comprehend al *
idea, a new Georgia, a new South, a new future.»
new destiny, and will cast off its old fighting Demo
cratic uniform, as it has hauled down its old Fle.it
W e hope the Federal Union will pardon uswr
adopting its own language iu the last issue -.
“ Every attempt to create strife, or fan anew the
old embers of party feeling, should he iudigcrnfif
frowned down. By avoiding the dangers wliieh the
bitterness of party strifes arouse, we may continues
united and happy people. Let us be brothers, and
the only strife he, who can do most for Georgia
and his country.'’
\\ e heartily endorse this recommendation to avoi-i
party feeling, and we set an example of sincerity
by supporting Judge Thomas for Governor, (as
he had beea opposed to us in politics,) which wa
the best evidence we coaid give of our freedom
from all party bias. But how the Federal Into*
can reconcile its professiocs with its practice—fc
indignant frotcn ou all who shall stir th embers e-
party strife, with its furious attack on the Record''
and its wanton acrimony of reference to fouu-
party action to make the liberality of the Record' 1
hateful, will prove an embarrassing labor, in «i.' • I
it can receive no sympathy from^ie public min“ I
as the difference between profession and prartin *
easily detected. Cm this footing we are willing : I
leave the issue between the Federal Union aud I
Recorder. I
GOV. BROWN—RE-ELECTION.
We of course take no exception to any prefr-
enc-e which our contemporaries may think prop'
to express, and each Is at liberty, as perhap* •
would be advisable, to run up the name ot
man for Governor, aud give his reasons lor so cu
ing. We perceive that the Federal Union, in -
exercise of its unquestioned right, has ptacc-d i- - -
name of Gov. Brown before the public for re-elec
tion, to a third term.
As to Gov. Brown personally or the manner .3
which he has discharged his official duties, we tna 1 '
no complaint. Our readers two years since
apprised of the course we recommended, and
then distinctly said, as our files will show, tha. ” r
wished no opposition to be made by our party >
his election for a second term. But our advice <a>*
not prevail, and Col. Akin was nominated. " i!I1
what success is well known. Though worthy
the office no doubt, the people preferred ..nothe*-
But as all things must have an end, we sec r
overruling necessity why the office of Govercw
should be made an exception in the ease oi Iu '
present four years incumbent. That his ad® !!U *'
trAtion has been prudent aud faithful ; that he *' J5
evinced a very respectable order of working a-
ty, and that he has been firm in the execiiucti ‘
his measures, we freely admit. We award G*"-
Brown credit for much that he has done, especial
ly for so managing the State Road as to nuA 1
pay about half a million of dollars annually i®**
the Treasury, when his predecessors scarcely ma
il pay its current expenses. This of itself is 2 ’
extraordinary performance, and proves ouly t - 1 -"
the public interest had been grossly abused or D ' --
ected before his rule began. We have no do* 1 -!
that the successors of Gov. Brown can make t 4