Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, August 13, 1861, Image 1

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Newspaper Page TextVOLUME XLII. R yl. ORME & SON. EDITORS and proprietors STEPHEN F. MILLER. associate editor. The Recorder is published weekly, at the E* 0 f Two Dollars per annum, when paid if uot in •? <lvanc ®> Two Dollars and . eents—and if not within the year, Three J per annum. No subscriptions received for ™ thiin six mouths—to be paid always in advance. ittauces by mail in registered letters at our risk. " subscribers wishing the direction of their paper .'unjjed, w iu notify us from what office it is to be ' fnvKRTir'EMEXTS conspicuously inserted at $ 1 00 7 uare for the first insertion, and 50 cents per fwre f or each subsequent insertion. Those sent (rithoBt MILLEDGEYILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, AUGUST 13, 1861. NUMBER 33. ^ U4re a specification of the number of insertions, "ll !lC published until ordered out,and charged ac- "s^es ofLand and Negroes, by Administrators, Ex- uwrs, or Guardians, are required by law to be held * t \e first Tuesday in the month, between the hours ten in the forenoon, and three in the afternoon, at L Court house, in the county in which the proper ly .situate. Notices of these sales must be given £ j public gazette forty days previous to the day Notices for the sale of personal property must be ^ least ten days previous to the day of sale. ' .Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must ^published FORTY DAYS. ’ Notice that application will be made to the Court ,f Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must j* published for TWO MONTHS. Citations for Letters of Administration must be niibli'hod thirty days—for Dismission from Adinin- f.tration, monthly sir- months—for Dismission from guardianship, forty days. Kites for Foreclosure of Mortgage must be pub lished monthly for four months—for establishing lost papers, for the fall space of three months—for compel- jjrtitles from Executors and Administrators, where jbond has been given by the deceased, the full met of three months. ' Publications will always be continued according w tee, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered. AH business in the line of Printing, will meet w ith prompt attention at the Recorder Office. (OT CALENDAR FOR 1861. bevised by the southern recorder. SUPERIOR COURTS. JANUARY. Ji Monday, Chatham (tiilouday, Richmond Lumpkin "Floyd FEBRUARY, lit Monday,Clark ii Monday, Campbell Dawson }JMonday, Forsyth ' tPolk Glascock Meriwether Walton t Monday, Baldwiu Jackson Mom oe Paulding Taliaferro Walker MARCH. ;u Thursday, Pierce litMenday, Appling Chattooga Cherokee Coweta Columbia Crawford Gwinnett Madison M arion Morgan Jo Monday, Butts Csbs Coffee filbert Fayette Greene Pickens Washington Webster Tnndayaft’r. Montgomery llMonday, Cobb Calhoun Hall Hart Heard Macon Newton Putnam Talbot T attnall Ware Tndaar aheyBulloch la Monday, Clinch flClialtahoocliee fiinauuel Lee Twiggs White Wilkes Monasy s f. y ardhMon- ( Echola a, y . (Effingham , APRIL. .‘ ^•d Mon. Carroll *** “OQiiay, Dooly Early Fulton Gordon Pike Rabun Taylor Warren Wilkinson « Monday, Habersham Hancock Harris Laurens Miller Scriven . Sumter Utidaynfter .McIntosh kMonday , Frankl in Glynn Haralson Henry Jefferso ti Jones Libe rty Murray Ogletlnrpe Pulaski Stewart Worth , "bryan ** Monday, Wayne Banks Decatur DeKalb Houston J asper Lincoln Schley Whitfield Wilcox filter,Telfair Camden ‘“iriday after,Irwin o Berrie „ Charlton may. "Monday, Clayton Gilmer Randolph ^Monday, Burke Catoosa Chatham Fannin Mitchell Muscogee Bibb Quitman Spalding Troup Union Baker ttd «y, Dade Terrell Laiiw , Towns 'Monday, Colquitt lay JUNE. "Monday, Dougherty Lowndes kl\f„ j Milton j Bd, y, Brooks iClay H , Johnson m^y.Thom,. Honda after. JULY 1st Monday, Floyd* 4th Monday, Lumpkin" AUGUST. 2d Monday, Campbell Clark Dawson 3d Monday, Forsyth fPulk Glascock Meriwether \V r alton 4th Monday,Baldwin Jackson Monroe Paulding Taliaferro Walker Thursday after,Pierce SEPTEMBER. lstMonday, Appling Chattooga Cherokee Columbia Coweta Crawford Madison Marion Morgan 2d Monday,Butts Cass Coffee Elbert F ayelte Greene Gwinnett Pickens Washington Webster 3d Monday, Cobb Calhoun Hall Hart Heard Macon Newion Putnam Talbot \V are Bulloch, 4th Monday, Clinch j|Chataboochee Emanuel Lee Twigga White Wilkes Monday af- } the 4th > Echola Monday y OCTOBER. 1st A 2d Mon. Carroll 1st Monday Dooly Early F niton Gilmer Gordon Taylor Warren Wilkinson Pike Wednesday after. Rabun 2d Monday, Fannin Habersham Hancock Harris Laurens Miller Scriven Sumter 3d Monday, Franklin Glynn Haralson Henry Jefferson Jones Murray Oglethorpe Pulaski Stewart Union Worth Thursday } Montgomery after 5 4th Monday .Banks Wayne Decatur DeKalb Houston Jasper Lincoln Schley Tattnall Towns Whitfield Wilcox Friday after Telfair Camden Thursdayafter, Irwin Monday after Charlton * Hutiday, " nd »y, Richmond NOVEMBER, list Monday, Berrien Clayton Effingham Milton t Randolph Upson 2d Monday,Burke Catoosa Mitchell Muscogee 3d Monday, Bibb Quitman Spalding Troup Baker 4th Monday, Dade Terrell Thursday after, McIntosh Monday after. Colquitt do do Liberty Mon. after Liberty. Bryan DECEMBER. 1st Monday, Dougherty Lowndes 2d Monday. Brooks -Clay Johnson 3d Monday, Thomas l»rm *‘ V three weeks, if necessary, at each tTY it*,.]. 1 ’j-kange not to take effect till after the next : A!' r^ rm Court. eld la' ° Urts in Clay county, which, under the Sm t’yr? u W sit between now and the times as «4», act, must stand over till ’the times fix- W n Unnty 0 f Chattahoochee, by act of this CWi,’ 18 to, and become apart of the Is«l a00c nee Judicial District, after 1st January, ^»ks for sale at this Office. EXECUTIVE DEP1RTHE1VT ) Milledgevilee, Ga., 22d Julv,Y661. < OSOB.OZA. BY JOSEPH E. BROWN, Governor of said State. To all and singular, the Presidents and Cashiers of Banks and Banking Institutions of the State of Georgia. to an Act of the General Assembly, entitled ‘An Act to change, point out and regulate the manner in which the returns of the several banking institutions of the State shall hereafter be made, approved February 21, 1650,” I do here by call upon you, and require each and every one ot such Banks aud Banking Institutions, to make and transmit to me within thirty days after the date hereof, a just and true return under oath or affirmation of its President and Cashier of the state and condition of such Bank or Bank- mg Institution, with the names of its President and Directors, and a listot its stockholders, on the day of its regular weekly meeting of the Presi dent and Directors thereof, next preceding the date of tins requisition. And it is also hereby ie- quned, that each and every one of such Bauks and Banking Institutions, shall set forth, as now required by law in their respective returns, the good, had aud doubtful debts of each respectively; and that each of them shall state, in their respect ive returns, in a separate item, the amount of spe cie in its vaults and the bonafide property of the Bank, at the time of the said weekly Ineeting of the President aud Directors. In pursuance of the 11th Section of an Act of the General Assembly of tills State, passed 22<1 December, 1657, entitled “an Act to provide against the forfeiture of the several Bank Charters m tins State, on account of non-specie payment torn given time, and for other purposes therein named, it is further required, that the President and washier ot cfeh Bank or Banking Institution iu this State, in their affidavits to their respective returns as herein before required, shall state, in the language of said act of 1857, “that the Bank of which they are officers, has not, by itself, its officers or agents, in any particular, violated the provisions of said last recited Act, as amended by act of 1860, since their last return made under oath at this Department. Given under my hand and Seal of the Exec utive Department, at the Capitol in Mil- ledgeville, this 22d July, 1861. By the Governor: _ TT „ JOSEPH E. BROWN. II. H. Waters, Sec’y. Executive Department. July 30, 1861. 3j A PROCLAMATION. BY JOSEPH E. BROWN : Governor of Georgia. All the arms which were in the Augusta Arsenal, at the date, ot the Ordinance for its transfer to the Government of the Confederate States, having been turned over to the Secretary of War, and or dered by him out of the State, to arm troops most ly from other States upon the borders of the Con federacy, and all the arms taken from said Arsenal by me prior to said transfer, Laving been placed iu the hands of troops from this State, now in ser vice ; aud over seventeen thousand troops, inclu ding three new regiments now under orders—for whom full supplies are now beiug actively prepar ed—having been fully armed, accoutred aud equip ped by the State, including full supplies of tents, knapsacks, haversacks, blankets, cartridge boxes, cap pouches, camp kettles, canteens, &c„ at a cost of nearly $300,000, in equipments and accoutre ments, over and above the cost of guns, and the expense of feeding and rendezvousing twenty' reg iments; and probably over five thousand independ ent or Confederate troops Laving gone from Geor gia to the field, some of whom have taken with them the States’ arms of which I have no account, it becomes my duty to announce to the people of this State, that so soon as the new regiments, above mentioned, and two or three other regiments, for which it is hoped a sufficient quantity of scattered arms may be gathered up and put in order, are supplied, the public arms at my disposal will have been entirely exhausted. In view of these considerations, aud of the fact that our lives, our property and our all, are at stake in the groat conflict in which we are engaged, I appeal to the citizens of this State, to loan to the State, and through her to the Confederacy, the use of their private arms. From the best data at my command, I conclude that there are, at least, 40,600 good country rifles, and ‘25,(100 arood double barreled shot guns in the hands of our people. I hope, iua short time to be able to announce that ample preparation has been made to alter the country rifle into a good military weapon, by changing the bore to a uniform size and preparing the gun to carry the Minnie ball, thereby giving it as long range as the Harper’s Ferry rifle. I, therefore, appeal to the people of each county in this State, having one Representative in the Legislature, to form one Volunteer company, of eighty rank and file, aud to each having two Rep resentatives to form two companies aud to arm said companies with country rifles of good substance and heavy barrel, and to notify me in each case, as soon as the guns are col lected, that I may have them repaired at the ex pense of the State, for the use of the company from the county where the guns are collected. This would give the State an additional armed force of over thirteen thousand troops. Judging from ihe prompt and noble response of the people of this State to every call which has been made upon them for aid to our cause, I cannot doubt that each and every county will promptly respond to this appeal, aud that many counties will do much more than I have asked. At the end of the strug gle the guns will be returned to their owners or a reasonable price will be paid for those which are lost. I trust that the Justices of the Inferior Court, and other active citizens of each count}', will call pub’ic meetings aud discuss this question. Many thousands of men, more than the State can arm, are tendering her their services, aud their lives it need be. How many will now volunteer to loan the State the use of their guns ? Constantly returning thanks to our Heavenly Father for the splendid victories with which He has crowned our arms aud humbly and fervently invoking a continuance of His favor, our watch word should be, death or victory over the invaders. Given under my hand and the seal of the Ex ecutive Department, this 26th day of July, eighteen hundred and sixty-one. JOSEPH E. BROWN. July 30, 1861. H. H. WATERS, S. E. D. 31 2t TO ARMS! TO ARMS !! The citizens of Johnson and the adjoining coun ties who wish to serve in the war, will please re port themselves to me at Summerville, Emanuel county, that we may arm and prepare for the fight, They will bring with them good double-barreled shot Guns, and such clothing, by way of uniforms, as can be made in their families, all to be as nearly alike as possible, say substantial blue jeans. Do not wait for the Government; let us arm ourselves, and go when ready to any point where our beloved and efficient Governor shall direct. Old Burke has several full companies ready. Emanuel has some four. There are yet in Burke, men who will join this double-barrel company, and therefore some of us propose to receive the names of all who will join —the men to elect their own officers. I have sent to Charleston and received thirty of these guns for the company, and will give them to those b'ave youno- men who may take part with us iu forming the Regiment which it is intended to raise in defence of the South. It is requested that all such will meet at Johnson Court House on Friday. 26th mat., and that Dr. Thomas Parsons will also attend. J^MES GRUBBS. July 20,1861—3t. Central Georgian please copy 8B200 Reward. W ILL PAY THE above reward to any one who will deliver to me my runaway negro man George; said negro is about thirty jrears of‘ light complexion, about five feet ten inches high, thin visage, rather round shoulders, slow spoken, and weighs about one hundred and sixty or seventy pounds. If he is caught and lodged in jail anywhere, I will pay one hundred and fifty dollars, if I get him. Address me at Linton, Hancock County Ga. W. L. REAVES. July 2. 1861. 27 *f Lanterman H AS JUST received five hundred yards of GRAY CASSIMERE, Man ufactured at Columbus, Georgia, which be is offering at 65 cent* per yard. Milledgeville, July 23, 1861. t«. GEORGIA VOLUNTEERS IN SERVICE OF THE CONFEDERACY. The following are the Regiments, Battalions and Companies whose Officers have been com missioned by the Governor of Georgia. FIRST REGIMENT. Colonel—Ramsey Lieut. Colonel—Clark Major—Thompson. Companies. Oglethorpe Infantry, Walker Light Infantry, Dalilonega Volunteers, Bainbridge Volunteers, Quitman Guards, Gate City Guards, Southern Rights Guard, Newnan Guards, Washington Rifles, Southern Guards, Companies. Macon Guards, Burke Sharp Shooters, Wire Grass Minute Men, Bauks County Guards, Cherokee Brown Rifles, Joe Browns, Columbus Guards, Buena Vista Guards, Wright Infantry, Troup Artillery, Counties'. Captains. Richmond, Clark, Richmond, - Crump, Lumpkin, Harris, Decatur, Evans, Monroe, Piukard, Fulton, Ezzard, Houston, Houser, Coweta, Hanvey, Washington, Jones, Muscogee, Wilkins, SECOND REGIMENT. Colonel—Semmes Lieut. Colonel—Harris Major—Butt. Lieutenants. Adam, Allen, Crane. Russell, Hood, . Hardin, Kelly, . Colbert, Griffin, Fleming. Stephens, Banks, Cabaniss. Wylie, Stone, Leydan. Palmer, Felder, . Swint, Brown, Mann. * Rudisell, Evans, Carter. Leonard, Brooks, . Colonel- Companies. Confederate Guards, Wilkinson Rifles, Governor’s Guards, Brown Rifles. Blodgett Volunteers, Athens Guards, Young Guard, Home Guards, Dawson Grays, Burke Guards, Counties. Captains. Bibb, Lamar, Burke, Holmes, Ware, Styles, Banks, Caudier,. Cherokee, JJickerson, Fauniu, Campbell, Muscogee, Ellis. Marion, Butt, Whitfield, Glenn, Clark, Stanley, THIRD REGIMENT. Wriuiit Lieut. Colouel—Reid Major—Lee. Lieutenants. Freeman, Hill, Brown. Heard, Thompson, Oakman. White, O’Neal, Pierce. Charlton, Allen, Boling. Harris, Shuford, McDaniel. Goddard, Germain, Beaver. Hodges, Clemons. Everett, Blandford, Wiggins, Mason. Ault, Edwards, Bruce. Carlton, Pope, Lumpkin. Counties. Captains. Richmond, Walker, Wilkinson, Beall, Houston, Griffin, Putnam, Nisbet, Richmond, Blodgett, Clark, Billups, Newton, Lee, Morgan, Reid, Oreene, M’Wliorter, Burke, Mnsgrove, FOURTH REGIMENT. Colonel—Doles Lieut. Colonel—Mathews Major—Whitehead Lieutenants. Snead, Tutt, Phillips. Clay, Washington, Wall. Trippe, Wiggins, Mims. Turner, W. T. Reid, J. S. Reid. Stallings, Bennett, Moore. Daniel, Langston, . Jones, Luckie, Levy. Andrews, Schelpart, Harris. Sanders, Geer, Wilson. Burton, McCullers, . Companies. Macon Co. Volunteers, Southern Rifles, Glover Guards, Twiggs Volunteers, Albany Guards, LaGrange Lt. Guards, Toombs’ Volunteers, Sumter Light Guards, West Point Guards, Baldwin Blues, Counties. Captains. Macon, Prothro, Talbot, Curley, Jasper, Bartlett, Twiggs, Folsom, Dougherty, Rust, Troup, Smith, Gordon, Mayes, Sumter, Johnson, Troup, N atliews, Baldwin. Caraker, FIFTH REGIMENT. Colonel—Jackson Lieut. Colonel—Beall Major—Saulsbury. Lieutenants. Willis, Hall, Worsham. Wimberly, Daniel, Little. H. B. Jordan, W.F. Jordan,Meriwether Champion, Nash, Morton. Smith, Jones, Wight. Hill, Morgan, Jones. Sullivan, , ——. Toole, Brown, . Hill, Lanier, . S. McComb, Walker, Fair. Companies. McDuffie Rifles, Cuthbert Rifles, Georgia Greys, Upson Guards, Griffin Light Guards, Hardee Rifles, Irish Volunteers, Clinch Rifles, Dawson Volunteers, Schley Guards, Counties. Captains. Warren, Pottle, Randolph, Long, Muscogee, Iverson, Upson, Beall, Spalding, Mangham, Decatur, King, Richmond, Hull, Richmond, Platt, Terrell, Wooten, Schley, Burton, Lieutenants. Shivers, Hundley, Nelms. Douglass, Janes, Byrd. Sandilord, Saulsbury, Burns. Ring, Black, . Wright, Cline, Blood worth. Whitely, Duffy, O’Conner, . Ansley, Adams, Moore. Whitlock, Weston. Nelson. Green, Hudson, Wyche. SIXTH REGIMENT. Colonel—Colquitt Lieut. Colonel—Newton Major—Tracy. Lieutenants. Simmons. Fowler, McCrary. Hulsey, Keaton, West. Barden, , . J.M. Reid,-R. P. Jordan, W. F. Jordan. Wilcher, Caldwell, Bateman. Harris, Dozier. Grattan, Baggs, Russell, Hudspeth. Richardson, McBateman, Mims, Crocker, Wimberly. Slappey. Pittman, Head, . SEVENTH REGIMENT. Colonel—G.artrell Lieut. Colonel—Cooper Major—Dcnwoody. Companies. Counties. Captains. Crawford Grays, Crawford, Cleavelaud, Mitchell Independents, Mitchell, Shackelford Look Out Infantry, Dafle, Hancock, Hanna, Sidney Brown Rifles, Arnold, Butler Van Guards, Taylor, Griffin, Gilmer Blues, Oglethorpe, Lofton, Baker Fire F.aters, Baker, Plain. Beauregard Volunteers, Houston, Anderson, Twiggs Guards, Twiggs, Barclay, Butts Volunteers, Butts, Dupree, Companies. Davis Infantry, Confederate Volunteers, Franklin Volunteers, Coweta Guards, Cobb Mountaineers, Roswell Guards, Paulding Volunteers, Stone Mountain Vol’rs, DeKalb Light Infantry, Confederate Guards, Counties. Captains. Fulton, Ballard, Fulton, Foreacre, Franklin, Brown, Coweta, Lee, Cobb, White, Cobb, Dunwoody, Paulding, Jenkins, DeKalb, Hoyle, DeKalb, Fowler, Cobb, Lindley, Lieutenants. J. Thompson, Howell, J. E. Thompson. West, Dillard, Moore. Stallings, Featherston, Houston. Bryant, Bowers, Benton. Winn, Butler, Anderson. Bishop, Wing, . Weaver, Anderson, Compton. Browning, Brogan, Holley. Powell, Hawkins, Wilson. EIGHTH REGIMENT. Colonel—Mercer Lieut. Colonel—Rockwell Major—Olmstead. Lieutenants. Black, Lamar, Giles. O’Conner, Ford, Dooner. Bassinger,-Rice, Habersham. Stiles, Hopkins, T. F. Screven. Werner, Umback, . Hartridge, Hardee, Herrman. Wilson, Lamar, Cope. Oliver, McFarland, Mercer. Companies. Counties. Captains. Phoenix Riflemen, Chatham, Gordon, Irish Jasper Greens, Chatham, Foley, Sav. Vol. Guards—A., Chatham, Screven, Sav. Vol. Guards—B., Chatham, Davenport, German Volunteers, Chatham, Stegin, DeKalb Riflemen, Chatham, Wetter, Savannah Artillery, Chatham, Gallic, Anderson, Republican Blues—A., Chatham, Republican Blues—B., Chatham, Davis, NINTH REGIMENT. Colonel—Goclding Lieut. Colonel—Tcrnipseed Major—Mocngek. Lieutenants. E. H. Doles, Watkins, McGregor. Heaton, Allen, Hoge. Companies. Counties. Captains. Baldwin Volunteers, Baldwin, Walker, Beck, LaFayette Volunteers, Gordon, Chattooga Rifles, Chattooga, Jones, Americas Volunteers, Sumter, King, Hillyer, Walton Guards, Walton, Toombs’ Guards, Bulloch, Belt, Irvin Guards, Wilke*, Norman, Fort Gaines Guards, Clay, Brown, Brooks Rifles, Brooks, Jones, Talbot Guards, Talbot, Gaulden, Dudley, Cobb, Arnold, Bacon, Ragan. Talbot, Knight, Connelly. Wingfield, Arnold, Andrews. Webb, Tennille, Hill. Cockerell, Rainey, Hardee. McCrary, Jameson, Hagerman. TENTH REGIMENT. Colonel—Anderson Lieut. Colonel—GuERRY Major—Goode. Lieutenants. Guthrie, Little, Companies. Beauregard Rifles, Waltou Infantry, Gainesville Lt. Infantry, Gilmer Boys, ■Fannin Young Rifles, Murray Rifle Company, Mrs. Joe Brown’s Boys, Quitman Grays, Houston Co. Volunteers, Lee Volunteers, Counties. Captains. Murray, Wood, Union, Anderson. Hall, Mitchell, Gilmer, Welch, Fannin, Dobbs, Murray, Luffman, Fannin, Hyde, Quitman, Guerry, Houston, Goode, Lee, Stokes, McDaniel, Nunerly, Arnold. Bowen, Jackson, . Milton, West, May. Noblett, Trammell, Paris. Jackson, Leonard, Ramsey. Johnson, W. N. Crawford, J. E. Crawfd, Dozier, Bledsoe, Smith. Birch, Wimberly, Riley. ELEVENTH REGIMENT. Colonel—Brumby Lieut. Colonel—Ramsay . Companies. Counties. Captains. Ramali Volunteers, Wilkinson, Folsom, Confederate Volunteers, Monroe, Etheridge, Lester Volunteers, Forsyth, Lester, Blackshear Guards, Laurens, Ramsay, Jeff. Davis Riflemen, Butts, Price, Jasper Infantry, Jasper, Jordan, Etowali Guards, Cass, Jones, Yancey Independents, Worth, Harris, Cher’kee Brown Rangers Cobb, Fielder, Johnson Grays. Johnson, ...Major—Price. Lieutenants. Kelly, Solomon, Lingo. Haupt, Hammond, Mays. David, Patterson, Reves. Yopp, Chappell, Rowe. Boynton, McMicliael, Hall. Lane, Ward, Walker. Burge, Fields, Goldsmith. Giddens, Johnson, Weeks. Hunt, Abbott, Thompson. Fortner. Clegg, Kent. Harman. TWELFTH REGIMENT.—[CHANGED TO FIFTEENTH.] Colonel—Thomas Lieut. Colonel—Stephens Major—McIntosh. Companies. Delhi Rangers, Fireside Guards, McIntosh Volunteers, Bowman’s Volunteers, Poole Volunteers, Stephens Home Guards, Tugalo Blues, Hancock Conf. Guards, Lamar Guards, Hancock Volunteers, Counties. Captains. Lieutenants. Wilkes, Cade, W. B. Cade, McClendon, Quinn. Elbert, Martin, Heard, Bourne, Lofton. Elbert, McIntosh, Smith, Shannon, Clark. Elbert, Burcli, Clark, Craft, Edwards. Hart, Poole, Linder, Johnson, Knox. Taliaferro, Farmer, Tilley, Flint, Ivey. Franklin, Millican, Lester, Young, Terreli. Hancock. Stephens, DuBose, Latimer, Culver. Lincoln, Lamar, Harnesberger, Paschal, Hancock, Smith, Bird, Culver, Lamar. FIRST BA TTALION. Companies. Etowah Infantry, Ringgold Volunteers, Brown Infantry. Independent Volunteers, Companies. Macon Volunteers, Floyd Rifles. City Light Guards, Spalding Grays, Companies. Lee's Volunteers, Washington Artillery, Major—Villipigce. Counties. Captains. Lieutenants. Cass, Larey, Howard, Sprout. Johnson. Catoosa, Spraybcrry, Hackett, Whitman. Thompson. Bibb, G. A. Smith Nixon, J. Jeffers, Price. Bibb, Aderhold, E. G. Jeffers, Poe, Fields. SECOND BATTALION. Major—Hardeman. Counties. Captains. Bibb, Smith, Bibb, Ross, Muscogee, Colqnitt, Spalding. Doyal, INDEPENDENT COMPANIES. Counties. Captains. Lieutenants. Fulton, Lee, Rhodes, Brown, McConnell. Richmond, Girardy. Barnes, Jacobns. GEORGIA REGULARS. * Lieutenants. Butts, Kuight, Conner. W. H. Ross, Redding, Turpin. Moffatt, Shingler, Chapman. Dnpree, Redding, Bryant. This Regiment is commanded by Col. Charles J. Williams, and has been stationed at Fort Pulaski and Tybee, until recently, when it was ordered to Virginia, by the Secretary of War. INDEPENDENT REGIMENTS. Under an act of Congress, President Davis has accepted a number of companies from Georgia, which have been formed into Regiments. The organization of the latter has mot been reported to the State Executive, and therefore the oflicers cannot be ascertained from the Adjutant General’s of- The Regiments are generally known, however, as Bartow’s, Conner s, MeLaws’, Printnp’s and Jr!' rhe latter being called the Toombs Regiment. In addition to these, there will soon be in Hispid TRfi Cobb’s Legion, Gov. Cobb’s Regiment, and several others now in process of forma- S-n' Phillip*’ Brigade has been several week* in camp of instruction near Marietta,and is to revive marching orders. AU these show aforce ofab<mt25,000 men which Georgia has far- nUh*A nfe Confederate States, ana more than double thia number can be raised when neceaaary. be found where the examrnation the record of commissions issued since the warcommenced If any erren are. course be corrected on notice of the fact. Officers are sometimes changed by promotion, which Or comstance is not always notified to the Executive. , SPEECH OF THE Hod. John C.Breckinridge. Delivered in the United States Senate on the llkh Day of July, 1861. Mr. Breckinridge (Dern., Ky.,) proceeded to speak at length in opposition to the resolution. He said un der ordinary circumstances be might content himself simply with" a vote, but now he thought it required to give expression to his views. It was proposed by res olution to declare the acta of the President approved — The resolution ou its face seems to admit that the acts of the President were uot performed in accordance with the Constitution and the laws. If that were the ease, then he would be glad to have some reuson as signed, showing the power of Congress to indemnify the President for a breach of the Constitution. He de nied that one branch of the Government can indemnify public officers in another branch of the Government for violation of the Constitution aud laws. The powers con ferred on tlie Government by the people ot the Stutes, are the measure of its authority. These powers are confided in different departments, aud their boundaries are determined. The President lias rights r nrt powers conferred, and the Legislative Department its powers and the J udicial Department its powers, and he denied that either can encroach on the oilier, or indemnify the other for usurpations of the powers confided by" the Constitution. Congress lias no more right to make constitutional the unconstitutional acts of tlie President than the President to make vulid tlie act of the Supreme Court, encroaching ou tlie Executive power or the Supreme Court to make vulid an act of theExecutive, encroach ing on the Judicial power. The resolution snbstanti ally declares that Congress may add to tlie Constitution or take from it iu a manner not provided by that in strument; that her bare majority can by resolution make that constitutional which is unconstitutional by the same authority. So, iu whatever view, the power granted by this resolution is utterly subversive of the Constitution. It might be well to ask if the President had assumed power uot conferred. He should confine himself to tlie acts enumerated iu the resolution acts which he .declared to be usurpations on tlie part of the Executive; and so far from approving the arts, he thought this high officer should he rebuked by botli houses of Congress. The President lias just established blockade Where is tlie clause iu the Constitution which authori zes it'! Tlie last Congress refused to confer authority, aud by what authority did the President do it after they refused ? The Constitution declares that Con gress atone have power to declare war; yet tlie Presi dent lias made war. In tlie last session the Senator from lilinoins (Douglas) delivered a speech, ou the loth of March, which he would read. He then read an extract of Mr. Douglas’ speech, declaring that tin President had no light to make a blockade at New Or leans or Charleston, more than at Chicago. He also read from a speech of Daniel Webster; delivered in 1832, ecdlaring that Gen Jackson had no right to block ade Charleston. He said lie approved the sentiments uttered by these eminent statesmen, who were former ly regarded as sound, and thought the time had agaiu come when it would uot be thought treason to maintain them. The resolution proceeds to approve tlie act of tlie President enlisting men for three and rive years. By what authority of the Constitution aud law lias he done this! The power is not in tlie Constitution, nor gran ted by law. Therefore, it must be illegal and uncon stitutional. Again, the President by his own will has added immensely to the army; whereas tlie Constitu tion says Congress alone have power to raise armies, lie lias also added to the navy, against tlie warrant of the Constitution. These acts are not defended on constitutional or legal grounds, and he pronounced them usurpations. This resolution goes ou to recite that the President has suspended the writ of habeas corpus, aud proposes to ratify and make that val id. We have a great deal of talk about rights—the rights of Stutes, the rights of individuals, and some of them have been said to be shadowy and imaginary; but the right of every citizen to be arrested only by a warrant of law, and his right to have his body brought beforea judicial authority, iu order that the grounds of that arrest may be determined on, is a real right. There can be no dispute about that.—lt is the right ofrights to all—high, low, richorpoor. It is especial ly the right of that clase wliish his Excellency the President calls plain people. It is a right the res- ? ect of which is a measure of progress and civilization, t is aright that has been struggled for, fought for, guarded by laws and backed up in constitutions. To have maintained it by arras, to have suffered for it, then to have it established on foundations so immutable that the authority of the sovereign could not shake it, isthe chief glory of the British people, from whom we derive it. In England the legislative power alone can suspend it. Tlie monarch of Eng land cannot suspend that right. But the Trans Atlan tic freemen seeui to be eager to approve and ratify acts which a Europen monarch dare not perform- lt needs no legal argument to show that the President caunotsuspeud tlie writ of habeas corpus. I content myself with referring to tlie fact, that it is classed among tlie legislative powers by the Constitution. Andttiat article conferring powers on the President touches not the question. I may add that upon no occasion lias it ever been asserted iu Congress, so far as I recollect, that this power exists on the pait of the Executive. On one occasion Mr. Jefferson thought the time had arrived when the writ might be suspended, but lie did not undertake to do it himself, and did not even recom- me.nd it. He submitted it to Congress, and iu the long debates which followed, there was not tlie least intimation that the powers belonged to the Executive. I then point to the Constitution and ask Senators from what clause they deduce tlie right, by any fair con struction of the'instrument itself, what part confers tlie power on the President ? Surely not that clause which enjoins him to take care of the Constitution aud tlie Laws, and faithfully to execute them. Tlie mort emi nent commentators of the Constitution declure it to be a legislative right. The opinion ofthe present Chief Justice, which has never beeu answered, makes all farther argument idle and superfluous; and oue of tlie worst signs of the times is the manner in which that opinion has been re ceived. A subordinate military officer in Baltimore arrests a private citizen and confines him in a fortress. His friends get a writ of habeas corpus, but it cannot be executed. The Chief Justice then gives anopinion, which is commended, not only by the profession of which he is so great an ornament, but by all thoughtful men in the country. The newspapers of the coun try, and tlie men excited by violent passions, have denounced the Chief Justice, but have not answered his opinion. There it stands, one of those productions which will add to his renown. The abuse of the press, and the refusal to respect just authority, and the attempt to make that- high ju dicial officer odious, will yet recoil on these men. I honor him for tlie courage with which he did his duty, as well as for the calm and temperate manner in which lie performed it. I am glad he yet remains among us, a man so remarkable for his honored length of years, and liis eminent publicservioes, and for'therectitude of his private life, that he may be justly ranked among the most illustrious Americans of our day. You pro pose to make this act of the President valid without making a defence of it, either ou legal or constitution al grounds. What would be the effect? In thus ap proving what the President has done in tlie past, you iuvite him to do tlie like in the future, and tlie law of the country will lie prostrate at the feet of the Execu tive, and in his discretion he may substitute the milita ry power for judicial authority. Again Mr. President, although there are few of us here who take the view of the Constitution by this right, which I am advocating to-day, I trust we wiil not, under any circumstances, fail to protest in tem perate but manly language against what we considera usurpation of the President. Let me call tlie attention ofthe Senate briefly to another act against which I protest in the name of tlie Constitution, and the peo ple I represent. You have practically martial law all over this land. The houses of private citizens are searched without warrant of law. The right ofthe citi zen to bear arms is rendered nugatory by their being taken from them without judicial process, and upon mere suspicion- Individuals are seized without legal warrant, aud imprisoned. The other day, since Congress met, a military officer in Baltimore appointed a Marshal for that city. Will any man defend the act? Does it not override all other law? Is it not substituting the rule of a military commander for the laws ofthe land? What more authority had this officer to ap point a marshal for the city of Baltimore than he had to appoint a pastor for one of their congregations or a president for one of their banks? The Con stitution guards the people against any seizure without a warrant of judicial authority. Has not the President of the United States, by one broad sweeping act, laid bis bands upon the private cor respondence of the whole community ? Who de fends it as conformable to the Constitution? I am told, sir—and if I had the power I would offer a resolution to inquire into it, in the name of the public liberties—I am told that at this mo ment, in the jail in this city, there are individuals who have been taken by military authorities from Maryland and other States, aud now lie here and cannot get out, and in some instances they have actcally been forgotten. I was told of one in stance where a man was put in jail here and for gotten. His friends made application at one of the Departments, and they loosed into the case and found nothing against him, aud he was discharg ed. Bnt in the rush of events, the very existence of this man. and the canse of bis imprisonment, were forgotten. We may have this joint resolu tion to approve these acts, and make them valid, bnt we cannot make them valid in fact. I know that Congress, in the exercise of its legislative functions, may appropriate money, bnt it lias been expended by the President without warrant of law. But whatever unconstitutional act be may have committed cannot be cored by a joint, resolution. It stands there, and will stand forever. Nor can thia Congress prevent a suc ceeding Congress from holding any officer of the Government responsible for a violation of tba Constitution. I enumerate what I regprd as tbe usurpations of tbe Executive, aud egarnat which I wish to record the protect of tboae who are un- .witting to aee the Constitution aubverted, tinder whatever pretext, necessity', or otherwise. Mr. B. then re-enumerated the several acts, in tbe resolution to which he had referred, These great fundamental rights, sir, the sanctity of which isthe measure of progress and civilization, have been trampled under foot by the military, and are being now trampled under foot every day in tbe presence of the two Houses of Congress; and yet so great on one side is the passion ofthe hour, and so astonishing the stupid amazement of the other, that we take it as natural, as right, and as of couise. We are rushing, sir, and with rapid strides, from a constitutional government into a military despotism. The Constitution says, the freedom of speech and of the press shall not be abridged, yet, three days ago, in the city of St. Louis, a military of ficer. with four hundred soldiers—that was his warrant—went into a newspaper officer in that city, r-moved the type, and declared that the paper should be no longer published, aud gave among other reasons, that it was fabricating reports in jurious to the United States soldiers in Missouri. Is there a Senator here, a citizen of this land, who will say that the slightest color of authority exists on the part of a military officer for depriv ing a citizen of liberty or property without a war rant of law, or to suppress the freedom of the press. And we are all told by the same despatch that tbe proprietors of the paper submitted, and intended to make an appeal. To whom? To the judicial authorities? No, sir. But to Major-Gen eral Fremont when he should reach St. Louis. The civil authorities of the country are par alysed, and practical martial law, is being estab lished all over the laud. The like never happened in this country before, and it would not be tolerated in any country in Europe which pretends to the elements of civilization and liberty. George Washington carried tiie 'Thirteen Colonies through the war of the revolution without martial law. The President of the United States could not con duct the Government tiiree months without resort ing tn it. 1 presume every Senator has read the opinion of the Chief Justice to which I have re ferred. I shall content myself with reading a few extracts, to present my opinion on the subject. (Mr. B. read from the closing part of Judge Taney’s opinion.) Thus the President has assumed the legislative aud judicial powers, aud concentrated iu liis bands the executive, legislative and judicial pow ers, which in every age iias been the very evidence of despotism: and lie exercises them to-day, while we sit in the Senate chamber, and the.other branches of the Legislature at the other eud ofthe Capitol. Mr. President what is tbe excuse—what isthe justification? Necessity? I answer, first, there was no necessity. Was it necessaiy to pre serve tlie visible emblems of Federal authority here that the Southern coast should have been blockaded? Did not the same necessity exist when Congress, at the last session, refused to pass the Force bill? Was it necessary to the existence of the Union, till Congress should meet, that pow ers not conferred by the Constitution should be assumed. Was there a necessity for overrunning tbe State of Missouri? Was there a necessity for raising the largest army ever assembled on the American continent, aud for collecting the larg:st fleet ever collected in an American harbor? Congress may deem it was necessary in contemplation of a pro tracted struggle for the preservation of tbe Con stitution and the Union. What I mean to say is. that there was none of that overruling necessity for present preservation which may apply to usurpations of the Constitution. In the case of the man in Maryland who was confined so long in Fort AIcHenry, was there any necessity of con fining liim instead of turning him over to the civil authorities? The chief charge was, that weeks before he had been concerned iu treasonable acts. Was not tbe judicial authority there to take charge of him, and if convicted, to punish him? If there was a ne cessity in the present state of affairs and Congress in session here, then what a long necessity we have before us and impending over us. Let Con gress approve and ratify these acts, and there may occur a necessity which will justify the President in superseding tlie law in every State iu this Union, and there will not be a vestige of civil authority left to raise against this usurpation of military power. But I deny this doctrine t f ne cessity. I deny that the President of the United States may violate the Constitution upon the ground of -necessity. The doctrine is utterly subversive of the Con stitution. It substitutes the will of one man fora written constitution. The Government of the United States, which draws its life from the Con stitution, does not rest upon an implied consent It rests upon an express and written consent, and the Government may exercise such powers aud such only as are given in this written form of gov ernment. The people of these States conferred on this-agent of theirs just such powers as they deemed necessary. All others were retained. The Constitution was made for all contingencies—for peace, and for war; and they conferred all the power they deemed necessary, and more cannot be assumed. If the powers be not sufficient, still none others were granted, and none others can be ex ercised. Will this be denied? Is the idea to be advanced that all constitu- tonal questions are to be made subordinate en tirely to tbe opinions and ideas that may prevail, at the hour, with reference to political unity? It has been held heretofore, and 1 thought it was axiomatic and received by the world, that the terms of the Constitution of the United States were the measure of power on the one side, and of obedience on the other. Let us take care how we establish a principle that, under any presumed stress of circumstances, powers not granted may be assumed. Take care aud do not furnish an argument to the world and history that it shall not respect that authority which no longer respects its own limitations. These are a few of the reasons that will control my vote against this resolution. I hope it will be voted upon, and if it should receive a majority, as I fear it will, it will be an invitation to tbe Presi dent of the United States, in the absence ot all legislation, to do the like acts whenever, in his opinion, it may be necessary. Wbat will be the effect of it in Kentucky, and Missouri, and every where? In liis discretion he will feel himself war ranted in subordinating the civil to the military power, and to imprison citizens without the war rant of law, 8nd to suspeud the writ of habeas cor pus, aud establish martial law, to make searches aud suppress the press, and to do all those acts which rest on the will and authority of a military commander. In my judgment, if we pass this, we are upon the eve of putting, so far as can, in the bauds of the President of the United States, the power of a dictator. With such a beginning as this, what are we to expect in the future? When we see men imprisoned within hail of the Capitol, without warrant, and Congress iu session, and the Courts paralyzed, and Congress not rising in a protest ot indignant terms against it. we may well be filled with gloomy borebodings for the future Wbat may we expect, except a line of conduct in keeping with what has been done? Is this a con test to preserve the Union? If so, then it should be waged iu a constitutional manner. Is the doc trine to obtain that provinces are to be entirely subordinate to the idea of political unit} ? Shall the rallying cry be, the Constitution and the Union, or are we prepared to say that tbe Con stitution is gone, but the Union survives ? What sort of a Union would it be ? Let this principle be announced, and let us carry on this contest with this spirit, winking at or approving the vio lations of this sacred instrument, aud the people will soon begin to inquire, wbat will become of our liberties at tbe end of the experiment? The pregnant question for us to decide is, whether the Constitution is to be respected in this strug gle, oi whether we are called upon to follow the Sag over the ruins of the Constitution ? I believe, without questioning the motives of any, the whole tendency of the present proceedings is to estab lish a Government without limitations, and radi cally to cliange our frame and character of Gov- ment. I was told the other day by a distinguished American that many Americans abroad, when asked about the present condition of things here, said : “We thought your Federal Government rested on consent, and how do you propose to maintain it by force?” Often the answer would be, “It was intended to rest on consent, but it lias failed. It is not strong enough and we in tend to make it strong enough, and to change the character of the government, and we will give it all the strength we deem essential without regard to tbe provisions of the Constitution, which was made some eighty, years ago, and has been found not fit for the present condition of affairs.” I think it is well that the attention of the coun try should be called to the tendency of things. I know there are thoughtful, conservative men— thousands of men who love tbe Constitution- scattered through the adhering States, who would never consent to make this contest with any pur pose to interfere with the personal rights of po litical communities. He then referred te a tion in a Northern paper that a chan, character of the Government was cent ’and also to a speech made by tbe present tary of War, in wtudsbe said tba Souf must be enbdued. «»d, et tbe mad . of there would oe no Virginians, as such, nians, but aQ Americans. I call on Senators to defend the Constitutional ity of these acts, or else admit that they carry ou this contest without regard to the Constitution. I content myself in saying that it never was con templated by the framers of the Constitution that this Government should be maintained by milita ry force or by subjugating differert political com munities. It was declared by Madison aud by Hamilton himself that there was no competency in tbe Government thus to preserve it. Suppose the military subjugation is successful—suppose tbe at my marches through Virginia and the Gulf Statt s to New Orleans—then the wai is prosecuted unconstitutionally. Even if there was warrant of law for it, it would be the overthrow of the Consti tution. There is no warrant in the Constitution to conduct tbe contest in that form. In further proof of how they intend to conduct this contest, 1 refer; to the speech of the eloquent Senator from Oregon, fMr. Baker.) when he de clared he was for direct war, and said that for that purpose nobody was as good as a dictator. Is anything more necessary to show that, so for as that Senator is concerned, he proposed to conduct the contest without regard to the Constitution ? I heard no rebuke administered to the eminent Senator, bnt, on the contrary, I saw warm con gratulations, and the Senator declared that, unless the people of these States wete willing to obey the Federal Government, they must be reduced to the condition of territories, aud, he added, he would govern them by Governors from Massacbu- setts and Illinois. This was said seriously aud af terward repeated. Mr. Baker explained- He said he was deliver ing a speech against giving too much power to the President, aud was keeping liis nsnai consti tutional, guarded position against an increase of the standing army, aud gave, as an excuse for voting for the bill, the present state of public af fairs. He did say he would tako some risk of despotism, and that he would risk a little to save all. He hoped the States would return to their allegiance, hut if they would Hot he thought it better for civilization and humanity that they should be governed as territories. He did say so tlien, and believed so now, and thought the events ot the next six months would show that it would he better if the Senator believed it too. Mr. Breckinridge said the answer of the Senator proved what he said, and contended that it was evident that the Constitntiou was to be pnt aside. It was utterly subversive of the Constitution and of public liberty to clothe any one with dictatorial powers. Ho then referred to the specchof Mr. Dixon, of Connecticut, who said, in substance, that if African slavery stood in the way it must be abolished. [Mr. Dixon had the Secretary read what he did say on the subject, as published yesterday.] Mr. Breckinridge said it appeared to him that tbe most violent Republicans had possession of the Government, and referred to tlie bill intro duced by Mr. Pomeroy to suppress the slavehol der’s rebellion, and which also contained a pro vision for the abolition of slavery. He contended that the very title was enough to show that the Constitution was to be put aside. Mr. Bingham (Rep.,Mich .) asked ifhecontend ed this was not a slaveholders’ rebellion. Mr. Breckinridge—1 do, sir ; I do. He then referred to the refusal of last session to make any compromise, though tho Southern leaders said they would be satisfied with the Crittenden Com promise. Bnt all efforts were refused, and now any offers of peace are ruled out of order in one House, and it is vain and idle to argue for it. He wanted to let the country know that Congress deliberately refused tlie last effort to avert the horrors of an internal struggle. But why utter words ? I shad trouble the Senate no longer. I know that no argument or appeal will have any affect. I have cherished all my life an attachment to the Union of these States, under the Constitution of the United States, and I have always revered that instrument as one of tbe wisest of human works; but now it is put aside by the Executive of the United States, and those acts are about to be approved by tbe Senate, and I see proceedings inaugurated, which, in my opinion, will lead to the utter subversion of the Constitution and pub lic liberty. It is vain to oppose it. I am aware that, in the present temperof Congress, one might as well oppose his uplifted hand to the descend ing waters of Niagara, as to risk an appeal against these contemplated proceedings. The few of ns left can only look with sadness on the melancholy drama being enacted before us. We can only hope that this flash of frenzy may not assume the form of chronic madness, bnt that Divine Provi dence may preserve for us and our posterity, out of tho wreck of a broken Union, the price less principles of constitutional liberty and self- government. Mr. Lace (Rep , Ind ) said he wanted to know if the President had uot saved the country by prompt action. He sanctioned all done, and tho people sanctioned it; and he sanctioned all to be done when our victorious columns shall sweep treason from ail Virginia. The President had suspended the writ of habeas corpus, and he only regretted the corpus of Baltimore treason had not been suspended at the same time. Suppose the Senator from Kentucky had been elected Presi dent ; would we have refused to defend the Capi tal when he found that armed rebellion was en deavoring to capture it ? He believed not. He proceeded to allude to the seizure of telegraphic despatches, severely commented on as a usurpa tion of power by the Senator from Kentucky.— That seizure would be necessaiy, perhaps, to im plicate certain Senators on this floor. He had read this day, in a paper, that a Senator had telegraphed that President Lincoln's Congress would not be allowed to meet here on the 4th of July. Mr. Breckinridge said he supposed tbe Senator alluded to him. Mr. Lane replied that he did. Mr. Breckinridge replied that bis personal re lations with the Senator precluded him from be lieving that he would do anything nnkind; bnt he had to say that the statement that he sent such a dispatch was totally unfounded. He would not pretend to deny all the charges made against him in the papers. He had attempted it once, but fonnd the charge reiterated iu the same journal the second day after he had expressly denied it- He would say, however, now, that the statement that he had telegraphed Mr. Jefferson Davis, or written him, that Kentucky would furnish him with 7,000.armed men, was, iike other charges to tally false. And be had been infoimed by the Governor ofKentncky that the charge in respect to him was equally false. Mr. Lane then proceeded to defend the suppres sion of certain traitcrons newspapers, disarming the people in rebellion, and other acts which tho Senator from Kentucky deemed unconstitutional. Allusion had been made to the compromise of i&st session, but he would only say that none was made because of traitors who occupied the now vacant seats. All they asked now was the Ken tucky remedy for treason—hemp. Very Like a Yankee.—The Eev. Mr. Chase, who had come to Washington all the way from Maine, to take care of the ghostly concerns of the Third Maine Keg- ment, iu the capacity of chaplain,' has oc cupied bis leisure moments in peddling about the camps letter envelopes which he had induced Yankee members of Con gress (who doubtless shared with him in the proceeds) to frank for him. It was, or should have been, a penitentiary crime, but to the Yankee Colonel, who investi gated tbe matter, it seemed only a cute trick, and so the parson was let off. What an exalted race isthe Yankee. fRichmond Whig. What Mr. Bussell Thinks.—A special despatch to the Baltimore Exchange, from Washington says, that Mr. Russell, of the London Times, was present at the battle of Manassas, on tbe 21st. He estimates the loss of tbe northerners in killed and wounded at 12,000 and of the Confederates, 4,000. He writes that history record ino such defeat for the past century; no ronte so utter and complete as that of the Nor therners. The fighting and conduct of the Confederates,.in his opinion, were su perb and magnificent They fired with tbe coolness and precision of veterans. They would fall to permit their artillery to fire, and then rising, would discharge their muskets and charge bayonets in lied order. 8ome of the evolutions tnperb, and all were performed with coolness, rapidity and discipline. Seep yonretH innocent, If you would to 1

Georgia Historic Newspapers

Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872, August 13, 1861, Image 1