Newspaper Page Text
VOLUME XLIII.
Title
r M . O H M E & SON,
EDITOBS AND PROPRIETORS.
cpRJPlJEN I'. ISIIIjT<KR,
s associate editor.
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 18, 1862.
„ rt ]e RECORDER is published weekly, at
5 .*jji,LLARS per annum, strictly in advance.
T'* 6 - 1 ' . . ..t'oai received for less than six month*,
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*",7t' Land and Negroes, by Adin.nistrators,
Guardians, are required by law to be
k'-’ 1 ' first Tuesday in tho month, between
Amirs of ten in the forenoon, and three in the
r, a t the Court-house, in the county in
property is situate. Notices of these
T i ‘ “ as t he given in a public gazette FORTY
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d FORTY DAYS.—[$>3 00.]
nR be publis
application will be made to the Court
for leave to sell Land aud Negroes,
r TWO MONTHS.—[$4 00.]
for Letters of Administration must
[$•2 75.] For Disniis-
Administration, monthly six months—
Dismission from Guardianship, for-
CHATI.
i, e published thirty days
situ troia
$4 50 1 1
jv jS _[.*3 r>o j
Foreclosure of Msrtgage must be
Kt'LKs tor
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titles from Executors aud Adminis-
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Publications will always be continued according
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CONFEDERATE GOVERNMENT.
.- RESIDENT.
JEFFERSON DAVIS,
OK MISSISSIPPI.
Vice President:
ALEX. II. STEPHENS,
OF OF.ORGIA.
CALENDAR FOR 1862.
days'
DAYS.
I «* s }!|H
3 2
JAN, 8..:.
5 6
U ; a.,t;
a- = » c.
s» | 3 aj'-s
’*4 * I *> '
I
, * ‘
3. 5.
a. s
-!-h
j
7\ 8
12 13 14,1516..
19 20 21 ’22 23)24
262728129-30
FEB ,
&) 6
! 2 31 4
| 9T0I11
Sl«d7;iajl9l20(21
(12324,25
marL.
J 2 3- 4
31
12 13*14
19*20jill
26*27|2t
t
af’l
ii ftlOill 1213114
f J6;17]18ll92olil
t23 k J4>^26127 *28
|303I| I * |
..|-i l! 9 3 4
6 7] b, 910
131415 16117
•2*2! 222324125
27 ■28:29-30
JTX.L 1
4 5 bj 7 ‘ I*
1112 13-14 15
11+1920*21 22
H25196 27
JU’E-
I I
2 3
15 16 17
52 2324
‘2930.
2829
4 5 6
9 10tll.]2 13
18 19*20
25 2627
JU’Y
5JOCT
12 \
19
26
3Jnov
105
m w
§ 2
Cl. ~
•5
«1 7
13 14
20)21
27.28
3 4
10 11
1718
24 25
31
.. 1
7f 8
14 15
21 22
2829
1 2} 3; 4! 5
8 910 1M2
15 16 17 18 19
2223242526
29 3031! i
-.'.-I.. 1 2
5 6 7' 8 9
121314 1516
19 20212223
■(26,27 2er29 30
5 6
12 13
1920
2627
16jl7
23 24
30
i\ 39 -si *1 a
: rWa- 3 »
Mg.|Sl5;.S
2 3 4* 6
9 10 11! 5]3
16 1716-12 20
23 24 25 1927
30 r2f>
.. 1 2j 3 4
7 8 9,1011
14 1516;I7 1H
21 2223:24 25
-28 29 30 31
• - X 1
4i 5 6| 7 8
9 101112 13 14 15
16 19(20,21^2
25 2627,28*29
2 31 4: | 6
8j 9 10 111 5 13
14 15 16 17 1842:20
, 21 22 23 24 25 19 27
**28-29 30 31 -26*
COURT CALENDAR FOR 1862.
REVISED BY THE SOUTHRRN RECORDER.
SUPERIOR, COURTS.
CABINET OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES.
; p. Beniamin, of La., Secretary of State.
Q VV KandolphjOf Va.. Secretary of War.
ij 6. M -mniinger, of S. C., Sec’y of Treasury.
» It. Mall-'iy. of Florida, Secretary of Navy.
T , ,< 11. Watts, of Ala , Attorney-General.
J 11 Ktagau. of Texas, Postmaster-General.
{UFEttERATE COACRESS—FIRST SESSION.
Pi.- following is a list of the members of the
Fir.t CoHjri-'> uf the Permanent Government of
i. .. erate States, which meets in February
Thou- marked with an asterisk (*) are members ,
t: the Provisional Congress. •
SEN
ALABAMA.
Fa. L. Yancey,
f. C. Clav, Jr.
Esjert W. Johnson,*
C.B. Mitchell.
FLORIDA.
James M. Baker,
LE. Maxwell.
HA.
B H. Hill.
KENTlieX V.
Henry C, Burnett,
Wiliam E. Siin.s,
LOUISIANA.
E ; »-ar,l 8narrow *
i ATE.
MISSOURI.
John B Clarke,
R. L. E. Peyton.
NORTH CAROLINA.
George Davis,*
William T. Dortch.
SOUTH CAROLINA.
Robert W. Barnwell,*
James L. Orr.*
TF.NNESSEE.
Gustavus A. Henry,
Landon C. Haynes.
TEX AS.
Lewis T. Wigfall,*
S. Oldliatn.*
VIRGINIA.
(Not yet elected.)
JANUARY.
2d Monday, Chatham
•Floyd
februar'y.
lit Mouday,Clark
Lumpkint
3d Mauday, Campbell
Dawson
3d Monday, Forsyth
♦ Polk
Uiaatoak
Meri lii t r
Walton
4th Monday, Baldwin
J ackana
Mont on
Panldmg
Taliaferro
Walker
MARCH.
latThursday,Fierce
1st Monday, Appling
Chattooga
Cherokao
Cowsta
Columbia
Crawford
Gwinnett
Madias n
M arion
Morgan
2d Monday ,Butts
Bartow
Coffee
Elbert
Fayeita
Greene
Piukena
Washington
W ebsle r
JULY
lit Monday. Floyd*
AUGUST.
1st Monday, Lumpkin
S.lMsuday, Can.pbel.
Clark
Dawson
3d Monday, Forsyth
Polk
Glascock
Meriwether
Walton
IthMauday .Bald win
Jackson
Monroe
Paulding
Taliaferro
Walker
Thuradayaftei,Pierce
SEPTEMBER.
latMonday, Appling
Chattooga
Cherokee
Columbia
Coweta
Crawford
Madison
Marion
Morgan
2d Monday .Bulls
Bartow
Coffee
Elbert
Fayette
Greene
Gwiunett
Pickens
W ashington
. Webster
W
:.i.
ISSIPPI.
l a.
Jiffies
pi.
clan. j
H
'SE OF REP
RESENTATIVES.
AL
ABiMA 1
Uist
Out.
NORTH CAROLINA.
1. T.
J.
Foster,
1.
VV. N. H. Smith,*
w
i
. Smith,
2.
R. It. Bridges,
j.
\
I>q!|q
3.
O. R. Konan,
i. j.
L
M Carry,* j
4.
T. D. McDowell,
i F.
>
Lv-on,
5.
A. H. Arrington,
5. W
p
Chilton,* !
6.
J. R. McLean,
it.
7,
Ashe,
1 j.
3
P.Fjfh,
William Lander,
J. L.
s
Dargan.
9.
B. S. Gaither,
R
A V S 4 3.
10.
A.T Davidson.*
!. G.
A
Garland, I
SOUTH CAROLINA.
t J:t
M. Patterson.
1.
John McQueen,
(I
n,*
pnnifilp )
2,
VV P-ircher Miles,
r l
♦ HID A.
3.
L. M. Ayer,
1. Ja
>. Dawkins,
4.
M. L. Bonham,
!■ K.
]\
Hilton.
5.
James Farrow,
GE
ORG 1 A.
6.
VV. VV. Boyce.*
1. Jt
Lia
TENNESSEE.
i. c.
fj
Mnnnerlvn,
1.
Jos. B. Heiskell,
1 Hi
ne
s Holt.
2.
VV. G Swan,
!. 4 ,
,r t
id. Kenan,
3.
Tibbs,
' L>
vl
1 W Lewis,
4.
J. B. Gardenshire
Tliutsdayaft’r.Moiitgoinerycld Monday .Cobb
) Echols
l Ethngha
> H:
VV. W. Clark,
It ih’t. P. Trippe,
us J. Garlrell,*
ly Strickland,
• Aug R. Wright.
BLS rUCKV.
Nat yet elected.)
LOUISIANA.-
I Cu;is. J. Villere,
•• M. Conrad,*
1>. F . Keuner,* *
* Lacieu J Dupree,
»■ Jii’uu L. Lewis,
• Jao Perkins, Jr.
MISSISSIPPI.
'■ J \V. Clapp,
Reuben Davis,
J- Israel Welch,
j- H. C. Chambers,
*■ 0. R. Singleton,
;■ K. B.n ksdale,
'• JobnJ. Mcliae.
Missouri.
l - W. M. Cook,
f-C. Harris.
1 Casper W. Bell, ]
* Adam II. Condon,
: 0. G. West,
; h. W. Freeman, \
— — Hyer,
16.
Meredith P. Gentry,
George W. Jones,
Menses,
J. D. C. Adkins,*
John V. Wright,
D. M. Curriu.*
TEXAS.
John A. Wilcox.
C. C. Herbert,
P. W. Gray,
F. B. Sexton,
M. D. Graham,
B. H. Epperson.
VIRGINIA.
M. R. H. Garnett,
John B. Chambliss,
John Tyler,
Roger A. Pryor,*
Thos. S. Bocock,*
John Goode, Jr.,
Jas. I’- Holcombe,
D. C. DeJarnette,
William Smith,
Alex’r. K. Boteler,
John B. Baldwin,
Walter K. Staples,*
Walter Preston.*
Albert G. Jenkins.
Robert Johnston.*
Chas. W. liussell,*
OIIVEttNMEXT OF GEORGIA.
JSEPIl E. BROWN, Governor.
r HARNETT, Secy of State & Sur. Gcn'l.
HN JONES, Treasurer.
-ililts i\ THWEATT, Comptroller General,
h BRijWN. Librarian. •
BILLUPS, President of the Senate.
i! - MOBLEY, Secretary “ “ “
iHliEN AKIN, Speaker of the Houfie of Reps.
A ARRINGTON, Clerk “ “ “ “ “
? CAMPBELL, Secretary Ex. Department
H - waters, “
' Rowland, sup’t. w. 2c a. Railroad.
; 5 A. GREEN, Principal Keeper Penitentiary
r - WINDSOR, Book Keeper
Nuprcnc tour! Judges.
I H. U:\IPKIN, of Clark.
P R JENKINS, of Richmond.
“■ 1- LYON, of Fulton.
T1) !Kn AND PLACES OF HOLDING COURT.
f r -'t District—Composed of the Eastern, Mid*
•id Brunswick Circuits, at Savannah on the
iaidays in January aud June.
.**<>*1 D
3d Monday, Cobbt
Calhoun
Hall
Hart
Heard
Macon
Newton
Talbot
Tattnall
Ware
Thursday af. White
Friday after,Bulloch
4th Monday, Clinch
Chattahoochee
Johnson
Lee
Milton
Putnam
Rabun
Twigga
Wilke a
Thursday af.Habersham
Monday af
ter 4th Mon
day.
APRIL.
latfc 2d Mon. Carroll
1st Meinlay, Dooly
Einanue 1
Early
F rank] ■
Fulton
Gordon
Pike
T ay lor
Warren
Wilkinson
Thursday aft. Banka
2d Monday, Hancock
Richmond
Harris
Laurens
Miller
Sumter
Tuesdayafter McIntosh
3d Monday . Glynn
Haralaan
Hanry
«. Jones
Liberty
Murray
Oglethorpe
Pulaski
Stewart
) Worth
$ Bryau
4th Monday,Wayne
Decatur
DeKalb
Houston
Jasper
Lincoln
Schley
Whitfield
Wilcox
Friday after, Telfair
Camden
Thursday after Jrwin
Monday “ Berrien
Charlten
MAY.
1st Monday .Clayton
Gilmer
Randolph
Scriven
Upaon
2u Monday, Catoosa
Chatham
Fannin
Jefferson
Mitchell
Muscogee
3d Monday.Baker
Bibb
Burke
Quitman
Spalding
Troup
Union
Thursday aft. Towns
Hh Monday, Dade
Terrell
Las tMonday .Colquitt
JUNE .
IstMonday, Dougherty
Lowndes
2d Monday, Biooks
Clay
3d Monday .Thomas
Calhoun
Hall
Hart
Heard
Macon
Newton
Talbot
W are
Builoch,
Thursday aft. White
4 th Monday, Clinch
t Ch attahoochee
Johnson
Lee
Milton
Putnam
Rabun
Twiggs
Wilkes
Thursday af, Habersham
Monday af- Y
the 4th >
Monday y
Echols
OCTOBER.
lst&2d Mon.Carroll
1st Monday Dooly
Early
Emanuel
Franklin
F niton
Gilmer
Gordon
Taylor
Warren
Wilkinson
Pike
! Thursday aft. Banks
12d Monday . Fannin
Hancock
Harris
Laurens
Miller
Richmond
Sumter
3d MonJay, Glynn
Haralson
Monday
■ fter.
Henry
Jones
Murray
Ogiethirpe
Pulaski
Stewart
Union
Worth
i Montgomery
Thursday
after J
Towns
4th Mondv.Decatu r
DeKalb
H ouston
Jasper
Lincoln
8chley
Tattnall
Wayne
Whitfield
W i’.cox
Friday after Tellair
Camden
Thursday after, Irwin
Monday after Charlton
NOVEMBER,
tat Monday, Berrien
Clayton
Effingham
Randolph
Scriven
Upson
2d Monday, Catoosa
Jefferson
Mitchell
Muscogee
3d Monday.Baker
Bibb
Burke
Quitman
Spalding
Troup
AtliMonday.Dade
Terrell
'Thursday after.McIntosh
I Monday after. Colquitt
Jo do Liberty
(Mon after Liberty. Bryan
DECEMBER.
IstMonday. Dougherty
Lowndes
Cd Monday. Biooks
*Clay
3d Monday, Thomas
May hold three weeks, if neeessary, at each
'ric>—Composed of tlie Macon, South-
• uttahooehee and Pataula Circuits, at
)K °a the 4th Mondays in January and June.
l f ri District—Composed of the Flint, Cowe-
■7“ Rnigo. Cherokee and Tallapoosa Circuits,
on u le nh Monday in March and 2d
f - in August.
J‘ rih District—Composed of the Western and
370 Circuits, at Athens on the 4th Mondays
G tad November.
7 District—Composed of the. Ocmulgee and
bib w irouits ' Milledgeville ontho 2d Mon-
■ m and November
T Judge not required to draw Jurors for two
weeks; and not obliged to-hold two weeks Court
ju the counties of Cobb and Lumpkin.
SPECIAL MESSAGE.
Tax Receiver*' and Tax Receipt Book*.
The Recorder office keeps on hand for sale,
printed on good paper, blanks to form the above
books. Trice seven c ents pkk sheet, and w.
eeuts to be added for light binding—we paying
postage. The money in every iustance must be
sent iu advance.
Recorder Office, Feb. 18, 1862.
H#nsc and Lot for Sa'e.
T HE LARGE and couuumlioOT House,at pres
eat occupied by James L. Hayg 1
sold loot for cash. & CARAKKR.
July 8, 1862 27 lf
Executive Dep’t.
Milledgeville, Nov, 6th, ’62
To the Senate and
House of Reyresentalives.
The great struggle for liberty and in
depence in which we have been engag
ed during the past year, against a pow
erful and relentless enemy, has called
not only for the exercise of the united
energies ofour whole people, but for the
most costly sacrifices of blood and trea
sure. When we look at the material of
which the armies of the contending par
ties are composed we can but exclaim,
how unequal the contest! In the ar
mies of the South are found her no
blest and best sons, whose valor upon
the battle-field has been unsurpassed
and whose blood in abundant pro
fusion has been poured out, a rich sac
rifice upon the altar of liberty. The
Northern armies, on the contrary, have
been composed, in a great degree, of
imported foreigners and paupers, and
ot the worst classes of Northern society-
who have served as mercenaries, and
whose destruction, in many instances,
has been rather a relief than a misfor
tune to society. But the contrast does
not stop here. The motives which
prompt the people of the two sections
to protract the war, are as different as
the material of which the two armies
are composed are unlike. The people
of the North are fighting for power and
plunder, the people of the South for
tfie liberty and independence of them
selves and their posterity. Ourenemies
have it iu their powor to stop the war
whenever they are content to do justice
and let us alone. We can never stop
fighting wnile they continue to attempt
our subjugation, but must prosecute the
war with vigor, if necssarjG to the ex
penditure of the last dollar and the de
struction ot the last man. If we are
subjugated, let it be only when we are
exterminated. We were born free ;
and though it be upon the battle-field,
we should die free.
This I believe to be the unanimous
sentiment of the people of Georgia who
have, on this question, laid aside all
party divisions and differences; and
have, from the commencement of the
struggle, promptly discharged their
whole duty 10 the cause, and to their
brethren of the Confederate States.—
Not a requisition has been made upon
Georgia by the President of the Confed
eracy for assistance which has not been
met without delay ; and in every case
of requisition on the State for troops,
more men have been tendered than
were required.
In the face of this proud record, no
plea of necessity could be set up, so far
as Georgia is concerned, (and 1 believe
the remark will apply generally to ail
the States,) for the passage of any act
by Congress 10 raise troops, which
either infringed her constitutional rights
or disregarded her sovereignty. The
Actof Congress oflGth April last, usual
ly known as the Conscript Act, in my
opinion, does both : arid is not only a
palpable violation of the Constitution of
the Confederacy, but a dangerous as
sault upon both the rights and the sove
reignty of the States. Who supposed,
when we entered into this revolution
for the defence of States Rights against
Federal aggression, that, in a little over
one vear, 1 he persons of' the free-born
citizens of the respective States would
be regarded and claimed, while at home
in pursuit of their ordinary avocations,
as the vassals of the central power, to
be like chattels, ordered and disposed
of at pleasure, without the consent, and
even over the protest of the States to
which they belong; an ! that he who
raised his voice against such usurpation
would be denounced by the minions
of power as untrue to the cause so dear
to every patriotic Southern heart ? And
who that has noticed the workings of
the conscription policy, will say t l, at
this picture is over drawn ? Not only
1 he rights and the sovereignty of the
States have been disregarded, but the
individual rights of the citizen have
been trampled under foot, and we have
by this policy been reduced, for a time
at least, to a slate bordering upon mili
tary despotism.
This extraordinary act has been de
fended, however, by two classes of in
dividuals, upon two distinct grounds.
The first class admit its unconstitution
ality, but justify its passage upon the
plea of necessity, and say that without
it the twelve months volunteers could
not have been kept in the field in a time
of great emergency ; and further, that
the Constitution is a mere rope of sand
in the midst of revolution. The se
cond class justifies it on the ground that
Congress had the right to pass it. Is
either correct ?
To the first, it may be replied that
the plea of necessity cannot be set up
till it can be shown that States when
called on had neglected or refused to
fill the requisitions made upon them for
troops by lhe President. Again, in re
ference to the twelve months troops, it
should be remembered that the Gov
ernment only called on them to volun
teer for that period before they left their
homes, and that the contract clearly
implied between them and the Govern
ment, was that they should faithfully
serve it, and do all their duty as sol
diers for that period, and that they
should have all the rights of soldiers,
with the legal pay and allowances, and
should in good faith be discharged and
permitted to re! urn home at the end ol
that time. The Government cannot,
therefore, be justifiable in violating its
contract, and acting in bad faith to
wards them, no matter how great the
emergency may have been, unless it
can be shown that the Government, by
the exercise of due foresight and ener
gy, could not have supplied their plac
es in lime to meet the emergency. The
fact that they were twelve months men
was well known to the Government
from the time they entered the service.
Why then were not requisitions made
upon the States for enough of troops to
fill their places a sufficient time before
the expiration of their term, to have
men in sufficient numbers ready for ser
vice ? But admit that the Government
had neglected this plain duty till it was
now too late to get the men from the
States in time to meet the crisis, and
that it had on that account become ne-
cessaiy r for it to violate its contract with
the twelve months men, to save the
cause from ruin ; was it then necessary
to pass a general Conscription Act to
accomplish this purpose ? . Could it not
have been done by simply passing an
act compelling all twelve months men
ol every age, to remain in service for
ninety days, as all under 18 and ovet
25, though not conscripts, weie com
pelled to do? This would, have given
the Government three months more of
time to provide against the consequen
ces ol its former neglect, and raise the
necessary foice, and would Lave left
the troops, in the meantime, under the
command of the office: appointed by
the Slates, as provided by the Constitu
tion. The emergency would thus have
been met, more of justice been done
even to the twelve months volunteers,
and no dangerous precedent at war
with the constitutional rights of the
citizen and sovereignty of the States
would have been established. It must
also be recollected while upon this part
of the subject, that the act, by its plain
letter, deprived the troops who had vol
unteered lor the war, in response to
calls made bv the States to fill requisi
tions made upon them, of the right to
elect their officers, when so authorized
by the laws of their respective States
and have them commissioned by their
State authorities ; and that it establish
ed a system of promotion of officers in
violation of this right of the troops, and
authorized the President to issue the
the commissions. What pressing ne
cessity existed to justify this act of pal
pable injustice to the Slate ivolunteers,
who had entered the Confederate ser
vice at the calls of their respective
States for the war, with the constitu
tional guaranty that their officers
should he appointed by the States, and
with the further guaranty from the
States, as in this State, that they should
have the right to elect those who were
to command them ? But it is said by
the first class of advocates of conscrip
tion, that the Constitution must yield
to-the exigencies of the’times, and that
those in authority may violate it when
necessary during the revolution ; if so.it
of course follows that those in authority
must he the judges of the necessity for
its violation, which makes their will the
supreme law of the land. If this were
the intention of the people, why did they
form a Constitution at the beginning, of
the revolution, and why did they re
quire all our Senators and Representa
tives in Congress, all the members of
the Legislatures of the-several States,
and all executive and judicial officers
of the Confederate Stales, and of the
several States, to take an oath to sup
port this Constitution ?
When the Governor of this State and
each member of the General Assembly
tot.k a solemn oath to support the Con
stitution of the Confederate States, no
exception was made which relieved
them from the obligations of the oadi
during the revolution. This fact should
be remembered by those who admit the
violation of the Constitution, but severe
ly censure the public officer who, true
to his obligation, throws himself in the
breach for the support of Constitution
against the usurpation.
I here dismiss the first class of advo
cates, and turn to the justification set
up by the second, which from its nature
hower unfounded, is e,.Jtled to more
respectful consideration. Does the
Constitution authorize Congress to pass
an act such as the one now under con
sideration.
The advocates of this power in Con
gress rest the case upon the 12th para
graph of the Sth section of the first arti
cle of the Constitution of the Confeder
ate States, which is an exact copy of a
similar paragraph of the same article
and section in the Constitution of the
United States. This paragraph gives
Congress power to‘‘raise and support
armies.” The advocates of conscrip
tion take this single clause of the Con
stitution alone, and contend that it does
not define any particular mode of rais
ing armies, and that Congress has the
power, therefore, to raise them either
by voluntary enlistment, or by con
scription or eoerciqn, as it may judge
best.
The Convention which framed the
Constitution ot the United States, of
which ours is a cop}' so far as relates to
this point, must be supposed to have
used terms iri the sense in which they
were usually understood at the time, iu
the government which had lately been
ibeir own, and from which as decend
ants they had derived not only the
terms used, but their whole system of
language and laws, civil anil military.
In placing a just construction Ujion
the phrase to “raise armies,” as used by
the Convention, we are, therefore, nat
urally led to inquire how armies ha4i
been, and were at that time raised by
the British Government, from which
the members of the Convention “had
derived mostot their ideas mpon this
subject,” By reference to the legisla
tion and history of the British Govern
ment, it will be found that armies
were not then raised in that Govern
ment by coJiscription, but only by volunta
ry enlistment. This waa not only the
case at the adoption of the Federal Con
stitution, but had become the settled
and established practice of that Gov
ernment, after deliberate consideration
of the question ; which fact cannot he
presumed to have been known to the
Convention when they useil the phrase
now under consideration.
The terms used by the Convention
having acquired a definite meaning
well understood and recognized by all,
we cannot justly presume that the
members of the Convention intended
that these terms when used by them,
should be understood in a different
sense. Had this been their design,
they would certainly have used such
qualifying language as would have left
no doubt of their intention to reject the
the ordinary acceptation of the terms,
and use them in a different sense.
* By reference to the constitutional
history of Great Britain, it will be seen
that a bill was attempted in 1704 “to
recruit the army by a forced oonchiftion
of men from each “parish, but. was laid
aside as UNCONSTITUTIONAL.” It was
tried again in 1707 with like success;
but it was resolved instead to bringin a
bill for raising a sufficient number of
troops out of such persons as have no
lawful calling or employment. A dis
tinguished author says": “The parish
officers were thus enabled to press
men for the lamf service, a method
hardly more constitutional than the
former, and liable to enormous abuses.”
The act was temporary, and was tem
porarily revived in 1757, hut never
upon any later occasion. The Con
vention of 17S7 sat thirty years after
the British Government had abandon
ed the policy of tonscription, even of
persons having no lawful employment,
as unconstitutional. The Convention
was composed mostly of intelligent
lawyers, who were well acquainted
with this fact, which leaves no room to
doubt that when they gave Congress
the power to “raise armies” they in
tended that the phrase to “raise ar
mies,” should be understood in the
sense then attached to it, and that the
armies should be raised by volunteer
enlistment: which was the only consti
tutional mode then known in Great
Britain or this country. It had not
only been solemnly determined by the
proper authorities in the kingly gov
ernment of Great Britain long belbie
the commencement of the American
revolution, that it was unconstitutional
to raise armies by conscription, but even
the monarchical government of France
had not yet ventured so far as to disre
gard the rights of the subject of that
Government as to adopt this practice,
which places each man subject to it,
like a cliattal, at the will of him who,
under whatever name, exercises mon
archical power. The practice of the
Government of the United States was
also uniformly against conscription
from its creation to its dissolution.
In view of these facts of history, can
it now bejust to charge the great and
good men who framed our republican
government with the grave mistake of
having conferred upon the General
Government of a Confederation of
States powers over the persons of the
citizens of the respective States, which
were at the time, regarded too danger
ous to be exercised by the most abso
lute European monarchsover their sub
jects ?
When we construe all that is con
tained in the Constitution upon this
subject together, the meaning is clear
beyond doubt. The powers delegat
ed by the States to Congress, are all it
has. These are chiefly enumerated in
the 8th section of the 1st article of the
Constitution.
Paragraph 11,gives Congress power.
“To declare war; grant letters of
marque and reprisal, and make rules
concerning captures on laud and Wit
ter ;” i
Paragraph 12,
“To raise and support armies ; but
no appropriation of money to that use
shall be for a longer term than two
years;”
Paragraph 13,
“To provide and maintain a Navy
Paragragh 14,
“To make rules for the government
and regulation of the land and naval
forces .”
It’ it were the intention of the Con
vention to give Congress the power ^to
“raise armies” by conscription, these
four consecutive paragraphs gave ple
nary powers over the whole question
war and peace, armies and navies ;
and it could not have been necessary
to add any other paragraph to enlarge
a power which was already absolute
and complete.
lf Congress possessed the power un
der the 12lb paragraph above quoted,
to compel every officer am! ever^ citi
zen of every State toenter its armies at
its pleasure, its power was as unlimit
ed over the persons of the officers and
citizens of the Stales, as the powes of
the most absolute monarch in Europe
ever was over his subjects ; and it was
extreme folly on the part of the Con
vention to attempt to increase this
solute power by giving ta Congress a
qualified power over the militia of the
States, when its [tower over every man
composing the militia, was unqualified
aud unlimited. 'That the Convention
was not guilty of the strange absurdi
ty of having given abso
lute, unlimited power now claimed
for it, will be seett by reference to the
two next paragraphs, which give only
limited powers over the militia of the
States.
Paragraph fo gives Congress the
power,
NUMBER 46.
“To provide for calling forth the mi
litia to execute the laws of the Confed
erate States ; suppress insurrections,
and repel invasions;”
Paragraph 16,
“To provide for organizing, arming
and disciplining the militia ; and for
governing such part of them as may
be employed in the service of the Con
federate States, reserving to the States
respectively, the appointment of the
officers, and the authority of training
the militia according to the discipline
prescribed by Congress.”
Now it must be admitted that Con
gress had no need of the limited piiwer
over the militia of the States, which is
given by the two last paragraphs, if it
possessed under the 112th paragraph,
the unlimited [lower to compel every
man of whom the militia is composed,
to enter the military service of the
Confederacy at any moment designated
by Congress.
When the six paragraphs above quot
ed, are construed together, each has
its proper place and its proper meaning
and each delegates a power noidelegat-
ed by either of the others. The power to
declare war,is the first given to Congress
then the power to raise ami support ar
mies ; then the power to provide a
Navy , then the power to make rules
for the government and regulation of
the land and naval forces. Congress
may, therefore, make war; and as
long as it can do so by the use of its
armies raised by voluntary enlistments,
(which was the meaning of the term
“to raise armies,” when inserteii in
the Constitution,) and by the use of the
navy, it may prosecute the war with
out calling upon the States for assist
ance, or in any way interfering with
the militia. But if it should become
necessary for Congress to employ
more force than the army and the na
vy at its command, in the execution of
the laws of the Confederacy, the sup
pression of insurrection, or the repul
sion ofinvasion, Congress may then,
under the authority delegated by para
graph 15, provide for calling forth the
militia of the States, for these purpos
es. When this is done, however,
paragraph 16 guards the rights of the
States, by reserving, in plain terms, to
the States respectively, the appoint
ment of the officers®to command the
militia when employed in the service
of the Confederate States. This au
thority was regarded by the Convention
of 1787, as of such vital importance,
that they, with almost entire unanimi
ty, voted down a proposition to permit
the general government to appoint
even the general ojfcccrs ; while the
most ultra lederalist in the Convention,
never seriously contended that the
States should be deprived o! the ap
pointment of field and company officers.
The Convention doubtless saw the
great value of this reservation to th«.
States, as the officers who were to com
mand the militia ^vjien in the service
of the Confederacy, would not be de-
pendendent upon the President for
their commissions, and would be sup
posed to be ready to maintain with
their respective commands, if necessa
ry, the rights..of the States against the
encroachments, of the Confederacy, in
case an attempt should be made bv
the latter to usurp powers destructive
of the sovereignty of the former. On
the contrary, should the officers to
command the militia of the States in
the service of the Confederacy, be ap
pointed by the •ontederate Execu
tive and be dependent upon him for
their commissions, they might be sup
posed to be more willing instruments
in his hands, to execute his ambitious
designs, in case ol attempted encroach
ment.
When, therefore, the different dele
gations of power are construed togeth
er, the whole system is harmonious.—
When Congress has declared war, and
has used all the power it jiossesses in
raising armies by voluntary enlist
ment, and providing a Navy, and still
needs more forces for the purposes al
ready mentioned, it may then provide
for calling forth the militia of the seve
ral States, as contradistinguished from
its armies and Navy ; and here, for the
first time, the States as such, have
a voice in the matter ; as Congress
cannot call forth the militia with
out giving the State*the appointment
of the officers, which gives them a
qualified power over the troops in the
service of the Confederacy, and an op-
porl unity to be heard, as States, if the
delegated powers have been used by
Congress, or the military force is like
ly to be used lor the subversion of their
sovereignty.
As the residuum of powers not dele
gated, is reserved by the States, they
may, when requisitions are made upon
them for troops by the Confederacy,
or when necessary lifr their own pro
tection or the execution of their own
laws, call forth the tnililia bj draft or
by accepting volunteers.
The advocates of conscription bj'
Congress, have attempted to sustain
ths doctrine by drawing technical dis
tinctions between the militia of the
Slates, and all the ^rms bearing peo
ple of the Sta»es, of whom the militia
is composed. In other words, they at
tempt to draw a distinction between a
company ol militia of one hundred tnen
in a district, and the one hundred tnen
of whom the company is composed.—
And while it is admitted that Congress
cannot caff forth, the company by con
scription but must take the company
with its officers, it is contended that
Congress may call forth, not the com
pany, but the one hundred men who
compose the company, by conscrip
tion; and by this evasion, get rid of
the State officers and appoint its offi
cers. This mode of enlarging the pow
ers of Congress and evading the con
stitutional rights of the Stales, by un
constitutional technicalities,would seem
to be entitled to respect, only, on ac
count of the distinction of the names of
its authors, and not on account of its
logical truth, or the soundness of the
reasoning by which it is attempted to
be maintained.
If Congress rnay get rid of the mi
litia organizations of the States, at any
time, by disbanding them, and com
pelling all the officers and men of
whom they are composed, to enter its
armies as conscripts, under officers
appointed by the President, the pro
vision in the Constitution which re
serves to the States the appointment of
the officers, to command their militia,
when employed in' the service of the
Confederacy, is a mere nullity whenev
er Congres chooses to enact that it
shall lie a nullity.
Again, if Congress has power to
raise its armies by conscription, it has
the power to discriminate and say
whom it will first call. If it may com-
pell all between IS and 35 years of age,
by conscription to enter its armies,as it
has lately done, from 35 to 45 ; and if it
has this power, it has the power to
take all between 16 and 60. The same
power ot discrimination authorizes it
tc limit its tiperations, and take only
those between 25 and 30, or take any
particular class of individuals it may
designate. Aud it must be borne in
mind that the power to raise armies
is as unlimited in Congress, in times of
the most profound peace, as it is in the
mi<lst of the most devastating war. If
Congress possesses the power to raise
armies by conscription, it follows that
it may disband the State Governments
whenever it chooses to consider them
as evil, ns it may compel every Exec
utive in every State in the Confederacy,
every member 4>f the Legislature of
every State, every Judge of every
court in every State,every militia officer
anti every other State officer,to enter the
armies of the Confederacy in limes of
peace or war, as privates under officers
appointed by the President; and may
provide that the arrnie6 shall be recruit
ed by other State officers as fast as they
are appointed by the Stales. Admit
the power of conscription claimed for
Congress by its advocates, and there
is no escape from the position that Con
gress possesses this power over the
States.
It may be said, however, that the
case supposed is an extreme one, and
that while Congress may possess the
power to destroy the State governments,
it wojld never exercise it. If it pos
sesses the power, its exercise depends
upon the will of Congress, which might
be influenced by ambition, interest or
caprice. Admit the power, and 1 ex
ercise ih: functions of the Executive
office of this State, you hold your seals
as members of the Getieral Assembly,
and our Judges perform their judicial
duties, by the grace and special favor of
Congress, and not as matter of right by
virtue of the inherent sovereignty of a
great State, whose people, in the man
ner provided by the Constitution, have
invested us for the constitutional period,
with the right to exercise these func
tions.
For my views upon this question
somewhat more in detail, and for the
strongest reasons which can be given
on the other side to sustain this extra
ordinary pretension of power in Con
gress, l beg leave to retier you to the
correspondence between President Da
vis and myself, upon this question; a
copy of which is herewith transmitted
to each branch of the General Assem
bly.
In my letters to the President, will
also be foun<l the reasons which induc
ed me to resist the execution of the
conscription Act of 16th April last, so
far as it related to the officers necessary
Jo the maintenance of the government
ot this State. It may be*proper that I
remark, that my first letter to the Pres
ided upon this question, in which I
notify him that I will resist interference
with the legislative, executive or judi
cial departments of the government of
the State, though dated the 22d of April,
as it was expected to go by the mail of
that day, was prepaied on the previous
day, which was the day the exemption
Act was passed by Congress in secret
session; of the passage of which I had
no knowledge, nor had I ever heard
that such & bill was pending when the
letter was prepared.
The question has frequently been
asked, why I did not resist the opera
tion ot the Act upon the privates as well
as the officers of the rnililia of the State.
But for the extreme emergency in
which the country was at the time
place<i by the neglect of the Confeder
ate Government to make requisition
upon the State for troops, to fill the
places of the twelve months men at an
earlier day, and the fact that the con
scription Act by the repeal of all other
acts which the Ptesident had been au
thorized to raise troops, placed it out
of his power, for the time, to accept
them under the constitutional mode, I
I should have had no hesitation in take-
ing this course. But having entered
my protest against the constitutionali
ty of the Act, and Congress having re
pealed all other act* lor raising troops,
I thought it beston account of the great
public peril, to throw the least possible
obstructions, consistent with the mainte
nance oftbeUovermnentof the State, io
the way of the Condfedrate Govetn ment
in its preparations for our defense. I,
therefore, at the expenseof public cen-
•ure which l saw I must incur by making
the distinction between officers and
privates, determined to content myself