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From the Xutior.ul Intelligencer, Political Kfemily for the Organization cf the Constitutional Union Parly. In all popular governments, parties are a political necessity. Without party or ganization there can he no uuity of action amoug those who have common purposes. The principle on which all parties are formed is, that men think alike are apt to act alike. When the community of thought and purpose ceases to exist, the party which Lad come together on the basis of that common sentiment ought to disband, and generally does disband ; because the on J ly legitimate bond of uuion has been de stroyed. The history or our country affords many illustrations of tho truth ot thi3 proposi tion, Iu England, parties are divided with reference to popular privilege and execu tive prerogative, aud have assumed, re spectively, the name of Whig aud Tory. The Whig parly is the champion of the rights of the people, aud the Tory is the staunch defender of the prerogative of the Crown. At the commencement of our revolu tionary difficulties with the mother conn- try, the party which favored the rights of the Colonies, in opposition to power claim ed by the British sovereign, by analogy to the division of parties in England, assum ed, and, to the close of the struggle, re tained the name of Whig. After our independence was acknowl edged this party ceased to exist, with the cause which had called it iuto being. Between 17S3 aud 1789 new parties, representing new ideas, sprnug into ex istence. The question which then divid ed tho country was w hether the colonies should continue their separate existence as independent sovereignties or form a moro intimate uuion. Tho advocates of a close union assumed the uaine of “Feder al,” or Uuion party, whilst those opposed to their favorite idea took the name of “Anti-Federalists.” The contest between these parties was earnest aud auimated. It ended in the adoption of the Federal Constitution, and shortly afterwards the Anti-Federal ceased to exist. After lac inauguration of Washington, aud especially uuriug his second term, parties sprung up representing the differ ent ideas which were entertained of the true construction of the Constitution, aud ol the relative powers of the Federal and State Governments. The Federal party claimed a more liberal construction of the Constitution and larger ppwers for the Federal Government thau the rival party, which adopted the name ol' “.Republican,” was wiliiug to coucede. During the lat ter year3 »f Washington’s second term aud the administration ol the elder Adams the contest between these parties raged with great fierceness aud violence. The alien and sedition laws gave color to the idea that tho Federal Government was about to uproot all the powers which had been reserved to the States aud the people, aud to establish a grand central power which would override the rights of the States aud the liberties of the people. On these issues parties went before tbe country, and tbe result was tbe election of Jefferson, the Republican candidate, by a triumphant majority. Tbe effect of this election was to establish on a firm ba sis the ascendency of the Republican par ty, and tire Federal party, having lost its cohesive principle, dissolved and disap peared. The republican party held unlimited sway during the administrations of Jeffer son, Madison, and Monroe—a period of twenty four years. Duriug the second term of Mr. Monroe, organisations (I will not call them parties, because they were associated not with refa erence to great political principles, but merely to advance the interests of favorite candidates) were formed to sustain the re spective fortunes of Wm. II. Crawford, An drew Jackson, John Q. Adams, and Hen ry Clay for the Presidency. All these gentlemen belonging to the Republican party, and tbe difference be tween them on fundamental questions was not regarded as material. They repre sented different shades of the same gener al ideas. The contest resulted in the election of Mr. Adam3 by the House of Representa tives—no candidate having received a majority in tbe electoral colleges. Tbe administration of Mr. Adams, though it was as pure and unexceptiona ble as any of its predecessors, was assail- „ ed with extraordinary Littemeaso by the masses of the frieuds of bis defeated ri vals, who assumed the captivating name of “Democratic party,” anu putting for ward Andrew Jackson as their candidate, succeeded iu electing him by an over whelming majority in 1828. General Jackson came in power in 1829, and being a man of iron will, as well as of vigorous mind, bore down all opposition, and administered tbe Government with a strong hand and imperial will. Although professing to belong to tbe old Republican school ot politicians, ho gathered aiound him Livingston, Mclaue, Taney, Dickin son, and other shining lights of the old Federal party, and seemed to have adopt ed their counsels as the rule of his action. The old Republicans and State-rights meu were aghast at the boldness and ex tent of his assumptions of power. They feared that the government was fast tend ing to a consolidated despotism which would eugulf alike the l ights of the States and the liberty of the people. While the public mind was agitated by these apprehensions, the clarion voice ot Henry Clay rang out from tbe Senate of United States an appeal to tbe people to rally under the name of “Whigs” for the restoration of the equilibrum of tbe Con stitution, which had been disturbed by the weight of Jackson’s popularity. The response to this appeal was prompt and energetic, aud iu 1840, Harrison was, almost by acclamation, elected President It would answer no U6ofnl purpose to trace the mutations of parties from 1840 to I860. The questions which divided them were rather ministerial than organ ic. and, as a consequence of tbe want of definite lines of demarcation between them, disintegration, and the shifting of parly relations by promiuent individuals, ensued. This was'unmistakable evidence of their gradual decay. In 1854 the repeal of the Missouri com promise aud the extreme ground taken by the democratic party called iuto existence i the now “so-called” Republican party. Whig party, consequent on its defeat in 1852, and tbe divisions’of the Democratic party, in 1860, the “so called ’ Republi can party was enabled to achieve an easy victory in tbe fall of 1860. Instead of submitting calmly to tbe con sequences of their own mismanagement and internal disseusions, tbe Democratic party adopted the heresy of secession.— At a time when they bad a majority in both branches ef Congress favorable to their policy, and the Supreme Court so . i constituted as to give au effectual guaran tee against any encroachment of their constutional rights, they surrendered all these ramparts of defence, and madly rush into the vortex of disunion and civil war. If it had beeu their purpose to devise and adopt a lino of policy intended to defeat a’il the ends they professed to have in view, and to establish aud consolidate the la consequence of tbe dissolution of the ! meat. power of the Republican party, they could not have found one better adapted to this end. They presented themselves before the world as factious agitators, who could not put their finger on one single griev ance which they had sustained at tbe hands of tbe Federal Government; and they aroused from the Potomac to the St. Lawrence all that uuion feeling which is so deeply imbedded in the hearts of the American people. Tho terrible conflict of arms ensued, which in the fourth year of its continuance, ended iu the overthrow of the military power of the South. The close of tho war found the Republi can party in full possession of power in all the departments of the Government and Congress, representing tbe angry passions which had been excited duriug the con flict. Unmindful of the lessons of history, and the teachings of Christian charity and common sense, that body seems madly bent on mischief. Not only is every con stitutional power invoked to minister to their rage against tho Southern people, but finding the prohibitions aud limita tions of that instrument obstacles in tbe path of vengeauce, they are seeking by more than threescore “amendments” to undermine and overthrow the great char ter of American liberty. Fortunately, that Providence which seems to have guarded aud guided tbe destiny of our country has raised up for the nation a protector in the person of Andrew Johuson, who unites the calmness and law-abiding spirit of Madison to the firmnesB and iron will of Jackson. This man is now tbe hope of the coun try. He stauds like a rock beating back the raging and surging waves ot fanati cism. He is cur city of refuge—our shield of defence. The great issue now before the country is, Shall he be sustained or not ? This issue involves two great questions : 1st. Shall the Union be restored ? 2d. Shall the Constitution be maintain ed ? The next elections are to decide these questions, aud it is time that all true pa triots should begin to organize with refer ence to them. All those who maintain the affirmative of these propositions, without respect to old party relations, or to opinions on col lateral matters, should unite £o sustain tbe Presideut. These are tho vital issues of the day. We should bury all old differ ences on questions that belong to the dead past, and organize and act with reference to the living present. To effect this uuion, we must adopt a name significant of the mission of the new organization. It must reflect the aims and purposes of the -party. These aims are tho restoration of tho Union ana the Con stitution. What name, then can be more appropriate than the “CONSTITUTION AL UNION PARTY?” It embodies the objects and this creed of the party and it would seem that it should commend itself to the judgment of all sober aud discreet patriots. I pray you, then, Messrs. Editors, from the Capitol at Washington, to fling to the breeze the banner of the “Constitutional Union Party,” significant of its purpose by its name, emblazoned with the true but emphatic mottoes of our patriotic sires, “Tbe Union, it must and shall be preserv ed”—“Tbe Constitution and the Union, oue and inseparable, now and forever”— The Constitution, the Union aud the en forcement of the laws.” These are the cherished words of great and good men ; aud who can doubt that if Andrew Jack- son, Daniel Webster, and Henry Clay were now living, they would be standing by the side of Andrew Johnson, sustaining him in his patriotic efforts to accomplish what they had so much at heart. Though tbe mortal meu may not he among us to cheer us on in the paths of du ty, their immortal spirits still inspire the heart and nerve the arm of every true patri ot to uphold the Constitution and the Un ion ! Names are things; they have au effi cacy and a power that are not properly es ti mated. If we expect success in the great na tional struggle we must adopt no narrow partisan or sectional platform. We must have oue broad enough and one strong enough to embrace all who agree on the liviug issues of the day. You canuot rally meu to fight the bat tle impending under the standards and or ganizatious of tho past. They are ef fete—obsolate. They have no relation to the present. It is folly to think that the frieuds of the Constitution and the Union can he brought together as Whigs or Democrats, or by auy other obsolate party designation. I regret to see that the Democrats^! the North seem disposed to adhere to their old party name. If their purpose be to court defeat as they did iu 1860, they a reacting wisely. But if they desiie victory they must deserve it by a patriotic abandon ment of old party names and prejudices. Disguise it as we may, all well-informed men know that democracy, as a party name, is distasteful to the people of the South from its supposed agency in bring ing about our present troubles; and it is distrusted in the North for its alleged sym- pghy with disunion agitators. must deal with things as we find them. Prejudices are facts which must be considered in the business of life. Wheth er well or ili-lorraed they will exert their influence, and especially in political con tests. The living issues have nothing to do with old party questions orold party names. They are higher and broader than any that have heretofore divided the country. They affect not only the Administration, but the very existence of the Govern- We must rife £o the greatness of the oc casion. Momentous events have broken up; ciisbauded party organizations. We must disband party designations. We mustfor- get old party prejudices. We mast sacri fice. all these on the altar of our country.— \Ye must come togetner as patriots.— Our bond of uuion must be of a com mon purpose to restore the Union and to vindicate the Constitution from perversion and from innovation. Let the appeal then go forth to the coun try in behalf of the Constitutio'h and tho Union. The appeal wili not be in vain. or memory lasts. A demoniacal spirit seemed to have taken possession of the soldiery, aud they rushed from bouse to house, firing everything in tbeir progress. Some, indeed many, aided the firemen in their efforts to stay the ravages of the flames ; and as our own men fetl exhaus ted at tbe engines, men in tbe Unitod States uniform stepped up to take their places. Members ot Gen. Sherman’s own staff assisted the firemen. Tbe Geueral himself was obliged to move bis qurters, moro than once or twice, on account of the spread of the conflagration which was aided The friends of Henry Clay and of Andrew | by a high wind. But while some were help- Jacksou, of Millard Fillmore and Frank lin Pierce, will alike respond to it. The policy of Andrew Johnson will give us a solid ground to stand on in the outset, and the restoration and preserva tion of the Utiion, and the vindication and maintenance of tbe Constitution in tbe spirit in which our fathers formed it, will be an enduring bond of fraternity in tbe future. Away, then, with Wbiggery and Dem ocracy, aud all the old trumpery of the past. Let those who value the Union and the Constitution, as above all price, come together, and, with united hearts and voi ces, declare our fixed and unalterable purpose to stand by the “Constitution and the Union,” VIRGiNIUS. From the Savannah Daily Advertiser. The Burning cf Colombia. In our paper of the 14th inst. we publish ed a dispatch from Washington, stating that Senator Sherman of Ohio had presen ted a petition from a citizen of Columbia, asking indemnity for loss sustained by him iu the destruction of his property at the advent of tho U. S. forces under Gen. Sherman. The report says that tho Sena tor read a letter from Geu. Sherman, alleg ing that Columbia was not fired by Fed eral authority, but by order of Gen. Wade Hampton, aud that the town was on fire when he eutered it. When we received that dispatch, we know that it contained a manifest error, but at that time refrained from remarking• .. . . upon it, and would still have muDt.in.d ! . vls, ? n °! tb „ e J Stb A O., that tbay were bileuce but for the sneering the New York Times aad other papers.— ing us, and numbers wore setting new fires, a few, with a diabolical instinct for destruc tion, and a fixed determination, to use their own words, to “burn out this d—d rebel hole,” came along and cut the hose, thus allowing the fire to rage unchecked. Finding their efforts thus rendered fruitless, the firemen departed for their own residences, to endeavor to protect their families from the fury cf an ungoverned aud maddened soldiery. We returned home and there sat through that fearful night, sorrowfully watching the progress of destruction, which fortunately did not reach our dwelling. The hororrs of that night we do not uow propose to dilate up on. They have been made matters of record, but the most tbrilliug and truthful descriptiou falls far short of actuality. We have thus give a plain account of such incidents connected with the burning as cai#a under our peisonal observation, and leave it to the calm judgment of aii unprejudiced minds to decide to whom the responsibility of the destruction of Colum bia really belongs. The following from the same paper, drives the nail in aud clinches it on tbe other side. The Burning of Columbia.—Mr. Ed- itor: Your statement iu this morning’s Advertiser presents the facts connected with tbe burning of Columbia. I will add to it the assertiou that this act of destruc tion was premeditated, and that before Sherman’s army left Savannah, I was told by a Major General in command of a Di- States the proposition to abolish K j av throughout the Union, aud that tiiero^ every reason to expect that it will 3 be accepted by three fourths of th e Slate's" so as to become a part ofjhe uational ’ to Columbia and intended to lay comment, ol » he> „ ^ added funl , etm ^ We cannot believe that Gen. Sherman ev er uttered or wrote the words attributed to him, for be perhaps better than any one else iu tho Federal army, knows that the facts of the case are entiielv different., . .. , We -.vere living iaColu,i,bia’o.,tl,eev-!*' s » al,n 7 t universal from the highest in 1 -**(i to the lowest, and no oue had that theoretically they were” opposed to burning dwelling bouses, but in so far as related to Sooth Carolina, he intended to “shut hit eyes after they crossed the Sa vannah river.” This vindictive feeling i was almost universal from the «• memorable 17th of February, 1865, and I f omD ' a “ d t0 lb ? aod ,10 . °“ e " M * desire uo.v to plane our testimony on rec-! be ‘ 16 / °PP OT <“”"y »• observing it than my Old simply as a matter of history, ,, ld ; self, for their bead qnarters were in my own will therefore give only tbe facts coming; bo " se ' . Savannah. under our personal observation. j Prom the Springfield Kepulrlicaii, (Rep.) Early on the morning of the 17th after j Tria | of j effe „ oa (ten. Johnston, tiov. Alaerath aud other, ,, ,, , nigh military and civil officials had left 1 Mr - ,cold ‘ ,h “. be ' the citv, a white flag was being prepared f a “ M tri,tor * a ™ , ,i0t ? a 1 '“ ,bad - and **7* to be raised on Ibe market steeple as‘soon i,eba ‘ ["eventedtho trial of Dav.a in the as it wa, light, that the Federal forces "V b - v wb ‘ ch ha can be a °"™, ted - might desist from auy further shelling of h / , tbl ? b « ' b ° P«»' d «"‘ a defenceless piace. While the flag was in sboD ! d , ba y. e ° rder ' d bu lr,al b y coar ‘- course of preparation, Geu. Hampton came n, . ar ,“ ab “f- Stevens does not say such along, and requested tbe Mayor to desist, t«al would beeon,tttutional;hei»law- as the city wsl not yet abandoned. About > « enough to know better. Probably ho three hours alter-between eight and nine ™>>l d “ by “the war power, or by o’clock—the Mayor, Dr. Thomas J. Good- that “neeeMlty wbich-know, no law J wyn, and three of tho Aldermen, Messrs. b ! u be d ? e ! 00t , Ba y-. Ho ®" d " 1 c0 " ,<> - Jobn Mckenzie, Jacob F. Wells amf John men . t 10 , d ? d K° tbe P omt - ? ba '' hol “ mat ' Stork, went in a carriage to meet the Fed- ter ,s P la,n 10 who c ?”. r6ad tlle oral commander aud surrender the city, Geu. Hampton and the rear guard of the Confederate army having then just gone out by tbe Wiuusboro road, and left us to our fate. At a little after 10, tbey return ed, aud with them a Col. Stooe, of some Western regiment, we think either Indi ana or Minuessota. They stopped iu front of the market, aud in the pres- euce ot several prominent citizens Col. property should be respected, tbit they 1 " te 1 r P°« d object,ons to the constitutional were obliged to destroy public buildings, '!' lal ol Dav ‘“’ aud , b< ‘5’ ar0 object,on. but in doing so, care would be taken that ,bat “° b « wboll >' ' em0 ” d fo / ' evot ' as little damage as possible should be done f y« r »- So l.»“g a » Oongresa does not to property owned by individuals. U = clare Vtrgm.a to be m the Union, and About 1 o'clock, some cotton had been s0 ‘"“S * 8 ioderal tr00 P« are ke P‘ tbe game law. The Conference Comafitte to amend by mutual acquiescence, with 0 ,! procuring an agreement of views on ti> several matters discussed or auy of Nevertheless it is of seme importance we have been able to submit our and views directly to prominent insurgent* and hear them answer iu a certain anj D , ’ unfriendly manner. tin- Constitution. Jeff. Davis aud the other traitors can only be tried by jury, and in the State and district where the offence was committed. They are entitled to a speedy and public trial; to be confronted with tbe witnesses against them, aud to have all the other securities given to tbe accused. Treason is defined iu fhe Constitution ; tbe evidence nocessary for conviction is specified, aod the punishment definitely fixed. The Chief Justice has Woman's Honor to the Gallant Dead. The following article, contributed ofig» ioally to the Columbus Sun, lias been sent to us by a lady. It contains the lan guage of tbe heart and nill speak for it self : Columbus, Ga., March 1C, 1866 Messrs Editors : Tbe . ladies are now, and have been for several da}-a, engaged in the sad but pleasant duty of ’ornament ing and ineprovrug that portion of tbe city cemetery, aacred to the memory of ourgaU lant Confederate dead, d>ut we feel it an unfinished work unless a day be set apart annually (or its special attention. Wo cannot r&Le monumcnal ahafts, aud de* scribe thereon their many deeds of hero ism, but we can keep alive the memory of tbe debt we owe them, by at ieast dedi cating one day in each year to embellish ing their bumble graves with flowers.— Therefore we beg the assistance of the Press and the Ladies throughout the South, to aid us iu our efforts to set apart a certain day to be observed from the Po tomac to the Rio Grande, aud be handed down through time as a religious custom of the country to wreathe the graves of our martyred dead with flowers. (We would propose tbe day of April, as at that time our land may he truly called the “land of flowers.”) Let every city, town and village join iu the pleasant duty; let all be alike remembered from the he roes of Manassas to those who expired amid tho death throes of our hallowed cause. We’ll crown alike the honored resting plsces of the immortal Jackson, in Virginia, Johnson, of Shiloh, Cleburne, iu Tennessee, and the host of gallant privates who adorned our rauks—all did their du ty, and to all we owe our grattitude. Let the soldiers’ grave far that day at least be tbe Southern Mecca to whose sbriue her sorrowing women, like pilgrims, may annually bring their grateful hearts aud floral offerings. And when we remember the thousands who were buried with “their martial cloaks around them,” without Christian ceremony of interment for their bsloved bodies, we would invoke tbe aid of the most thrilling eloquence throughout the land, to inaugurate the custom by de livering ou tbe appointed day, this year, an eulogy ou the unburied dead of our glorious Southern army. They died for their couutry. Whether their country had, or had not, the rigbt to demand the sacrifice, is ns looger a question of discus sion with ns. We leave that for the fu ture nations to decide. That it was de manded, that tbey nobly responded, and fell holy sacrifices upon tbeir country’s al«< v .-.I j . .i • J i eminent itself, should resume specie pay- tar, and are thereoy entitled to their coun- i ment v 1 ‘ r Vhfproud 6 bw°.r W, und« y ;bi«h tb.y j »»'■ Wsmivorth. But .appose Secret,,, ii ? j ; j / t , i ti ^ t McCulloch can doit, rallied iu defense of tbe noblest cauge for which heroes feught, or trusting woman prayed, has beeu furled forever. The The best jokz of the season U doubtediy that of Mr. Stevens ai !( j Wentworth endorsing each other 1 !, hon esty- Let ns, implored Wentworth, he Locej* tchile we are together. \Immense UugLi er Mr. Wentworth. The gentleman aud 1 are acting together now. Mr. Stevens. Not a bit of it. ILajgh. ter.J Mr. WeDtworth. I think bo is hones; [Laughter.) I mean to be. Mr. Stevens. I will endorse you well as myself. [Merriment.] Mr. Weutworth. The question is how far we can travel together. Let us ag rtt to be honest with one another while we art together. When we can bo longer act to gether honestly we will part. What I want my friend from Pennsylvania to state is this . [Here Mr. Stereu looks at his watch with the air of a pa tient martyr.] He wants to close mectf. [Laughter.] This Speaker. The gentleman from Pennsylvania has only five minutes ot hi; time left. Mr. Wentworth [addressing Mr. Ste vens.] You know more than all of ue p,; together. [LaughUr.] Just state to this house fairly and candidly whether, if follow you, you can lead us to specie par- ments—[shouts of laughter]—and whftii, er you would if you could ? Now, pl» v fair. Mr. Stevens. My friend need not ap. peal to me as a Republican. I know no party on his question. Mr. Wentworth. I followed you be- eattte I supposed you were a Republican, [Continued men iment.| Mr. Stevens, [seriously.] All I can lay is that if I believed we could resume spe. cie payment in a mouth without crushing the country, injuring labor, breaking Joira manufactures, and oppressing the people,' I would, if I had the power, order that every bank iu the country, and the Gov- j If he can, I will give him State as a precaution against possible out break, Judge Chase insists that Davis cannot be tried. Punishment before con viction, however manifest the guilt of a culprit may be, is neither consistent with statute law nor natural justice; and it is not the wrong done to hint so much as that done to the Constitution by putting off the trial that is most to be deprecated. Dick Taylor, the cruel turnkey of Libby Prison at Richmond, is so mnch affected by his placed iu main street in front of the Ex-, change Block, was set on fire and at the summons of tho bell, tbe fire companies of the city assembled and extinguished it.— While they were playing on the cotton, fire was discovered in the jail, iu. the imme diate vicinity, ivhich was set on fire by 6ome of the piisouers. A few moments sufficed to put this oit*, and by this time the cottou in the street was pretty well consumed without having communicated . , - . - . j. ,,,, rigorous Confinement iu the same prison, fare to any of the adjacent buildings. Xhe- , . , . , , , , ... -. i *■ ,| J a- that his hair hasturuod completely white, writer, being then an officer of the “lnde-, T ,. , , ,, . . , /, ,, j * tv 8 -p /i .» t Let him bo legally tried and legally puu- peudent ± ire Engine Company, was re-j . . . „ j .l. ° J . t n % * 6 ., . . i su ■ ished. He may deserve the worst that quested by the president to look after the , . n . . , . , . „ . 1 ,, r e .u .. • *1 - can be inflicted upon him; but we cannot smouldering embers of the cotton in the _ , . . , r • , . , , , , ... , i afford to punish men without law, however street, aud we accordingly went there aud . , , A , r , n ... j .t t , i wicked thev may be. 1 he precedent and relieved those on tbe bose, tvho were i , , „ fect > r6 b „ d and £ !eem , weak playing from ft bydraut, «, nolb.ng re-; d coward , fur , great na ,i„ n persist *■- ‘“*. br °.? a * l,ia "; in sucl. a course. Let tbe traitors be tried; While thus enga-,, h# Con9lit „ tinu and | a „, bo vindica . maioed to be done but to throw stream on the embers, ged, Gen. Sherman and his staff came down the street aud passed within a few feet of us. Geu. S. is aware that tbe cot ton fire was then almost out, us some of his staff rode over the ashes where tho fire bad been. There were no more fires or alarms in the city until about four o'clock in the evening, when the bell sent forth its sums mons. On going to the engine house, we found that the alarm arose from the buru- ing of the houses occupied by Gen, Hamp ton, Gen. Lovell, Secretary Tronholm and others, which were from one to three miles outside the city limits. As the firemen could not do any good in that locality, having no suction hose arranged and fear ing fires in the city, the engines were not takeu from their houses. By order of the Presidents of the companies, a detail of men remained at each engine house, while tho others returned home. Ou passing up Maine street, ou our way home, we saw Federal soldiers setting fire in the store oc cupied by tbe “Central Association,” a so ciety formed for the purpose of supplying clothing and forwarding supplies from their friends to those in the Confederate army. This fire was tramped cut and ex» tinguisbed, some Federal officers aiding in the work. At this time there was no fire in the city, the burning cotton, which is said to have been the cause of the destruction of the city, having been completely extinguish ed some hours previously. A short time after, just after dark, the torch was ap plied to several buildings iu different pla ces, the nearest more than four huudred yards to Iceward of where the cotton had been burning. Then commenced a scene whose horrors will live in tbe remembrance of those who were preseut as long as life ted. If the Chief Justice persists in obstruc ting the course of justice, it becomes the obvious duty of Congress to seek a remedy The permanent suspension of tbe Const! tution and laws, even by a Chief Justice, is not to be tolerated. country for which they suffered aud died has now no name or place among the na tions of tbe earth. Legislative enact ments may not now be made to do honor to their memories—but tbe veriest radical that ever traced his genealogy back te tbe deck of May Flower, could Bot deny us the simple privilege of paying honor to those -who died defending the life, honor aud happiness of the Southern Women. The fiamploa Uoath Conference. MR. SEWARD’S ACCOUNT. New York, March 26.—The letter of Secretary Seward to our Embassador in Europe, Charles F. Edwards, giviDg an official history of the Hampton Roads Peace Conference during the winter of 1564 and 18G5, between Presideut Lincoln and Secretary Seward on oar side, and Messrs. A. H. Stephens, R. M. T. Hunter and J. A. Campbell ou tho other, is pub- ished, The Secretary says that on the morning of the 3d the President, attended by the Secretary, received Messrs. Stephens, Hunter and Campbell, on board tbe U. S. steam transpoit River Queen, in Hampton Roads. Tho conference was altogether informal; tl^ero was no attendance of Sec retaries, Clerks or witnesses. Nothing was written or read. The conversation, though, earnest aud free, was calm, cour teous and kind ou both sides. The Rich mond party approached the discussion rather indirectly, and at no time did either make categorical demands or stipulation or absolute refusal. Nevertheless, during the conference, which lasted four hours, the several points at issue, between the . 9 UB ? POR Diptiieria.—A French pnv Government and the insurgents, were dis» ilc,4Q * paper presented to tbe Irenes Mr. Stevens, great credit. Mr. Wentworth. I believe he can, therefore I shall vote for the bill. Mr. Stevens. My friend from Illinois is honest, and baa faith like tw-o grains oi | mustard seed. [Laughter.] Mr. Wentworth. I have followed yon j on the negro question. [Shouts cf Laugh ter.J Mr. Stevens. And I shall be very glad to follow my friend from Illinois. Mr. Wentwoith, I do not want you h . follow me. I want dollar for dollar. Will | yon give us specie payment? Mr. Stevens. I have said that I would M if I could. Mr. Wentworth. Well, McCulloch will jj do it. Mr. Stovens. I will not go for giving j to any man the power contained in this bill. I would hardly entrust it to my j friend [Mr. Wentworth] himself. Mr. Wentworth. Well, I trusted yon J on the negro question. I want you to i trust me on finances. Play fair. [Laughs || ter.j The colloquy between Messrs Stevens and Wentworth was greatly enjoyed by the House. Few members were m their seats, but were standing in the ar9a and 9 aisles in vicinity of tbe two principal ae g tors, applanding and encouraging them. ] There is a serious aspect to the abure Attributing to Mr. Stevens the possessioc of more knowledge than all the rest of tbe Republicans is the secret of the overseer power be has in the Honse. When, too, ■ the imputation of honesty to the leader ^ provokes general derisive laughter, the ; proceedings will not reflect muchcrediup on our legislators'—National Intelligent' J A Manufacturing Town.—There are now over 500 large manufacturing estab lishments iu Pittsburg and surburbs, among which ovre 50 glass factories, 5S oil refiue ries, 31 rolling mills, 46 iron foundries, 33 machine shops, 12 boiler works, 6 large steel works, 10 brass foundries, 16 potteries, 5 cotton mills, 4 wollen mills, 9 plow works, 10 establishments for heavy forg ing ; also a number of extensive white lead factories, chemical works, saw, axe, cop per and other manufactories of only the great staple of trade, turning out nearly $100,000,OoO in value of her own manufac ture, making it the largest manufacturing city of tho West. Flight nr Time.—“Forty years one# seemed a long weary pilgrimage to make. It uow seems but a step ; and yet along the way arc broken ahriuos, where a thou sand hopes waited iuto.ashes; footprints sacred under their drifting dust, green mounds where grass is fresh with the wa tering of tears, shadows eveu which we would not forget. We will gamer tbe sun- sbipe of those years, and with chastened steps, and hope push on toward the twink ling, where the waters are still, and the storms never beat." The Mexican Time*, of January 27, says that several ex-confederates had arrived at (Joruova en route to the American colony near Mari tan. This colony is doing well, and eotton is being exten sively planted. A Portuguese colony is settling at Huacbing oe. tinstly raised and discussed fully, intelli gently, and in an amicable manner. What the insurgent party seemed chiefly to fa vor was a postponement of the question of separatiou upou which the war was waged, and a mutual direction of the efforts of tha Government, as well as those of the insur gents, to some intrinsic policy or scheme for a season, duriug which, passion might be expected to subside,* and the armies be reduced and trade and intercourse between the people of botb sections resumed. It was suggested by them that through such a postponement we might have immediate peace, with some not very certain pros pects of an ultimate satisfactory adjust ment of political relations. This sugges tion, though deliberately considered, was nevertheless regarded by the President as one of armistice or truce, and lie had an nounced that we cau agree to no cassation or suspension of hostilities, except on the basis of the disbandoument of the insur gent forces and tbe restoration of t^e States in tbe Union. Collateral, and m the subordinate to the proposition that was thus announced, the anti-slavery of the United States was revived iu all its bear ings, and the President announced that he must not be expected to depart from the positions he had heretofore assumed in bis proclamation of emancipation and other documents. These positions were reiter ated in hie annual message. It was fur ther declared by the President that tbe complete restoration of the national au thoi-ity waa au indispensable condition of asseutouour part to whatever form of peaee (right be proposed. The President assured the other party that while we must adhere to these positions, be wonld be prepared, so far as the power lodged with the Executive, to hierctse liberality. His power j&.limited by the Constitution, and when peace should be made, Congress must necessarily act iu regard to the ap 'propriaiion of money, a*d to tho admission of Representatives from insurrectionary States. The Riahmond party were then informed that Congress had, on tbe 31st ult. adopted by a constitutional majority a joint resolution, submitting to the several Academy of Medicine, asserts that leiaon juice is oue of the most efficacious medi cines which can be applied in diptLerit and he relates that when he was a dresser in the hospital his own life was saved by its timely application. He got three dc*- en lemons and gargled his throat with tbe juice swallowing a little, at the same time, in order to act on the more deep sealed parts. Ad % exchange says: “A yoang lady of f' nr i ? c .' lance, yoang, lovely and intelligent, cx- d!l on a celebrated physician te do ‘something’ w 1 rush of blood to the head. *1 have been doctoring myself,’ said the langp-- fair one, with a senile, to the blatf. though bin-’ M. D., while he was leelingher puls*. ‘Why, I have taken Brandreth’s pills, l* arr ' pills, Stranberg’s pills, Sands’ Sarsaparilla, hi 1 *! Expectorant, used Dr. Sherman's Loxengci, » b - plasters and’— ‘My Heavens, Madam !* interrupted the ished doctor, ‘all these do yonr compia‘ nt BiI good!’ ‘No! Then what shall I taka?’ pettishlyinq air ‘ ed the patient. ‘Take!’ exclaimed the doctor, eyeing her head to foet: ‘take!’ exclaimed he, after a ment’sreflection, ‘why, take off your cornets! Girls, read and heed; be wise before yo !1 ,r ® confirmed invalids. Mothers! talk to your dsn*'- tsrs. The above is more truthful than fanciful u witty. In a letter to tne J>ew iorx v> aicnmau, --- Johnson, Esq., of Montgomery, Ala., surikt* ^ nail on the head, in the following paragraph Tbe letter was written in New York; I say uow, as I said in the North and "VV e»* 1 months s.go, when there, that we are willing » bygones bygones, if yon are ; that we : seen in the last fonr years enough ol st.i« bloodshed te last us our lifetime; that we ba»« ^ much to do in repairing onr broken fortune : spend time in quarreling with auy man whoq ing to get an honest living. I further sou ^ should not expect to see a man eome Soau 1 make it his business to use all sorts of Irare * against the Southern people. Neither b out into your streets and declare that the j people were a set of liars and sconndrels- ^ did, I ahonld expect to be knocked down- j should you go South and act thus, you*.^ share the same fate. But so long ss you *** j there as I do here, your will be treated aatoj gentlemanly, as I have been here. The Internal revenue receipt* still keep '‘P the average of eight hundred thouaauu ucii day. The Bight Spirit. letter to the New York Watchman, T-