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Government should allow Gen. Miles to I
review his letters to his wife. They bad
to pass through the hands of Attorney-Gen
eral Speed, who should be a quite compe
tent judge of offeusivo matter, or what was
deemed offensive. Gen. Miles had return
ed to him several pages of a letter written
to Mrs. Davis, containing only a descrip
tion of his new prison in answer to her in
quiries, the General declaring such des
cription to be objectionable, perhaps sus
pecting that if told where be was contined
Mrs Davis would storm the fort and rescue
him vi e- armis. This was both absurd
and cruel—one of those petty acts of ty
ranny which was without excuse, because
without any sufficient object. In regard
to attempts at esd(^)e, General Miles might
give himself no uneasiness. Mr. Davis de
sired a trial both for himself and cause,
and if all the doors and gates of the fort
were thrown open be would not leave. If
anywhere in the South tho Confederate
cause yet lived, the thing would be differ
ent ; but as the cause was now wrapped
in the shroud of a military defeat, the on-
lv duty left to him—his oujy remaining
object—was to vindicate the object of his
people, and his own object as their repre-
icntative, by a fair and public trial.
On the 25th of October last, “Mr. Davis
having complained that his clothing was
too thin for the increasing cold” of a room
in which there was no fire, Dr. Craven re
quested a “friend to procure a good heavy
black pilot overcoat” and “some flannels
for the prisoner.”
“These acts,” says Dr. Craven, “appear
ing to me innocent, and even laudable,
caused me great trouble, as may be seen
by the following correspondence, finally
leading to a peremptory order which alto-
get her broke off the previously free relations
I had exercised with Mr. Davis.
Dr. Craven states that on the 10th of
November last, in consequence of “cer
tain comments in the newspapers upon an
overcoat having’been ordered for Mr. Da
vis of S. W. Owens, a tailor of-Washing
ton city, he received a brief official letter
from the Major General commanding,”
(Miles) inquiring if any orders had been giv-
en by him” (Craven) “for an overcoat for
Jefferson Davis.”
To this important official interrogatory,
Craven at once replied “respectfully.”
that “he did order a thick overcoat,
woolen drawers and undershirts for
Mr. Davis, because the prisoner was fee
ble in health aud the winds of the coast
cold 'and piercing.” *
Upon this reply, Miles, on the ISth of
November, burled a second official order at
Craven to the effect that, “in future yon
give no orders for Jefferson Davis without
iirst communicating with these Head Quar-
teis and also that in future your conversa
tions with Jeffeison Davis must be confin
ed strictly to professional matters.” “Iiead
Turnkey” Miles then closed his angry ol
der with the following reference to the
“inomeutous overcoat” : “You will also re
port the price paid for Jefferson Davis’
overcoat, and by whom paid !” To this
note Craven replied that lie did “not know
the cost of the overcoat—had uot received
the bill, but would send it to Gen. Miles
when received."
A few days afterwards the noble Miles,
burning with patriotic impatience, again
wrote to Craven asking “if the overcoat
furnished to the prisoner had been paid
for?” To this letter Craven responded
“that parties unknown had paid for the
overcoat without his approval, knowledge
or consent.” Thus ended the famous “o-
vercoat correspondence,” which terminat
ed the humane and pleasant intercourse of
the illustrious prisoner and liis kind phy
sician.
These humane transactions of Dr. Cra
ven, led to his discharge on the 25th of
December, 1865, and Dr. Cooper was ap
pointed to his place.
General Summary in Conclusion—The
Chut oiler ( f Mr. Davis—Let us be mcr-
ciful.
And now my diary of a most interest
ing patient ceases, for underthe orders dat
ed November 18th, contained in tbe close
of the preceeding chapter, I could hold no
conversation with him except on “strictly
professional matters,” up to the date of my
being relieved from duty at the fort, which
took place near the end of December,
1865, and these would be of no interest to
the public, even were I at liberty to reveal
them. Mr. Davis occasionally suffered in
health during the last month of my re
maining his medical attendant, but the
history of Lis trifling ailments per se, and
unrelieved by any conversation, would
not form either a pleasant or amusing re
cord. With the officers of tho 6th U. S.
Artillery, as with his previous friends of
the 3d Pennsylvania, he. continued to have
most agreeable relations—Major Charles
P. Munlenburgh, Capt. S. A. Day, and
many others, displaying both geuerosity
and consideration in the treatment of the
distinguished captive. Indeed, it was a
remark which must have been forced ou
every observer, both duiing tbe war and
siuce, that it is among the non-belligerents
of the North—the men. one would think,
with least cause to hate or oppress our re
cent Southein enemies—that we must look
for those who appear actuated by the most
vindictive feelings.
It was not my intention to have publish
ed this narative until after the trial of the
prisoner; but on submitting the matter to
irieuds, whose judgmeut I relied upon, it
was decided that there was no material in
these pages which could bias or improper
ly interfere with public opinion, or the due
course of justice. It must bo remembered
that during the past year Mr. Davie
has lain a silent prisoner in one of our
strongest forts, unable to reply by so much
as a word to the myriad assaults which
have been made both on his private char
acter and public course. This is absolute
ly the first statement in his favor—if so it
can be regarded—which the Northern
press has yet given to the world ; and the
caBe against that prisoner must indeed be
weak which cannot bear allowing a single
voice to be raised in his defence, while
seven-eights of the Northern journals have
been industriously engaged in manufsctu
riug public sentiment to his injury. I
know my notes are very imperfect—that I
have lost much which would have been
valuable to history ; but such brief mem
oirs as I made were not originally intend
ed for publication, but for my owu pleas&
ure and instiuction, and that of my fami
ly ; and it has been my conscientious effort
to report him as he was, neither inventing
any new sentiments to put in his mouth,
or suppressing any material views on pub*
lie questions which appeared in my note
book. In many of the important political
conversations, let me arid, the words arc j
as nearly as possible the exact language
used by Mr. Davis, my memoranda upon
such matters having been made as full as
possible.
His self-coutrol was the feature of his
character, knowing that his temper had
been high and proud, which most struck
me during my attendance. His reticence
was remarked on subjects where he knew
we must differ; and though occasionally
speaking with freedom of slavery, itwasas
a philosopher rather than a politician—
rather as a friend to the negro, and one
sorry for his inevitable fate in the futuse,
than with rancor or acrimony against thore
opponents of the institution whom lie re
garded as responsible for the war, with all
its attendant horrors and sacrifices. Of
the “abolitionist.” as such, he never spoke,
thongh often of tbe anti-slavery senti
ment ; and lie impressed me as having in
good faith accepted the new order of things
which the late struggle aud its suppres
sion have made necessary.
The Southern States have been essen-
tially conquered by military force, and now
—taking tbe woise view of the case—
await such terms as the conqueror may see
fit to impose. The problem before, all good
men in the country—that for which our
soldiers aud sailors poured out their blood,
and all loyal men labored and made sac
rifices in their respective spheres—is the
restoration of the Union as it existed in
harmony, glory and prosperity before the
recent war, with, of course, such changes
and modifications as the rebellion may
have proved necessary. Tho writer be-
leives it will be found that the men w T ho
were chief actors in the late rebellion are
now the promptest and most clear-headed
in accepting its results, and are not only
willing but solicitous to accept and forward
all such changes as the new order of things
may render requisite, passing a sponge
over the political errors of the past, and
now only aiming to direct their people in
the road by which the material prosperity
and glory of the Union, one and indivis*
able may be most quickly secured lor the
benefit of all interests and sections.
Mr. Davis is remarkable for the kindli
ness of his nature and fidelity to friends.
Of none of God’s creatures does he seem
to wish or speak unkindly ; and the same
fault fouud with Mr. Lincoln—unwilling
ness to sanction the military severities
essential to maintain discipline—is the
the fault I have heard most strongly urg-
ged against Mf. Davis.
As for the rest, the character of Mr. Da
vis, we bebeve, will recieve justice In his
tory. Mistaken in devotion to a theory of
State sovereignty, which before the recent
■war, was all but universally accepted by
both secth ns, be engaged reluctantly (as
lie says) iu a rebellion for the sustainment
of his faith. He and those who thought
and acted with him have suffered terribly
for that error ; but it can neither be mag
nanimity nor wisdom to slander or oppress
them in their moment of misfortune. It i.-
by the conciliatory aud generous policy of
President Andrew Johnson that the bleed
ing gashes of tbe body politic are to be
bound up aud healed ; and in a restoration
of tbe Union as it existed before tbe late
sad conflict—with only slavery abolished,
the rebel debt repudiated, and tbe nation
al debt accepted iu good fairb—the aspi
rations of those who served in our army
and navy will be most happily realized.
If Mr. Davis has been guilty of any pri*
vate crime, such as connivance with the
assassination of Mr. Lincoln or unauthor
ized cruelties to our prisoners, no punish
ment can bo too Leavy for him ; but let
the fact of his guilt be established in fair
and open trial. If, on the other hand, his
only guilt has been rebellion, let a great
nation show the truest quality of great
ness—magnanimity—by including him in
the wide folds of that act oi amnesty and
oblivion, in which all his minor partners
civil and military, in the late Confederacy
are now so wisely enveloped. Make him a
martyr aud his memory is dangerous; treat
him with the generosity of liberation, and
he both can, and we think, will be a pow
er for good in the future of peace and res
tored prosperity which we hope for the
Southern States.
Radical Hypocrisy.
The radicals in Congress, when vindicat
ing or justifying their opposition to South
ern representation in Congress, dwell with
marked emphasis upou their oft repeated
chargo that if Southern members are al
lowed to sit and vote they will, by reaffili
ating with tho “Copperheads,” create a
majority against tho so-called “Unionists,”
which will endanger the Government.—
The Reconstruction Committee, says in
their report, in so many words, that the
great question now before Congress is:—
“Whether conquered rebels may change
thpir theatre of operations from the battle
fields, where they were defeated and over
thrown, to the hails of Congress, aud their
representatives seize upon tbe Govern
ment they fought to destroy.” In another
equally exaggerated passage, the Commit
tee blatently enquire whether the “loyal
States” are willing, by admitting these
members without conditions, to put into
their keeping “the national treasury, the
army of the nation, its navy, its forts and
arsenals, its pensioners, its widows and or
phans of those who perished during tho
war, and the public honor, peace and safe
ty.” It is by such hypocritical and art
ful appeals as this to the unsuspecting
masses of the North, that tho Radicals |
manage to maintain their supremacy iu |
tbe Councils of’ tho NfUion. To expose I
the fallacy, nay, the downright absurdity, j
of this affected apprehension of danger,
admitting that the Southern members an*'
animated by the wicked notions ascribed |
to them, it is only necessary to submit a
few facts in the form of figures, which can - j
not lie. A full House of Representatives,
consists now of 2-13 members- Of these
the Radicals have about 143, the Demo
crats say 40, and there are 5S members
from Southern States, when admitted. Iu
tbe Senate there aie . 40 Radicals to 10
Democrats, 22 from the Southern States
being excluded.
Now, if the Southern Senators and Rep-1
resentatives were all in their seats, there
would still remain in the House 143 radi- !
cals to 98 opposition, a majority of 47 : !
aud in the Senate 40 Republicans to 32 !
opposition, a majority of 8.
But a more critical analysis of the ng- j
gregate strength of the South in Congress ;
discloses the fact that it does not amount 1
to anything at all. For our estimate in- !
eludes on the Southein side the Senators;
and Representatives from- Tennessee and j
Arkansas, who cousort with the radicals,!
and are ready to swear themselves into
Congress in any way that will enable them
to get there. ■
It is therefore apparent that if the whole
Southern delegation were, as they are not,
however, demons ( r destructiveness, deter
mined ou pulling down tiie Government
over their own heads, and if every Demo
crat in the Houses were as m^dly bent on
ruin, they could do r -t; eg against the
majority of the Republic:, is. Then how
infamously mean and insincere are those
artful demagogues in Congress who thus
practice on the credulity of their followers
by making representations us false as they
are malicious—News 4' Herald.
Ah Important Point in History Settled.
Much has been written and spoken, as
to upon whose shoulders should rest the re
sponsibility of inaugurating the hostilities
which culminated in the late disgraceful
and disastrous civil war. Recent develop**
menls have placed this matter beyond
question or dispute. Sometime during the
past winter, John M. Bolts, in a publica
tion, charged the Hou. J. B. Baldwin, of
the Convention of that State which passed
the ordinance of secession, afterwards a
Colonel in the Confederate Army, subse
quently a member of the Confederate
Congress, and present Speaker of tbe
house of Delegates ol the Virgiuia Legisia
ture, with withholding ftom the Conven
tion a proposition made to him by Mr.
Lincoln, to evacuate Fort Su'mter, and
submit the questions of difference between
the two sections to the decision of a Nation
al Convention, provided the Convention,
ol Virginia, then in session, would adjourn
without passing an ordinance of secession.
While no man acquainted with Messrs
Baldwin and Butts couid hesitate in opin
ion on a question of personal veracity
raised between the two, and the very
able and zealous efforts made by tho for
mer, to avoid a dissolution of the govern
ments, were sufficient answer to any
charge imputing to him a desire to provoke
a conflict of arms, there was iu the pub
lished statement of Bolts much of plausi
ble probability which demanded answer
and refutation by competent proof. Mr
Baldwin has furnished this, in a pamphlet,
co'pious extracts from which appear in a
late number of the "Richmond Dispatch.”
His version of the interview between Mr.
Lincoln and himself, is endorsed by Hon
Geo. W. Bummers, A. H. H. Stuart, Sain*
uel Price, Robert Whitehead and others,
distinguished cit izeus of Virginia and mem
bers ol the Convention. From this it ap
pears that Mr. Baldwin* was sent lor
by Mr. Lincoln to come to Washington “in
a hurry” for the purpose ol consultation
upon matters of vital importance. By the
advice of friends, Mr. Baldwin went, and
iu advance of the time named by Mr. Lin
coln. The proposed interview waft held,
and resulted in the conviction of Mr. Bald
win, that tlie prospect of averting the
threatened troubles, was almost, if not en
tirely hopeless. Notwithstanding lie was
there in advance if time, and urged upon
Mr. Lincoln as the only means of safe-
ty, the evacuation of Forts Sumter aud
Pickens, and the calling of a National
Convention, he was met by the sterotyped
reply “ It is too lute,” and though repeated
!y asking, he was not informed why it
was too late.
Immediately following the publication
of Mr. Baldwin’s pamphlet, appears the
subjoined letter strongly corroborating the
truth of his statements:
Richmond, June 26, 1S66.
To the Kditors of the Dispatch.
After reading the letters of the two difT-
titiguished \ irgiuians, Butts aud Baldwin,
in relation to a conversation each of them
iiau with the late President Lincoln, it has
occurred to me that they are both correct
in regard to their conversations with Pres
ident Lincoln, and that he made a mistake
in the person to whom lie pledged himself
to withdraw the troops from Fort Sumter.
In March, 1861, while in the City of
Washington, I received a letter from the
late Archbishop of Baltimore,enclosing one
lor Senator Douglass, from the Bishop of
Chicago. 1 called on Senator Douglas at
Ilia residence, in company with a distin
guished clergyman of Washington, and
learned that he was confined to his chain
her and delivered the letter to him.
I was subsequently informed by the
clergyman lh.it Senator Douglas had been
v. itii President Lincoln until a late Lour
the night before, and that the war would
he averted, because P» esidont Lincoln had
promised him (Senator Douglas) to with
draw ihe troops from both Pickens and
Bumter. About tliij? time the Governors
or the northern and western States arriv
ed in Washington and prevented the Pres
ident from ordering the evacuation of
Bumter. When Senator Douglas heard of
the change the President views had un
dergone, he called to see him, and charged
him with loving his party more than be
did his country. These facts made an im
pression upon my mind, because 1 was then
an officei in the United States navy, aud
was greatly interested in the success of Sen
ator Douglas’s noble efforts to prevent civil
war. louis, E. B. Boutwell.
This furnishes the cine to the enigmati
cal “too late,” and fixes upon Mr. Lincoln
tbe responsibility for the war. To his
vascillatiou under the bulleyings and im
portunities of those “Northern Governors”
who are still fanning the flames of discord,
is the world indebted for one of the dark
est episodes in its history and we for the
hardest of desolation reaped from a strug
gle to preserve our rights aud honor.
By the Peace Convention held in Wash
ington, by the numerous and authoritative
declarations that she desired only to be
“let alone,” by this mission of Mr.Baldwin,
and by tbe Peace Commission sent by the
Confederate Government, the Bouth stands
forever absolved from any responsibility
for tho war—its conduct or its results.
A National Picture.—Tbe Richmond
Times make the following suggestion :
"There is wo believe, still a vacant pan
el iu the rotunda of tho Capitol at Wash
ington, which patiently awaits its inevita
ble fate, in the form of some hideous daub
of a ‘national painting.’ It is at the pau-
el next to that ‘shin piece,’ where the tal
ent of the artist was exhausted in painting
the well-developed legs of tho signers of
the Declaration of Independence. As the
Jacobins are doublets proud of tbe late
triumph of American valor over a feeble,
old, and helpless prisoner; let Congress
appropriate $50,000 for a giganfic paint
ing of the ‘Placing Shackles upon Jeffer
son Davis.’ It is a magnificent subject
for an accomplished artist. The cold,
clamp cheerless, cell, the small iron bed
stead, the fragment of mouldy bread, tbe
overturned tin cup of dirty water, the bold
assault of a dozen stalwart armed soldiers
upon a feeble old prisoner, the heavy man
acles and the uplifted sledge-hammer of
the herculean blacksmith, are splendid
materials for a great national picture. As
a certain poetic license is allowed to ar
tists, head turnkey Miles should be intro
duced looking at this noble and inspirit
ing exhibition of America valor and hu
manity through a double barred wiudew.”
Watches—Solution of Difficulties.
Our French Cousins have recently been
so deeply exercised iu relation to tlio offi
cial “figures” respecting the division of
“watches,” iu the Northern States, that it
can be bnt a duty, little short of visiting
the widows and tbe fatherless in tbeir af
fliction,” to relieve them if possible, from
their afflictive dilemma !
Well, it does, at first sight, seem incred
ible, that in this advauced age of “iuven
tions and conveniences,” not a single watch
is found iu either Connecticut or Rhode
Island ; and but “seventy-nine” in all New
England ! But, so the figures declare ? —
And Yankeedom itself being judge, “fig-
ures” and “niggers” never lie, even if
“white folks” do ! All, then that is left
for us to do, is to account for the astoun
ding fact. And 1st. As regards Connec
ticut, and her little sister “Rhoda,” they
having been tbe burning focus of the “Hart
ford Convention” secession and antLwar
movements in 1814 ; and again, from 1860
to the present hour, having been up to Neb
uchadnezzar heat of wrath and vengeful
feeling against “secessionists”—red, also,
with tbe blood of the martyrs slain in de
fence of the Southern cause, they must
have on mature reflection, become convin
ced that their course of conduct would not
bear “watching ;” and hence, before the
Assessors came round, they handed them
over to “Fenians,” to bear them off into “a
land not inhabited.”
2nd. As regards Massachusetts, tbe
probability is that as she had within her
“Pilgrim Rock” domains, the great “U
S. Armory”—was “cute” enough also,
tf) see that while watches and clocks
would be taxed, “Arms” would be at a
“premium,” she had her whole stock of ar
ticles in those lines, converted into arms
and other “Military equipments,” “Bureau
mountings” and the like !
3. Representing the exceedingly small
number found in New England at large,
a friend suggests tbat, though those States
bad been for au age past, the great supply
region of “time pieces,” for tbe rest of the
continent, and while they grew rich on the
“profits made from the sales to other
people, first they, themselves, were so
highly gifted in tbe faculty of “guessing”
that they had but lktle need of time
keeping; secondly, that their “cupidity
was such that their hearts were “dead set”
against incurring tbe cost and keeping up
the expense of any “notion” that did not
pay.
4. That, although it is well known that
the vast hordes of “burners, thieves and
robbfcrs” that overswept tbe South during
the war, carried off vast quantities of gold
and silver watches, jewelry aud plate, to
the several States, North, “Beast Butler her
ing “General-jn-Cbief” in that line of
“campaigning,” it is probable tbat now
each plunderer” and each “receiver of sto
len goods” lias begun to feel so much like
a thief-—is so fearful also tbat theft, like
murder, “will out”—that, while lie in
tends to keep the articles for future sales
or use, he draws, for once upon his “hon
esty” aud denies that he owns them.
Thus have we expended our whole stock
of both reasoning and conjecture, iu our
endeavors to solve that deep mystery for
the benefit of our French cousins! We
can do no more ! Wait they must, as well
as the rest of the world, till the Great Judg
rnent Day reveals those and all other like
transactions. In the mean time, we invite
them to rejoice # with us, that though New
York, Pennsylvania and Ohio paid out
their hirelings to pluuder and desolate they,
in accordance with tho “reserved rights”
doctrines of New York aud New England,
sought security for themselves and their
property outside of a “so called” Union,
which has ceased to afford them protection
—the State of New York has still 885 meu
or women who are still able to oten a watch,
and honest enough to pay tax upon it.—
Ohio also lias 47 ! and Pennsylvania has
over a thousand. Vermont, moreover has
two ! In these facts we greatly' rejoice,
and in them we will never cease to joy
and rejoice so long as we live.— Citizen.
The New Tariff.
The National Intelligencer unburdens
itself upon the subject of the new tariff’in
the following very plain-spoken article:
“The protective tariff, which it was the
aim of Mr. Morrell, the chairman of the
Committee ou Ways and Means, to contin
ue, with unimportant changes, has, we
learn, been abandoned, and a prohibitory
tariff adopted in its stead. A tariff for
revenue the present tariff was uot. It
was simply a plan to protect Pennsylva
nia aud New England interests. The tar
iff about to be reported is to be prohibitory,
it is an open and avowed declaration for a
Japanese policy. Import nothing. Ex
port nothing. Tbat is the policy which
has been aimed at lor some time, and one
now about to be accomplished. It is the
ouly policy which is consistent with the
Radical plan for a permanent paper cur
rency of a thousand millions. The supera
bundant aud irredeemable paper inouey
which the Radicals have imposed upou the
country of course discourages production
and enhances the cost of all products of la
bor so far that they caunot be exported.—
Nothing short of prohibition can sustain
the domestic products, whether of manu
facturers or of raw materials, against for
eign competition. That is now couceded
ou all sides, and therefore the wool growers
aud wool • manufacturers, the iron and
copper aud lead aud zinc miuers, and the
manufacturers of these material, have uui
ted to demand of Mr. Morrill prohibitory
duties.
The adoption of the proposed tariff pots
an end to the export of cotton ; for every
body who knows the course of tbat trade
known that tbe return for cotton must be
in European goods; so the South will be
debarred from an export trade, without
the aid of Mr. Stevens’ export duty. The
gold interest on the public debt can no
longer be paid, for there will be no imports
upon which gold will be paid for duties.—
But Mr. Stevens indicated a remedy lor
this some time ago ; that is—pay the in
terest iu paper.
The Radical party is now complete, and
it is consistent in all parts—political, finan
cial, and commercial.
In speaking thus earne.stly and indig-
uautly concering tbe newly proposed tar
iff- bill, it should be understood that we
feel that tbe bill is framed iu tbat intention
which, in effect, looks to prohibition.
Proposed Amendment to tiie Constitution.
The following is the amendment propo
sed by Congress which is now to be subr
mitted to the several States. To make it
a part of the Constitution will require the
sanction of three-fonrtlis of all the States,
which we hope and believe will never be
obtained :
Resolved, by the Senate and House of
Representatives of the United States of
America in Congress assemble (two-thirds
of both Houses concurring,) That the fol
lowing article be proposed to the Legisla
tures of the several States as an amend
ment to the Constitution of tbe United
States, which, when ratified by three-
fourths of said Legislatures, shall be valid
as a part of the Constitution, namely :
article .
Sec. 1. All persons born or naturalized
in the United States, and subject to the ju
risdiction thereof, are citizens of the Uni
ted States and the States wherein they re
side. No State shall make or enforce any
law which shall abridge the privileges or
immunities of citizens of the United States;
nor shall any State deprive any person of
life, liberty or happiness, without due pro
cess of law, nor deny to any equal protec-,
tion ol the laws.
Sec. 2. Representatives shall be appor
tioned among tbe several States according
to their respective numbers counting the
whole number of persons excluding In
dians uot taxed. But whenever the right
to vote at any election for the choice of
electors for President and Vice-President,
Representatives in Congress, executive
and judicial officers, or the members of the
Legislatures there is denied to any of the
male inhabitants of such State, being twen
ty-one years of age, and citizens of the
United States, or iu a way abridged, ex
cept for participation in rebellion or oth
er crime, the basis of representation there
in shall be reduced in the proportion
which tho number of such male citizens
shall bear to tbe whole number of male
citizeus twenty-one years of age in such
State.
Sec. 3. That no person shall be a Sen
ator or Representative in Congress, or elec
tor of President and Vice President, or
hold any office, civil or military, under tbe
United States, or under any State, who,
having previously taken an oath as a mem
ber of Congress, or as an officer of tbe
United States, or a member of any State
Legislatures, or as an executive or judicial
officer of any State to support the Consti
tution of the United States shall have en
gaged in iusurrectiou or rebellion against
tbe same, or given aid or comfort to the
enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a
vote of two thirds of each House, remove
such disabilities.
Sec. 4. The validity of the public debt
of tbe United States authorized by law,
including debts incurred for payment of
pensions and bounties for services iu sup
pressing insurrection or rebellion, shall not
be questioned. But neither the United
States nor any State shall asume or pay
any debt or obligation incurred in aid of
insurrection or rebellion against the Uni
ted States, or auy claim for the loss or
emancipation of any slave ; but all such
debts, obligations, and claims shall be held
illegal and void.
Sec. 5. The Cougress shall have power
to enforce, by appropriate legislation, tbe
provision of this article.
Mr. Adams on Mr. Davis—Mr. Sewards Reply.
Washington, June 23.—By diplomatic
correspondence just printed, it appears
tbat Mr. Adams, Minister to England, in
writing to the Secietary of State. June
15th, 1S66, says tbe intense interest man
ifested in the fate of Jefferson Davis is one
of the phenomena of this remarkable era,
and then adds : “Carefully disavowing the
indulgence of the slightest acrimonious
feelings towards Mr. Davis or any of his
associates, I_ have expressed the hope
that the ends of justice might he satisfied
with the least possible effusion of human
hlood. We have h^d enough of slaughter
and of public and private misery. Espe
cially has a severe retribution already
been visited upon these misguided people,
who had by their wanton obstinacy brought
it all upon the country. If ever Mr. Davis
could sink into oblivion, without seriously
impairing the force of the example iu the
view of latter generations, I should be per
fectly content.
If Mr. Davis having under all the safe
guards of our laws, undergone a trial for his
ofteuse, should be proved guilty, condemned,
aud -sentenced to suffer the last penalty, the
responsibility of interposition would then
devolve upon the President. I had no
doubt tbat he would meet it with the dig
nity and impartiality that become his of
fice. Neither was I dis’posed to believe
that whatever might be his decision, if giv
en in the matter indicated, would be at
tended by any of the evil consequences to
the reputation of our country all over civ
ilized Europe, which seemed to be a mat
ter of so much concern to our enemies not
less than our friends.
Mr. Seward, replying to his letter, says
he has read with pleasure Mr. Adams’ re
marks upon tbe question what penalty
ought to be imposed upon Jefferson Davis,
which question is universally and earnest
ly discussed in Europe. He adds: “Your
sentiments are deemed just and wise.”
A Perfect Cure.—There is a story
going in North Staffordshire that a farmer
in the direction of Leek, who had lost some
cows, was folly persuaded that he had
been himself attacked by the epidemic.—
Forthwith he consulted his own medical
man, who tried to laugh him out of the no*
tion, but to no purpose. The farmer then
went off to a well-known old practitioner,
who, being a bit of a wag, and seeing how
matters were, entered minutely into the
details of tbe case, expressed his concur
rence with the patent’s views and told hitn
he conld cure him. He then wrote a pre
scription, sealed it up aud the farmer to go
to a certaiu druggist in tho next Pottery
town. The farmer lost no time in going
with the prescription, but was somewhat
startled when the druggist showed him the
formal, which ran thus : “This man has
got the cattle plague ; take him into the
back yard and shoot him according to act
of Parliament.” There is no need of say
ing that this was a “perfect cure.”
mt%rn Hfcorbcr.
MILL EJD G E V I Ll£*
TUESDAY, JULY 1 0, 1 886.
THE NATIONAL CONVENTION.
The call for a National Convention to meet ,, E
the 14th August at Philadelphia, is before th
country. The press in all parts, are speaking or
in relation to its propriety, ends, and important
At the South, the question turns upon one of. x
pediency and principle; some advocating
into the Convention, others holding aloof. g ot -'
as we have a voice in the matter, we at this «- r ,
ing, are inclined to hold aloof and await further
developments. It is well enough for the Northern
conservatives to meet and talk over the affair,
state, as they have a voice in the government
and are directly represented in Congress. ]f rn .
truly represented, they can reach the ear of th
Representatives in the manner proposed, thatwi’ 1
have more or less influence upou his future cou
duct.
Not so, however, with the South. Our politi
cal and national status is of a very peculiar, an
omalous and embarrassing one. We are in the
Union it would seem, for certain purposes; and
out, when our rights and interests are discussed
It is not germain to the point under considers
tion to enlarge upon our embarrassing position
The question of attending the Convention throu?
delegates is brought directly before us, and wa
enter a negative to the proposition.
The reasons that influence us is ; first, we do
not like exactly the wording of the call, as it pre
scribes a condition precedent to taking a seat j.
the Convention. Secondly, principles are hid
down that should be opened for discussion at leas:
to those declared offending, and they be heard be
fore declared guilty of crimes that we of the South
are anxious to try before the first tribunal of the
country. Thirdly, our strength, importance,and
influence would be more potential out. than in -
If there ever was a time in the history af the South
to avoid entangling alliances with political par
ties, and await events that are culminating rap
idly to an issue, now is the time. We are look
ers on, though not indifferent spectators to there,
suit of the party measures that now control the
North. We have great interests at stake, and ou:
silence is now our safety ; we should be sought
instead of seeking; and the moment we begin
juggle for party power, we must under the sur
rounding circumstances, compromise our now
high position. The woman that would vriu the
love of an intelligent and sensible man, should
never be forward and anxious for smiles and em
braces; a reserved modesty will win its way,
when forwardness would repulse. We do no:
counsel the actions of the modest maid, oradvatv
ing coquette, bnt would advise a reserved dignity
of character that will impress those who are our
declared friends aud enemies, that we know wha:
line of policy to pursue to accomplish the ends*?
desire.
As a people, we should be committed to no poli
cy, platform or party. Our past action in conven
tions and legislatures, have given us a strength
that is felt and recognised at Washington. Ou:
silence under gross wrong, is construed into i
loyalty by the Radical party, and we have butB
continue iu our present course, aud all will won
well for us. So far as President Johnson is coc
cemed, we have endorsed him when he w r as right
or seemed to be on the right track. Let him k:
continue to stand by the Constitution in its spin:
and a party wili at the proper time arise that*;.-
hurl from power those whose only principles an
hate and jealousy <Jf the South.
^ It is too soon for ns of the South to be agitate:
by national parties or elections. Make haste slow
ly is the motto for us; and when we shall bec.i.-
ed upon to vote and speak, let it be done with a
unity that will mark us one people. There is a
necessity for an excuse or explanation why tie
South is not represented in the Convention of tie
14th August.
What we have done, we have done: aoditis
immaterial now, whether it was done “loyally
or “cordially.” If we are to be taxed, we warn j
voice in the Congress of the U. S., and we do i
see how a Convention can get us in any soonc. I
than the course we are now following.
We give two extracts from the call of the Coe j
vention; and as Southern men, we could not take
seats with auy such declarations declared as se
ed principles, staring us in the face.
That the Union of the States is, in every casf
indissoluble; that there is uo right, anyrehai*
dissolve the Union, or to separate States from
Union, either by voluntary withdrawal, by f° rii
of arms, or by Congressional action: neither
tbe secession of the States, nor by the exciu-- -
of their loyal and qualified representatives, nor •'
the national Government in any form; that til-
very is abolished, and neither can, nor ought to t-
re-established within any State or Territory w
in our jurisdiction ; and tbe purpose of the * -
war was to preserve the Union and th# Constu-
tion by putting down the rebellion.”
The last paragraph in the call to this Convc-
tion,thus reads:
“But r.o delegate will take a seat in sorb C
vention who does not. loyally accept the natio^
situation, and cordially endorse the princip-
above set forth, and who is not attached, *'*
allegiance, to the Constitution of the Union,
the Government of the United Slates.”
THE CROPS.
The crop prospects throughout the State,
learn from various sources, are by no mean*Po
ising. Greater want, will, we predict, be le “ ^
other year than at present, though now, worse t-*'
ever heretofore. It is unnecessary to recap
late the causes. The fact exists. All that l? -
now be done for the balance of the year in
ing and saving provisions, should by all meir
done, and every thiug husbanded—notbrng
ever wasted
Apart from unfavorable seasons, want ? r ’
ful labor, there has been a deficieacy “ '
number of hands engaged in agricultural ^
Negro women that have heretofore b een F r0 ,
cers—not a few in number—are out of coF 5 t"
above labor now. Most of these women a 01 ' I
large portion of the meu, are huddling a * )0U
cities and county villages, avoiding sk^'/,
ploymeut. Many soldier’s and young men
the army are trying to live by their " !ts ’
thing but work—all still consumers. J
alleviation from this state of things we c an
ceive of, is, for the proper authorities to * Dtcr |
and put both white and black, where they h*'
regular employment, to work for the p UD ° jr
if they will not for themselves. This :s,
opinion, the ouly mode in which absolu w ^ ^
may be avoided. We see nothing bright ^ j
future, either in a domestic or politiom P
view.