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J ~tti~ "i i in ii iiiiwiiii Slates, bul is also in violation of the issued only in “renewal of bonds then Constitution of this Stale. Judgment reversed. Fleming Sc Lester, for plaintiff in er ror. J. W. Tanner, W. B. Gaulden, for defendant. George T. Connell, plaintiff in error, vs. Thomas Vaughn, defendant.— Relief from Carroll WARNER, J. When a motion was made in the Court below, to open a judgment ob tained prior to the first day of June, 1S6-5, tor the purpose ot having the same sealed as provided by the 2d sec tion of the Relief Act or 1S63, upon the ground that the defendant in the judg ment had lent a large amount of prop erty by the r» suits of the war, without! over three any fault of the plaintiff, so lar as the record shows, which motion was over ruled bv the Court: Held': That the defendant in the judgment did not make out such a case as entitled him to any equitable relief under the provisions of the Act ol lS6b, and that the judgment of the Court be low should be affirmed. I concur in affirming the judgment of the Court be low in tins case, on the ground that the 2d section ot the Act of 136b, is uncon stitutional and void, the same being in conflict with the constitution of this State, and of the United States. Judgment affirmed. / Austin Sc Reese, by L. J. Glenn, for plaintiff in error. B. Oliver, for defendant. due and interest thereon,”and for fund ing the Stale bonds falling due or ma turing in 1S08, 1S69, 1870.” Two hundred and sixty-five thousand and live hundred of these seven per cent, bonds he has sold, in violation of the above special statute, setting them apart for a specific purpose, thus de slroying the ability oiYhe State to com ply with the conditions of a circular he instructed me tohave published ; caus ing great and incessant murmurings by bondholders in Europe and this coun try. The appropriations of 186? were only in for the last half of the year 1868.” Still, for the public printing of this year, he, in violation of law, drew ten thousand dollars back on last year not withstanding the House, by a vote of to one, directed him to John McK. Gunn, plaintiff in error, vs. charge il as an advance on the print ing fund this year. This he did, that he might save his twenty-live thousand dollars, public printing fund, to silence the mouths of the press, or subsidise them in his behalf. He flooded the country with proclamations, offering as high as five thousand dollars f ir the ap prehension of a single fugitive, when the customary reward, hetetofore, has not exceeded two hundred dollars. At the same time he pardons those in cus tody (who have committed wilful mur der) without a trial. By a trick and fraud (no doubt through his instructions,) on the last day of the last General Assembly, as a [Million of the appropriation Bill, was passed what may be called an lndia- lubber-blankel section, with no amount specified, yet according to the Gover- David H . Isaacs, defendant. Mo- ; nors interpretation and application, Mil lion to set aside judgment Irom Ran - i/m/to/. This is independent of the dolph. ! Contingent Fund of twenty thousand WARNER, J. dollars tjpr the year, which, all but a Where a motion was made to open ; doll irs, he exhausted in le ss than a judgment in order to scale the same six months, mostly for “incidental ex- under ibe 2d section of the Relief Act | penses Executive Department.” On of 1S6S, and on the trial of said motion j (what he makes india-rubber-blanket in the Court below, it appeared in evi- i section.) which, if strictly constructed, deuce that the defendant in the judg | could amount to but a few thousand „ ien l had lost a large amount of prop- dollars, he has drawn nearly one hun- erty, which he owned at the time the dred thousand dollars, the greater por- debt was contracted, tor which the j don in the way of patronage to buy in- judgment was rendered by the results ; fluence, over fifteen thousand being to of the war, without any fault of the I fee attorneys only as “retainers,” plaintiff; and the jury returned a ver-! While he gets up sensation tele- diet for twenty-five dollars, in favor of grains, and howls of outrages ernnmit- the plaintiff when the principal and in- i ted on Union men and colored citizens, teres' due ori the judgment, was one hundred and eighteen dollars. Held: That the defendant in the judgment did not, by his evidence, make out such a case, as entitled lum to any equitable relief ut der the pro visions of the Act of JS6S, and that the judgment of the Court below should be reversed. I concur in reversing the judgment ol the Court below in this case, on the ground that the 2d section of the Relief Act of 1868, which author ises the opening and sealing judgments rendered prior to the passage of that Act, is unconstitutional and void. Judgment reversed. he neglects to mention lha many rapes committed by negroes on unoffending, detenseless, innocent while girls anil women. As you have seen in my re ports, l was a Union man, opposed strenuously and publicly by secession. My office being headquarters of the Union association here, left the South with my family ; in 1863; lived near Boston until the close of the war; re turned South in 186-5 ; supported the .Congressional measures of reconstruc tion ; voted for, and publicly suppor ted General Grant for President, and Bullock for Governor; have always been classed a “Radical” by the Dem ocrats ; have been in nearly every Southern Stale since the war; with holding my political opinions on no oc casion; known to lie a Northern man by birth and residence, till I wa3 24 BROWN, C. J., concurring. I concur in the judgment of reversal, on the ground that the jury were not authorized to reduce the amount of the judoment o.i account of the loss of prop-1 y^rs old yet I have never been treat ed by the defendant, as it was noi|ed with the least seventy, and almost shown by him that the loss was caused uniformly with kindness. Public sen- oful act of the plaintiff, m*»ent will sol itself against, and cor- ROTES ON TUB SITUATION. BV B H HILL. by the \vron w which was necessary to raise such equi ty between the parties, as the Court and jury had a right to administer. Hood & Kiddoo, for plaintiffin error. Fielder & Jones, for defendant in reel what few political outrages there have been (though I have seen none) u uch sooner under full reconstruction than military rule under the direction of Bullock, who shows his great incon sistency and insincerity by crying out- .. | rages while he has exercised the par- Ansicr vs. Bullock. doning power until courts and jurors Treasurer Angier's Answer to one of the I have but little to encourage them in Members of the Reconstruction Committee i the prosecution of crime. in Congress—A Succinct Statement of Instead of striving to allay bitter CovetnouBullock's Misdeeds. animosities and promote peace and Atlanta, Ga., Dec. 14, IS69. prosperity as the Chief Executive of a Dear Sir: In answer to yours of the j great State, il has been, and is stiil his 9lh insl., I wrote in a very great hurry yesterday, neglecting to mention many friths that should have a bearing with your Committee and Congress in de termining this vexed question of Geor gia Reconstruction, and the status of Governor Bullock in connection with it. To show his connection with, and interest in the “Kimball Opera House Building,” a portion ol which is tempo rarily used as a Estate House, I will slate, that Governor Bullock labored to secure tnv influence in favor of paying “What shall we do now f” is a ques tion every hour repealed. Perhaps the wisest answer that could be given to this question is this: Do nothing; say nothing. All I shall add, is only added to make the wisdom of this an swer apparent. Of the legislation now being hurried through Congress concerning Georgia two remarks may be predicated: First., This legislation intends both injury and insult to our people. Second. So great is the injury, and so inexcusable the insult intended, that the men in the Congress who propose them anticipate violent resistance by our people, and therelore have author ized the President, on the requisition of Bullocli, to employ the army and navy of the United Slates to enforce the legislation. What a commentary is this on free government ! What a work for the army and navy of the United States in a lime of peace ! This is not the Union of our fathers. This is, emphatically, a Reconstructed Union. Alas, for such a Union! gThe ingenuity of man, in its most devilish exercise, could not provide more cer tain schemes to promote hale and to produce wars and successions of wars in the far( ? ) future than these meas ures of Congress, which, under pre tence of reconstructing the Southern States are really destroying all the States, and the liberties of all the peo ple of all the States. But this legislation now being enact ed by Congress suggests some valua ble lessons which, well learned by our people, will go far to compensate tor the evils proposed. 1. When the Reconstruction meas ures were first proposed in 18b7, there were some good men among us who thought it would be belter for our peo ple to participate in the work of recon structing the State government, with a i view to mitigating or defeating its i evils. To these I humbly, but most earnestly replied, that we could not succeed by participation in defeating the work of reconstruction, because that work would be entrusted to men who, under military protection and by frauds and false counting of votes, would, in any event, declare the meas ures successful, while, by participa tion, we shonld be hypocriticel in seeming to help a purpose we despis ed ; would relieve the iniquity of much of its odium by giving it our seeming assent, and would thus be parlies to our own degradation and bound by the results. Or, if by any means, we should succeed in mitigating the evils, Congress would either not accept the work, or, after accepting, would, under pretence of fraud and deception on our part, recall their acceptance and order the work ol Reconstruction to be done over again. In the light of subsequent events, and, especially in view of the present legislation, will any man longer doubt the wisdom, propriety and decency of ncm-part ici- pation in this work of self-destruction and self-degradation ? The only re sult to us of participation is to lose our own respectability by imparting it to the scheme for our ruin. ' 2. The itching for office which too many have manifested during this rule of infamy has been a source of no little mortification to many of our people. We have been constantly assured of great horrors if we did not have Rep- resentives in Congress! For myself, 1 am free Vo confess, I have always effort to stir up hatred and strife, that he may get a firmer hold on Georgia by which to exercise his usurpation and tyranny on ail who will not become his personal adherents and accomplices in mischief and self-interest, which is the principle cause of the unsettled state ot public affairs in Georgia. Democrats, with him, are as good for his selfish purposes a3 Republicans, and he has found not a few to yield to his patron age. H ad il been the good fortune of Georgia to have a wise, honest and just Executive, the general Government said Kimball twenty-five thousand dol lars yearly for only a portion of the ! would not at this date be troubled with least valuable part of a building that reconstruction in Georgia, or have cause could not have cost Kimball over $100,- 000 ; reserving to himself all the first story fronton main street of six rooms, most of the entire basement story, and a laige number oi rooms in the upper j stanliul men, including those who have two stories, His object now is to or- uniformly been Union men, and favor to complain of disloyalty in her bor ders: And you should not mistake contempt for Bullock for dislike to the Federal Government. Our best sub- ganize the General Assembly that they will purchase this building for a Slate House, at about one-half a million of dollars. In violation of law, and the action ol the General Assembly, he drew on the Fourth National Bank, New York, lor thirty-five thousand dol lars, and stated to "me that thirty-one thousand of the above amount was paid to said Kimball on account ol said Op era Building and fixtures, and that the other four thousand he used himself,• which amount liejias never accounted for to the Stale or the Treasury. Af ter two committees ot the General As sembly, (one manipulated in bis own the Congressional plan of reconstruc tion, who feel that Georgia is their home, and who love good society, law and order, feel that this is a critical time for their loved Georgia. The Democratic papers in the inter est of Bullock, influenced by Ids pat ronage, are loud in their denunciation of the 15th Amendment, and bitterly oppose the reseating of the expelled colored members. When you reflect that Republicans aided this expulsion, and that they and Bullock will, secret ly if not openly, oppose their being re seated by the General Assembly, in order that he may secure violent Con interest,) have declared this act of gressional action, and that Bullock, drawing on said Bank, and the use of i with his adherents, defeated the loth the mon<*y, illegal and unaullinrized, as Amendment last winter, I cannot con- soon as the Legislature adjourned inlceivehowa Republican Congress can March last, lie~wenl direct to New j York, and drew a draft on said Fourth j ^ Bank for twenty thousand dol- j ol Kimball; making ! ousand dollars, none j nd its wav into the i sustain him. Most respectfully, yours. N. L/ANG1ER, Treasurer ol Georgia. Cure for Headache.—Sulphuret Georgia. And there I of carbon is said to be an excellent t further amounts he ! remedy against the headache, especi- wn and appropriated mmol.. ion of law, had I not sent the Bank a synopsis ot the Code of Georgia bearing on this subject. To meet these drafts or guarantee the payment, he hypothecated 7 per cent. State Railroad mortgage.bonds, that, by special legislation, were to be ally when it is of a neuralgic or nerv ous character. Il is used by placing a wad of cotton salurltcd with this ma terial in a botile, and-applying its open mouth to the temple or part affected. The prickling sensation which is al first experienced is followed by relief from the pain. ihought that our people ought not even to *desire representation. Indeed, a man ot true honor, should feel insulted if even suspected of a wish to get an office while his superiors were pro scribed by a wicked and unconstitu tiocal disfranchisement. When thieves seek agents it is honorable to be re jected as unworthy. If, then, this legislation shall con vince our people that they can gain nothing by accepting and taking a part in this reconstruction iniquity, and shall .act as a caustic to burn out all de sire for Federal office in every decent Southern man, its evils will become more tolerable, and what our enemies intend for our utter discomfeiture may become the beginning of our redemp tion. There is another effect of this legis lation to reconstruct the Slate again, which is not wholly destitute of a com pensating consideration. There was quite a number, perhaps a majority of our people who- had be come disposed to make a concession to Congress and the feelings of the North ern people in a spirit of conciliation lor peace. In this spirit, I am of the opin ion the Democrats of the Legislature had concluded to re-seat the negroes and ratify the Fifteenth Amendment. The result of such voluntary action would either have dismembered the Democratic party of the State, and caused the formation of a Republican party, which might have controled the State; or, to prevent this result, it would h ve compelled the Democrats to be reconciled to these acts, and not to have made the support of thpse measures a test of parly fidelity. But Congress has prevented the voluntary adoption of the measures, and has pro vided for their forcible adoption. Con gress has ordered that these measures shall not be adopted by those who could have had any claims to represent the intelligence, and virtue, and will of the Stale, and has ordered them to bo adopted by those who will most cer tainly represent neither the peoole, nor the honor, nor interest nor will of the people of this Stale. Thus we are relieved of all odium which might attach to a voluntary adoption of these measures; of all danger of a dismem berment «»f the Democratic party by reason of such adoption ; and of all obligation to respect the adoption as binding when made by the Carpet-bag strangers, deluded negroes, and thiev ing outlaws whom Congress has entrus ted with these measures as alone worthy to pass upon them. 1 confess there is much in this fact to gratify me. 'The real people of ou: State are relieved from the necessity of passing through the only ordial in which 1 had reason to fear llitdr manhood would be forgotten. My opinion upon the eligibility of the negroes under the negro Constitution was well known. But the Legislature .vas the sole judge of this question for themselves. To reseat them after unseating them would ffwe been to admit themselves stultified, and to ab dicate itieir own independence as a co-ordinate department of the State government. So the principle of the 15th amendment is another subversion ol the whole system of the American Government, and no earthly considera tion could induce me to support it. Yet, I confess I had made up my mind to regard with tolerance those who should differ with me on these ques tions, especially where it was known that Bullock was really anxious for the defeat ol both the negroes and the 15th amendment, as means of enabling him to induce Congress to remand the SLates to a Provisional Government in order to extend and enlarge his own powers for thieving. But Congress, afraid the excuse for oppressing ns would be averted by the Legislature, has relieved the Legislature of the humilating iniquity of averting it. It is well known again that the pres ent Legislature has been lavish—even reckless—in creating debts in behalfof plunderers for the people to pay. Now that Congress has declared the Legis lature which created these debts only Provisional, the people will not hesi tate to declare the debts so created to be only Provisional also, and that, too, in spile of any provision by Congress to the contrary. My humble opinion, therefore, is that our people should receive this ad ditional attempt by Congress to destroy them as the Roman Senate received the invaders of their country—with quiet dignity and stolid indifference. Let il be onr study henceforth to care as little as possible for Federal affairs and as much as possible for our own. Il President Grant shall deem it his duty to employ the army and navy of the United States to guard and protect unassalted thieves and robbers, let him so do. If he shall go farther and use that army and navy in arresting unof fending citizens who are only engaged peacefully attending their private af fairs, why let him arrest—yea impris- ion shoot and hang! “The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church.” He is not worthy of liberty who is not willing io be its martyr. Above all, let us still preserve our manhood, and do nothing which can possibly be construed into our assent to their reconlruction infamies however ollen repealed. We still have bright skies, fertile soils, and a healthful climate. These are the gifts'of God, and are above the power of Congress to reconstruct, arid beyond the reach of even Radicals to steal or carry away. Let us devote all our energies to the sole work of enriching our fields, beau tifying our homes, multiplying our productions, electing foundries, build- ind factories, and developing in every form our vast material resources. Toward the colored race let us re double our efforts to be just, kind and forbearing. They are not the authors of our wrongs. Nine out ol ten of them wish to do right. I doubt whether the same number of any other color or race of the human family could pass the same ot deals through which they have passed during the last four years and do as well as they have done. With a few wicked or deluded excep tions, they will join us in bringing contempt on ail these Congressional iniquties and on their authors. The black angel of political, social and moral death if deepening the shad ows of his wings over the Continent. These shadows will certainly settle in the thick darkness of despotism and sorrow on the Northern people. Then the sun of Liberty will dawn again upon the South. That dawning will rpveal us with coffers refilled, with waste places rebuilt, with resources of all kinds al home, and with sustained honor and unsullied manhood preserv ed. And, to those, whatever else hon or can commend, or virtue desire, will be added for us and for our children. 1 thank God that I was born in the South, and with a spirit that knows no fear of her enemies, and would not es cape a full share of her sufferings. Tbe Silnalion in Cuba. The Cuban Junta, in New York, in response to a request from N. P. Banks, publishes a statement in which they say the Spaniards hold seventeen juris dictions, containing 11,SG2 square miles, containing S50,27-5 population— 759 sugar—776 coffee, and 9,476 to bacco plantations, 2,480 grazing farms. The insurgents hold also seventeen jurisdictions, containing 23,895 square miles—592,592 population—656 su gar—220 coffee—2,747 tobacco, and 6,623 grazing estates. The report says: One hundred and fifty-three planta tions belonging to Cubans have been confiscated ; 160 sugar estates belong ing to Spaniards have been burned.— The value of a Cuban sugar estate ranges from $250,000 to $2,500,000, while the average price is about $550,- 000. The average value of Senor Mig uel Alilama’s six sugar estates, all of which are confiscated, is $1,500,000. His warehouses at Matanzas were val ued at $1,000,000, and his mansion in Havana, furniture, coaches, stables, etc., were worth $1,000,000. He lost $3,000,000 railroad bonds by confisca tion. With all these losses he has still about $6,000,000 in cash and United States bonds, which he is using freely in the Cuban cause. Francisco Pernapdez Crjado and many other Cubans have also lost mil lions by sidfcig with the revolution. Intercutin; Correspondence. The following correspondence ex plains itself. Tbe conduct of Colonel Milledge in this matter is noble and magnanimous. It speaks well tor his head and heart, and shows that there is much of the true and the noble in human nature, as exemplified in this high-toned gentleman and able lawyer of the old school. Colonel Milledge has filled the position ably and with satisfaction to the Government: Atlanta, June 7th, 1869. Honorable A. T. Akerman : My Dear Sir—Immediately on my return home from Washington City, I addressed you a note through a friend, in which l informed you, in substance, of^what I had said to the Attorney General, in case I was appointed Dis trict Attorney for Georgia, which was to this effect: That inasmuch as you were the choice of the President, and had been confirmed by the Senate, and had failed to be commissioned only be cause your disabilities had not been removed, I was not disposed to take advantage of the hard luck of a friend, but woff I che. . fully resign the office in your favor as soon as Congress ena bled you to lake it. Nothing has changed that determina tion, but am ready, at the proper time, to comply with your wishes in regard to the matter. Hoping that “ou will be frank with me, I remain yours verv truly, John Milledge. Atlanta, June 7, 1869. Col. John Milledge: Dear Sir—1 have just received yours of this date. The letter which you addressed to me on your return from Washington was never received, having been accidentally lost by the gentleman to whom you entrusted it ; and this explains my failure to answer it at the time. I desired the office of United States District Attorney. When nominated and confirmed, I caused it to be made known at Washington that I could not take the office unless relieved from the “test oath.” Congress having adjourn ed without relieving me, I expected the appointment to be given to another; and on every personal account was gratified to learn that the choice of the Government had fallen on yourself. Your voluntary offer to retire from the office, if I should be able to fill it, lays me under deep obligations ; but whether l can ever avail myself of your generosity depends on the future action of Congress, and of the appointing pow er. Whatever that may be,’I shall al ways be grateful for the sacrifice which your good will to me has prompted you to offer. Very truly yours, Amos T. Akerman. What it Cost to Whip the South.—Commissioner Wells, in his report presented to Congress, gives an estimate of the cost of the late war.— The government spent in war expenses and expenses growing out of the wai, down to June 30th, 1869, $4,171,914,- 498. This excludes what the adminis tration would have cost had there been no war, and may be called the net cost to the government of the rebellion. To this, however, must be added a num ber of items, which Mr. Wells gives thus : Penssions, capitalized, at eight years’ purchase, $200,000,000; increase of State debts, mainly on war account, $136,000,000 ; county, city and town indebtedness, increased on account of the war (estimated) $200,000 000; ex penditures of States, counties, cities and towns on account of the war, not represented by funded debt, (estimated) $600,000,000; estimated loss to the loyal Stales from the diversion arid suspension of industry, and the reduc tion of the American marine and car rying trade, $1,200,000,000; estimated direct expenditures and loss of proper ty by the Confederate States by reason ol the war, $2,700,000,000. This makes a total of loss by the war to the whole country of nine thou sand millions of dollars.—Sav. Rep. Supreme Court.—We have referred to the bill now before Congress to put the Supreme Court in chains. The Chicago Tribune, a leading Radical paper, says of it: The result would be that no law of Congress could be annulled for uncon stitutionality, even though it might abolish the Stale governments, or pro vide for a hereditary monarchy. We should have no Constitution of the United States, and each State Legisla ture might by a similar act of its own abolish its constitution. It is not loo much to say that the member of either House who is intellectually capable of introducing such a bill deserves expul sion on the ground of mental imbecility. He is non compos mentis. The Supreme Court is a creation of the Constitution—not the creature of law, whose duties are defined by Con gress. The Constitution declares that its power “shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under the Con stitution, the laws of the United States, and the treaties made,” etc. Yet, Con gress has before assumed to limit this power, and now proposes to take away all that can be of anv value to the cit- izea or the State. This is the most daring usurpation yet, and calls for re sistance. If the Court has any pride or pluck il will make its decrees and call upon theposse comitatus to enforce them. [Manchester (N. H.) Union. has notified the Council that the declaration of the infallibility of the Pope is religiously inopportune, and that politically it uullifies the Concor dat and releases Frauce from her obli gations to the Holy See. This is a heavy blow. This, however, is not all. The majority of the French bishops are opposed to the infallibility dogma. So.it is certain, are all the liberal bishops ol Germany. We do not won der that it has been found necessary to adjourn the Council. The Pope, it is said, is somewhat alarmed; but he counts with confidence on the support of the American bishops: When we remember that tie Council of Trent sal at irregular intervals, from 1545 to 1563, a period of eighteen years, and during which the chair of St. Peter had five successive occupants—Paul III., Julius III., Marcellus II., Paul IV. and Pius IV.—we cannot help attach ing some importance to this first ad journment. The end ofthe Council may be near; bul it may be alar off; and no one can foresee its history.—JS. Y. Herald. *0u%nt Ilcccrkr. MIL lu.ZE JDO-EVILLE; Tuesday, SecenJbcr £8, 1SS9. THE PRESS. “No editor has a right to make his news paper tho absolute expression of his own opinions, any more than the Governor of a State has a right to regard the common wealth as his personal property. The ed itor is an administrator. Hi* duty is to speak the truth, but to apeak it so it may be heard. He should observe the tides and currents of public opinion as carefully as tbe mariner who watches the tides and currents of the sea. Thera is a time for speech and a time for silence. It is a mis take to endeavor to arrest the hungry mul titude, and compel them to pause ami hear you expound “doctrines’ aud ‘ideas.’ So says the Cleveland Gazette. We differ iu seme degree from tbe above sen timents. Newspapers are strictly private property, and if any man goes into the business of conducting a paper, it is for the money that be thinks he can make at it, or a desire to lay his views before the pub lic ; as much so as the man who writes a book upon science, morals, mcdiciuo or re ligion. The book express his views and opinions and not that of the public ; and just so with the reformer, he wishes to im press himself upon the public aud be a leader in thought. The Postponement of the Ecomenieal Connell. By cable telegram we learn that the Council which metal Rome on the 9th of this mouth has adjourned until after Epiphany, or until after the 6th day of January. It is added that much op position is expected when the Council resumes its sittings. This opposition is no longer a mere oumor; it is a fact France has taken decided graunds and the example of France is approved and adopted by all the Catholic gov ernments, The French government In the newspaper business as now con ducted, it bears a double character ; we see both the editor and the people among whom he lives, for it is taken for granted that the editor represents somebody else besides himself,and that he at least speaks the sentiments of a part of the people ; for it should bo the ambition of an editor to lead and mould public sentiment in some degree at least, as much so, as it is tLe privilege of the minister of the Gospel to iustruct and advise his congregation : but at the same time, an editor should not in sultingly spit iu the face of public opinion, hut pay it that respect which is dne a difs ference of opinion. But when editors narrow down their sphere, and recognise themselves as par* tizans, politicians, party men, &c., they necessarily surrender their individuality and too often their independence, and be come the mere mouth pieces of a party or a political leader. When an editor admits he is a good party man, lie ceases to be an independent thinker, and recognises a master in some bold leader who cau crack the whip of authority over his shoulders. We have in days past seen so' much sur rendered to party dictation, that wu have for it now a thorough contempt. Editors having allowed themselves to be made tools of by party machinery, have in turn made tools of tbe people, and the result was, if an editor had the independence to differ with his party, to reject a nomina tion, or refuse to support some man un worthy of bis confidence or respect, lie was denounced as not a good party nfan, and the cry was raised, "stop his paper,” “set up opposition to him,” break him down,” See., See. Unfortunately for the profession, editors seem too willing to loose their identity, and seek the popular current to make money instead of advancing an opinion or standing squarely np to a principle. In stead of endeavoring to lead and enlight en the public mind, it rather caters to it. Instead of being the educator of those who seek office or hold office, they too of ten become the followers, apologists and tools of party leader*. Instead of crack ing the whip to let public servants know that the press is truly independent, that it is not in busines to follow, but to lead, expose, explain, to be tbe guardian of great principles, it unfortuuately follows too closely in the ruts of party dictation or private selfish interest. As well might the Doctor when called in to see a patient cousult him as to what he would like to take in the shape of madicine to effect his cute, or perhaps to call all his neighbors together from their law, merchandise, farms, trades, &c., and state bis case and ask their advice as to what bis patient should take. If consulted, they would as sensible men say : You beiog a physi cian, it is your business to know ; it is your study, and if you are not competen to the task, give up the profession and make room for one who is. If there is any class of men who should study, should investigate, should weigh all questions, principles and measures with an eye single to the public good, that class should be the conductors of the Press. Not willingly surrendering their opinion be- cause it is unpopular or because p u bli c clamor demands it, but moving on f ear lessly in tbe path it things right. But right here comes iu a nice question that every aae who has had any experience i D the eu ;:ial chair has experienced. If] go agakst ue popular tide, though I f ee [ that T HU, right and it wrong, my p a p er will go uown aud be left without suhscrib- ers. ii is an appeal to the purse that few met. n well resist, and lie is indeed a man of nerve and a lover of principle or of his own views who would conduct a paper for the more gratificotion of elaborating his opinions if they should unfortunately be unpopular. No man should go into the editorial pro fession with the expectation of making money, and at the same time being entire ly independent in all of his opinions; be will have to sacrifice the one or the other at some time of bis life on some occa sions. And that leads us to the point wherein the people are directly interested and if they* the people, would have an out spoken Press, the Press should have that support which would make it independent of party men, politicians, cliques or corpo rations. Or the conductors of the Press should have a purse independent of their papers, and labor for the mere pleasure of laboring to enlighten and iustruct the peo ple. There are but few papers wielding such influence as tho London Times, the N. Y. Herald, the World, Tribune, Times, Cou rier, Journal and a few others in this, our day. and such as the National Intelligencer under Gates Sc Seaton and the Union un der Mr. Richie did iu the better days of the Republic. Such papers are a power, with master minds at the head, and when they speak they are heard ; besides, they are moulders of public sentiment, and like tbe driver, they follow the horses, hut they take care to have hold of the reins; and again, they are independent, financi ally and laugh at “I’ll stop your paper.” Tho secret of the independence of men disconnected with the Press is, that they have nothing to loose bat all to make,and cau afford to be reckless. If unpopular, they are unpopular, they are like a terra pin, cau withdraw themselves within their shell and retire from the public gaze, and go about auy calling they may have — Having no pecuniary interest at stake, no character as a writer or thinker to be test ed day by day, it is an easy matter with them to be blatant or select as the case may be. An editor should have an individuality, and a very strong one at that ; as much so as any other man, and when he says, "We,” he should mean “We” as an indN vidual, and as tbe exponent of principles already recognised, or principles he wish ed to be recognised aud engrafted upon the public mind. It is an easy thing to float alon^ with the current ; to run iu tbe common rut ; to follow along with the ex citement of the moment, or the prejudices of tbe day, or tbe passions of the hour. As the great majority of mankind do not really think, and half do not read, and but few investigate, their snap judgment on any question where wisdom and reflection is necessary, shonld have bnt little weight with those who have assumed to be teach ers and educators. Such are our views of tbe duties and responsibilities of the edi torial profession, whether we, as an editor, fill the bill or not. WHAT NEXT? Assuming as candor compels ns to do, that Georgia is to day turned over to Bol lock, it is" some consolation to read, as ve do in the Chronicle & Sentinel, that it is no great matter, after all ; and, ou the whole, to be preferred to the original stat us, in which there was danger that the Legislature, of its own motion, would have reseated the negroes and passed the Fif* teenth Amendment. We are certainly disposed to make the best of the catastro phe, and to bear His with as much com posure as possible. We call our readers to witness that this catastrophe has not caught us by sur prise. A conviction of our daDger has dwelt upon our minds. We have not been one of those who have flattered the people that this tyranical Congress wou;^ fail to seize upon such a pretext as the expulsiou of the negroes from the Legis lature, for an occasion to disarm and crip' pie a State which refused to vote tbe Rad ical ticket. And now we are told no great barm i* done. We answer, that all depends upon the power of the Radical Destructive is this State to do harm ! That power rest: upon the Legislative status. We assume • is tbe purpose of Messrs. Bullock, BloJg®-; & Co., to seeure a practical supple, tD ,, subservient majority in the Legislature. ‘ possible ; and as the work is in their hand’ we think they will do it effectually if the.v can. They will leave no stone untnrue- to mould the Legislature to their will. * c '- if they succeed, those who anticipate i* 1 ’ harm will be sorely disappointed. 7®e. will see such an upturning and upheaving such a squandering and bedevilment g®- erally as they do not dream of. But as man's extremity is God’s <>pp°r‘ tunitv, if may be that the Democrats s'- 11 left in the Legislature, together with 1 mall remnant of the more conservin' Radicals, may be able to interpose betw?®“ the State aud destruction. This is best chance we can see left to us; bU’ ‘ this fails, then we have hut to bear the from which we cannot escape, with ^ solemn resolution that we will take first occason to slip off the burden of disorder and mal-legislation which * ^ agents of Congress impose upon us. bill declaros this a “Provisional Lejp'L ture,” and both the Legislature an Governor are Federal agents and * constitutional representatives of the No Court having any respect for la* . f hold the Stated Georgia responsible the obligations they coutraet, and w ®>