About Southern recorder. (Milledgeville, Ga.) 1820-1872 | View Entire Issue (July 30, 1872)
Volume LIU. MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JULY 30, 1872. Number. 29. THE Southern §kmiUx. Terns, $2.00 Per Annum in Advance £itn OicertorjL ClT Y G O VERNMENT. Mayor—Samuel Walker. Board ol Aldermen—F B Mapp, E Trice, T A Caraker, Jaeob Caraker, J H McComb, Jienry Temple. Clerk and Treasurer—Peter Fair. Marshal—.1 B Fair. Policeman—T Tuttle. Deputy Marshal and Street Overseer—Peter Ferrell. Sexton—F Beeland. City Surveyor—C T Bayne. City Auctioneer—S J Kidd. Finance Committee—T A Caraker, Temples. Mapp. Street Committee—J Caraker, Trice, Mc- C'omb. Land Committee—MeComb, J Caraker, Trice. Cemetery Committee—Temples, Mapp, T A Caraker, Board moets 1st and 3d Wednesda nightsy iu each month. PRESIDENTIAL ISSUES. Jud Ha COUNTYNQFFICERS. M R Bell, Ordiixiry, office iu Masonic P L Fair, Clerk Sup’r Court, office in Ma sonic Hall. Obadiah Arnold, Sheriff, office in the Mason ic Hall. 0 P Bonner, Deputy Sheriff, lives in the country. Josias Marshall, Rec’r Tax Returns—at Post Office. L N Callaway, Tax Collector, office at his store. H Temples, County Treasury,office at his Isaac Cushing, Coroner, res on Wilkson|st, John Gentry, Constable, res on W ayne st near the Factory. MASONIC Benevolent Lodge, No. 3, F A M, meets first and second Saturday nights of each month at Masonic Hall- j C SHEA, W* M # G 1) Cask, secretary. Temple Chapter meets the second and fourth Saturday r.iglits in each month. S G WHITE, 1J # P # G D Cask, secretary. Milledgeville Lodge of Perfection, A A S R meets every Monday night. SAMUEL G WHITE, S # P, G # M # Geo D Case,Exc Grand Sec’y. I. O. G, T. Milledgeville Lodge, No 115, meets in the Senate Chamber at the State House on every Friday oveninp: a* 7 o'e’.ueh. C P Crawford, W C T E P Lane, secretary. Cold Water Templars meet at the State House every Saturday afternoon at 3 o’clock. CllHtni DIRECTORY. BAPTIST CHURCH. Service 1st and 3d Sundays in each month, at 11 o'clock a m and 7 p m. Sabbath school at o’clock am. S N Bougl:teu,supt. Rev D E Butler, Pastor. METHODIST CHURCH Hours of service on Sunday: 11 o’clock, a m, and 7 p in. Sunday school 3 o’clock p m—W E Frank- land, superintendent. Prayer meeting every Wednesday at 7 p iu. Rev A J Jarrell, Pastor. PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH Services every Sabbath (except the second in each month) at 11 am and 7 p m, Sabjiath school at 9 1-2 a m T T Windsor superintendent. Prayer meeting every Friday at 4 o’clock P m- Rev C W Lane, Pastor. The Episcopal Church has no Pastor at nresent THE 0RE;AT*. BLQ0D-" P.U RI FI E R siry powerful invigorating PROPEKnES&ftPLEASANfr DRINK. These Bitters i.ro positively invaluable in ALESKINJJtS^SfS^ER UPTIONS They purify the bystetn, and will cure DYSPEPSflrCe&SlERtfL DEB I LIT Y. Remittent and Intermittent Fevers, NERVOUS DISEASES UIVER COMPLAINT and are a preventive of Chills and Fever. _ All yield to their powerful efficacy. \RECOOP FQRTHEMENTAl ORGANIZATION. Are an antidote to change of Water and Diet. 4 THEY WILL RESTORE YOUTHFUL VI CO R to the wasted frame, and correct all I RRECtftftRITYOFTHE BOWELS. Will save days of Buffering to the sick, and The grand Panacea for all the ills of life. T.RYi»&N B-OTTLE The Standard PHYSICIANS THESE, , prescebe it n BITTER s/C, TEEIR KBHAfflIn Young or Old, Marrie^^J^®®‘ ^or Single, these Bitters are un-^ r equalled and have often been means of saving life. TRY ONE BOTTLE. MILLER, BISSELL & BURRUM. Whole sale Agents, and Wholesale Grocers and Com mission Merchants. 177 Broad Street, AU GUSTA, GA. C. II. Wright & Son. Agents Milledgeville, Ga. Campbell &, English, Agents Macon, Ga. BROWN’S HOTEL, Opposite Depot, MACON GA. w. F. BROWN & CD., Prop’rs (Successors to E. E. BrownJ& Son,) W F. Brown. Geo. C. Brown The Liberal Platform. The following are the resolutions in full adopted by the Liberal Re publican National Convention at Cincinnati in May, and endorsed by the Democratic Convention in July: We, the Liberal Republicans of the United States, in National Con- vention assembled at Cincinnati, proclaim the following principles as essential to ajust government: First—We recognize the equality of all men before the law, and hold that it is the duty of the govern-* ment, in its dealings with the peo- 3le, to mete out equal and exact justice to all; of whatever nativity, race, color, persuasion, religious or political. Second—We pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these State emancipation and enfranchisement, and to oppose any reopening of the questions settled by the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth amend ments of the constitution. Third.—We demand the immedi ate and absolute removal of all dis abilities imposed on account of the rebellion, which was finally sub* dued seven years ago, believing that universal amnesty will result in the complete pacification of all sections of the country. Fourth.—Local self-government, with impartial suffrage, will guard the rights of all citizens more se curely than any centralized power. The public welfare requires the su* premacy of the civil over the mili tary authority, and the freedom of persons under the protection of the habeas corpus. We demand for the individual the iargest liberty consis* tent with public order for the State’s self-government, and for the nation a return to the methods of peaco nnJ the constitutional limitations of pow er. Filth—The civil service of the government has become a mere in strument of partisan tyranny and personal ambition, and an object of selfish greed. It is a scandal and reproach upon our free institutions, and breeds a demoralization dan gerous to the perpetuity of republi can government. We therefore re gard a thorough reform of the civil service as one of the most pressing necessities of the hour; that hones ty, capacity and fidelity constitute the only valid claims to public em ployment; that the offices of the government cease to be a matter of arbitrary favoritism and patronage, and that public stations become a- gain poste of honor. To this end it is imperatively required that no President shall be a candidate for re-election. Sixth—We demand a system of federal taxation which shall not un necessarily interfere with the indus try of the people, and which shall provide means necessary to pay the expenses of the government, eco nomically administered, .pensions, the interest on the public debt, and a moderate reduction, annually, of the principal thereof, and recogniz ing that there are in our midst hon est, but irreconcilable differences of opinion with regard to the respec- tive systems of protection and free trade, we remit discussion of the subject to the people in their con« gressional districts, and to the de cision of Congress thereon, wholly free of executive interference or dic tation. Seventh—The public credit must be sacredly maintained, and we de nounce repudiation in every form and guise. Eighth—A speedy return to spe cie payments is demanded alike by the highest considerations of com mercial morality and honest gov ernment. Ninth—We remember with grat itude the heroism and sacrifice of the soldiers and sailors of the repub lic, and no act of ours shall ever detract from their justly earned fame or the full reward of their pa triotism. Tenth—We are opposed to all further grants of lands to railroads or other corporations. The public domain should be held sacred to ac tual settlers. Eleventh—We hold that it is the duty of the government, in its inter course with foreign nations, to culti vate the friendship of peace by treat ing with all on fair and equal terms, regarding it alike dishonorable eith er to demand what is not right or to submit to what is wrong. Twelfth—For the promotion and success of these vital principles, and the support of the candidates nomi nated by this convention, we invite and cordially welcome the co-opera tion ol gll patriotic citizens, without regard to previous political affilia tion. Horae® Greeley’s Letter of Acceptance. New York, May, 20, 1872. Gentlemen: I have chosen not to acknowledge your letter of the 3d inst., until I could learn how the work of your convention was receiv ed in all parts of our great country, and judge whether that work was approved and ratified by the most of our fellow-citizens. Their response has, from day to day, reached me through telegrams, letters, and the comments of journalists independ ent of official patronage and indiffer ent to the smiles or frowns of power. The number and character of these unconstrained, unpurchased, unso licited utterances satisfy me that the movement which found expres sion at Cincinnati has received the stamp of public approval, and been hailed by a majority of our country men as the harbinger of a better day for the republic. I do not misinterpret this approv al as especially complimentary to myself, nor even to the chivalrous and justly esteemed gentleman with whose name I thank your convention for associating with mine. 1 receive and welcome it as a spontaneous and deserved tribute to thai admira ble platform of principles, wherein your convention so tersely, so lucid ly, so forcibly set forth the convic- lions which impelled and the pur poses which guided its course—a platform which, casting behind it the wreck and rubbish of worn out contentions and bygone feuds, em bodies in fit and few words the needs and aspirations of to-day.— Though thousands stand ready to condemn your every act, hardly a syllable of criticism or cavil has been aimed at your platform, of which the substance may be fairly epito mized as follows : I. All the pomi^ai rights ana franchises which have been acquired through our late bloody convulsions must and shall be guaranteed, main tained, enjoyed, respected evermore. II. All the political rights and franchises which have been lost through that convulsion should and must be promptly re-established, so that there shall be henceforth no proscribed class and no disfranchis ed caste within the limits of our Union, whose long-estranged people shall reunite and fraternize upon the broad basis of universal amnesty with impartial suffrage. III. That, subject to our solemn constitutional obligation to maintain the equal rights of all citizens, our policy should aim at local self-gov ernment, and not at centralization ; that the civil authority should be su preme over the military ; that the writ of habeas corpus should be jeal ously upheld as the safeguard of personal freedom ; that the individ ual citizen should enjoy the largest liberty consistent with public order; anti tiiat tiiprf* pha.ll l>© no Fpdpial subversion of the internal polity of the several States and municipali ties, but that each shall be left free to enforce the rights and promote the well-being of its inhabitants by such means as the judgment of its own people shall prescribe- IV. There shall be a real and not merely a simulated reform in the civil service of the republic, to which end it is indispensable that the chief dispenser of its vast official patron age shall be shielded from the main temptation to use his power selfishly by a rule inexorably forbidding and precluding his re-election. V. That the raising of revenue, whether by tariff or otherwise, shall be recognized and treated as the people’s immediate business, to be shaped and directed by them through their representatives in Congress, whose action thereon the President must neither overrule by his veto, attempt to dictate, nor presume to punish, by bestowing office only on those who agree with him, or with drawing it from those who do not. VI. That the public lands must be sacredly reserved for occupation and acquisition by cultivators, and not recklessly squandered on the pro jectors of railroads for which our peo ple have no present need, and the premature construction of which.is annually plunging us into deeper and deeper abysses of foreign in debtedness. VIL That the achievement of these grand purposes of universal beneficence is expected and sought at the hands of all who approve them, irrespective of past affiliations. VIII. That the public faith must at all hazards be maintained, and the national credit preserved. IX. That the patriotic devoted ness and inestimable services of our fellow-citizens, who, as soldiers or sailors, upheld the flag and main tained the unity of the republic shall ever be gratefully remembered and honorably requited. These propositions, so ably and forcibly presented in the platform of your convention, have already fixed the attention and commanded the assent of a large majority of our countrymen, who joyfully adopt them, as I do, as the basis of a true, beneficent, national reconstruction— of a new departure from jealousies, strifes and hates, which have no longer adequate motive or even plau sible pretext, into an atmosphere of peace, fraternity and mutual good will. In vain do the drill-sergeants of decaying organizations flourish menacingly their truncheons, and angrily insist that the files shall be closed and strengthened; in vain do the whippers-in of parlies once vital, because rooted in the vital needs of the hour, protest against straying and bolting, denouncing men nowise their inferiors as trai tors and renegades, and threaten them with infamy and ruin. I am confident that the American people have made your cause their own, fully resolved that their braie hearts I and strong arms shall bear it on to triumph, in this faith, and with the distinct understanding that, if elect ed, I shall be the President* not of a party, but of the whole people. I accept your nomination, in the con fident trust that the masses of our countrymen, North and South, are eager to clasp hands across the bloody chasm which has loo long divided them, forgetting that they have been enemies in the joyful con sciousness that they are and must henceforth remain brethren. Yours, gratefully, HORACE GREELEY. To Hon. Carl Schurz, President; Hon. Geo. W. Julian, Vice Pres’t; and Messrs. Win. E. McLean, John G. Davidson, J. H. Rhodes, Secre taries of the National Convention of the Liberal Republicans of the Unit ed Stales. (t»tv Toomb’s Repir tfc® Card of Ex- Gflvem or Brown. Washington, Ga., July 11, 1S72. To the Editors of the Sun: A brace of ex-Chief Justices, of this State, honored me with their notice and vituperation in The Constitution of the 3d instant. There were a trio of these chevaliers d'uidustrie enga ged in the transactions referred to. The third member of the firm (Mr, H. I. Kimball) is absent from the State, I suppose, “from circumstan ces beyond his control.” These as saults excite no surprise. Since the adjournment of that band of public plunderers whom General Terry and Bullock installed as the Legislature of Georgia in Oc tober, 1S70, I have devoted much of my time and strength in endeav oring to secure the persons of these acc mtplices in guilt, and to pre serve the evidence of their crimes from destruction, until the criminal laws could be enforced against them, and a “free parliament of the peo ple” could assemble to aid the ad ministration of justice, and wrest from the grasp of the spoilers so much of their ill-gotten gains as might be within the reach of law or legislature. These efforts have not been whol ly unavailing and £ trust I have been able to render some small service to some of the very able and efficient committees whom the Legislature have charged with the consumma tion of this great work. My small portion of the work has excited the deepest enmity of the whole gang of spoliators against me. I accept it as some evidence that I .have not labored wholly in vain. It is worthy of notice in the be ginning, that not a single statement made by me in the publication to which they refer, is denied by eith er Lochrane or Brownl They do not deny that they, in connection with Kimball, engineered through the Legislature the resolution ceding the Railroad Park property in At lanta, in the name of the heirs of Mitchell; nor that the Legislature ac cepted thirty-five thousand dollars from their clients in the face of a responsible offer of one hundred thousand dollars for a quit claim deed to the same property; nor that this action of the Legislature was the result of bribery, pure and sim ple; nor that the acceptance of the thirty five thousand dollars in lieu of the one hundred thousand dollars offered under the circumstances con tained in the journals, is conclusive of that fact. Here are the specific charges contained in my letter, and the proof referred to, to sustain them. I shall dismiss the reply of Loch rane very summarily. Treachery, mendacity, venality, servility to Builock and the Radical gang, rot tenness in and out of office since the his private character where he is known. He boasts of buying a large por tion of the Park property, and of large amounts expended in its im provement, when I know that since that purchase, if purchase it be, he has been compromising his honest debts for about thirty cents in the dollar; and if the money for the im provements came out of his purse, it must have been acquired bv his practices under color of his profes sion, or his malpractices on the Bench. Ex-Chief Justice Brown denies neither of the statements which I affirmed. He contents himself with quoting from my letter, and then ad ding: “Now .f General Toombs, by this language, intends to say that I have been guilty of bribery in en gineering this bill through the Legis lature, I pronounce his statement an infamous falsehood and its author an unscrupulous liar.” He quoted the language, and therefore knew I did not “say” so. If he felt in doubt about the inten tion—the construction of the lan> guage—he might have asked for an explanation. The propriety of this course is so obvious that no gentle man could fail to perceive it. Brown preferred hypothetical denunciation, the usual dodge of a vulgar poltroon and played his characteristic role. He is extremely technical: “i/Gen eral Toombs intends by this lan guage that I have been guilty of bribery in engineering this bill through the Legislature,” etc. I proposition be accepted. Thecoun-| He sel tor the State had no notice of j court, did sit, dissented from the .. , i > l ,lJ t gave no opinion. He Ihe meeting ol the committee, ami, weakened the opinion nil he could were not present, except Nunnally, | by hi. dissent, but gave no o|““aIn hat statement of Brown who favored Lochrane’s proposition, I himself. and Judge Hopkins, who suggested I \Va* th* " "ack a compromise “on such, true? If so, he either’ had'no claim! 3 the re ‘ at,ve vantage ground | on the Mitchell heirs for fees or h« two names will ineiiA, O 1 . ires, or ne think the probabilities are very much against Brown’s being personally en gaged in the bribery. 1 think he is too cunning and skillful a lobbyist to run any such unnecessary risks, es pecially with such experts as Kim-, ball and Lcckrane, aided by Blood- gett, assisting him in the work of en gineering the bill through the Leg islature. The plain history of the case, and the UegTsfalufe’ (fod 1 e yftVtfftcdr of which I referred) will fully vindicate the correctness of my opinion of the transaction. In 1842, Charles Mitchell, with the view to secure the location of the depot of the road on his land, donated, in fee simple, by deed of warranty, five acres of land to the State for “placing thereon the nec essary buildings which may hereaf ter be required for public purposes at the terminus of said road.” The State entered, occupied and held un disturbed possession of this proper ty for nearly a quarter of a century. In 1867, Brown & Pope brought suit for the heirs of Mitchell for the park portion of the property. No action was ever had on this suit; but in 1868, the case was carried before the Legislature, and the claim re jected. It there slept until Bullock got another reconstruction act through Congress, and he and Gen* ral Terry had, by fraud and force, ejected a large number of the true representatives of the people, and replaced them with a sufficient num ber of his own pliant and corrupt tools to render powerless the honest men whom he could gel no pretext for ejecting. The State being thus prostrate at the feel of the usurpers and plunder ers. Bullock, their chief, with a cor rupt Judiciary of his own appoint ment, with a venal Legislature, sounded his bugle and called his clans to the sacking of the Com monwealth. Lochrane was among the very first to obey the call. In July, 1870, he put in the rejected claim of the beir3 of Mitchell, in a proposition to Bullock, to give him the whole of the property in dispute in the suits, except a 3trip of land two hundred and forty feet wide, between Loyd and Pryor streets, where the depot then and now stands, for thirty-five thousand dollars. This property was estimated then to be worth be tween three hundred thousand and four hundred thousand dollars, by some of the best citizens of Atlanta. The proposition was referred by Bullock to the counsel he had em ployed to defend the State’s inter ests. Mr. William Dougherty, Judge Collier, Mr. Hovt, Judge Hopkins and Mr. Nunnally, ot the counsel, met, consulted, and, except Nunnal ly, unanimously decided that the title of the State was clear and un questionable, and directed one of their number ro to report to the Gov ernor. Judge Hopkins differs with Messrs. Dougherty, Collier and Hoy l as to the other facts^ but agrees that the title of the Slate was clear. Bullock sent in Lochrane’s prop osition, with a false statement, as was his habit, of a material tact in the case. This message was re surrender, has so strongly stamped his character, that nothing he could jeeived on the 13th of October, 1870, now say—no new falsehood he might referred to a select committee of utter, and no new crime he might now commit would, in the least de gree, affect his public reputation or both houses the same day, and on the next day was reported back with a recommendation that Lochrane’s a to Bullock terms as of the two parties will justify. Lochrane represented the Mitchell heirs. This report was made the special order of the day for the 17th of Oc tober. It was taken up on that day. Mr. Candler, on the 14th, having moved to request the Governer to send iu the opinions of the counsel for the State, his resolution, on mo tion of Mr. Speer, was laid on the table. On the 17th Mr. Candler moved a substitute reciting ihp ~r n — eral Austeff and others, to bid one hundred thousand dollars for a quit claim to the Park, and providing for its acceptance and putting the property up at auction with that up set bid. Mr. Bradley offered as a substi tute to the whole a resolution to give the heirs of Mitchell the right to sue in the courts of the Slate for the pioperty, which substitute was re jected, and the substitute of Mr. Candler was also rejected by one vote, and the report was then adop ted by 22 to 11 votes. The Chairman of the House Com mittee, on the 4th of October, made the same joint report to the House. It was taken upon the 20ih, and Mr. Hall moved the adoption of the Senate’s report as a substitute lor his own. Mr. Scott then submitted the of fer ot General Austell and twelve other citizens of Atlanta, to pay one hundred thousand dollars for the Stale’s quit claim deed to the prop erty within ninety days after date; and offered a resolution providing for commissioners to put up the property at public auction; and pro- vidio 2. further. thqj it the commis.- hundred thousand dollars for a quit claim title to the property, the Gov ernor should be authorized to accept the proposition of the Mitchell heirs for thirty-five thousand dollars. This proposition was rejected by a vote of 49 to 73, and the Senate’s substi tute was adopted. Such is the record upon which I formed the opinion that the action was the result of bribery, pure and simple. I did not suppose that all who voted for the bill were corrup ted. Some men were doubtless misled. Others influenced by other than corrupt motives; but it is clear that the managers of the scheme of plunder profited by their betrayal of their public trust. The record is complete. The State’s title was settled by the judg ment of the Supreme Court; was clear and indisputable, in the opin ion of four of the leading counsel of the State. Their opinions were suppressed by a direct vote of the Senate. The friends of the bill refused to permit the claims to go before the courts for a trial, though counsel fees to the amount of fifteen thousand dollars were paid to defend the titles.— Thirty-five thousand dollars was ac cepted from the Mitchell heirs for a property in lieu of one hundred thousand dollars offered by others; without the pretence of a reason therefor being found on the record— except Jackson’s letter to Bullock— which property, within a few days after the consumation of this wick edness, with all the cloud of this corruption hanging over it, brought at public outcry over two hundred thousand dollars. Gov. Brown does not deny that he aided in lobbying lhi3 measure through the Legislature. He was present in the Senate when the bill was before it, as was also Lochrane, Kimball and Blodgett; and he was justly rebuked on the floor of the Senate by Mr. Candler for bis con duct in this matter. Lobbying is a crime—a misde meanor at common law; a crime in tensified by his high judicial posi tion. But there is yet a still graver charge than lobbying against the ex-Chief Justice. Before these oc curred, the case of Thornton and others vs. Trammell and others, came before the Supreme Court. It was a case really against the Wes tern and Atlantic Railroad, for the Dalton depot, and involving the same principles. The counsel for the Road objected to Brown’s sit ting in that case, on the ground that he was employed in the Mitchell heirs’ case, which was undecided. See 39th Georgia, 203. Brown sta ted “that in that case,, the language of the deed is dff’erent, and 1 have lurned over the case with the obliga tion of the fee to the other counsel. Under these circumstances,” he was adjudged by the other Judges com petent to sit on the 4ase. afterwards contracted for and accep ted lees while on the Bench. If not true, he sat in a case in the decision of which he was interested, and de cided in his own favor. It is a high crime in the highest judicial officer of the Stale to bring his influence to bear in any way to control the action of the Legislature. His very position rnay control those who have suits before him. The ordinary criminal may be in his hands. He may have power to — f.wiu juot puuiauuicfu iur ni crimes even the victim of his own perfidious debauchery. R. Toombs. The Number Seven. This number is frequently used in the writings of the Bible. On the seventh day God ended His work. In the seventh month Noah’s ark touched the ground. In seven days a dove was sent out. Abraham pleaded seven days for Sodom. Jacob served seven years for Ra chel. mourned seven days for Jacob Joseph. Jacob was pursued a seven days’ journey by Laban. A plenty of seven years and a famine of seven years were foretold in Pharaoh’s dream, by seven fat and seven lean beasts, and seven years of full and seven years of blast ed corn. On the seventh day of the sev enth month the children of Israel fasted seven days and remained seven days in tents. U J — ’ -*■— J —• —**- —— men were set free. Eveiy seventh jear the law was read to the people. In the destruction of Jericho, sev en priests bore seven trumpets sev en days. On the seventh day they surrounded the walls seven times, and at the end of the seventh round the walls fell. Solomon was seven ing the Temple, and days at its dedication. In the Tabernacle lamps. The golden candlestick had seven lamps. Naaman washed seven times in Jordan. Job’s friends sat with him seven days and seven nights, and offered seven bullocks aud seven rams as an atonement. Our Saviour spoke seven times from the cross, on which he hung seven hours, and, after His resur rection, appeared seven limes. In the Lord’s Prayer are seven petitions containing seven limes sev en words. In the Revelations we read of sev en churches, seven candlesticks, seven stars, seven trumpets, seven plagues, seven thunders, seven vials, seven angels, and a seven-beaded monster. years fasted build- seven were seven The raising of tropical fruits in the southern portion of California is a large and growing business, and promises to become one of great im portance. Orange, lime and lemoa trees raised from the seed there bear in their ninth or tenth year, and the profits on oranges are larger than those made on any othec fruit, pay ing at the rate of from $20 to $50 a tree ; seventy-five trees being the usual allotment to an acre. These trees need constant irrigation. They can be transplanted at almost any age without injury ; but trees over three years old are seldom to be found at the nurseries. Walnuts yield a profit from full-grown trees of from $600 to $1,000 an acre.— They require irrigation only in the uplands; in the valleys they grow well without it. The olive is also a tree which thrives luxuriantly in that region, and liberally rewards the cultivator. In time the Califor nia olive crop will be of great value. Kentucky sportsmen are using nitro-glycerine to catch fish with. A pound of it exploded below water recently, elevating eighty-six of the finny tribe, weighing from a half to thirteen pounds each. A New Orleans dyspeptic sent to a New York individual $1, for which sum a cure for dyspepsia was prom ised. He received a slip with these words: “Stop drinking and hoe in the garden.” The man was angry at first, then laughed, and finally stopped drinking and “hoed in 'be gardien.”
