Newspaper Page Text
Volume LIU.
MILLEDGEVILLE, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, JULY 30, 1872.
Number. 29.
THE
Southern §kmiUx.
Terns,
$2.00 Per Annum in Advance
£itn OicertorjL
ClT Y G O VERNMENT.
Mayor—Samuel Walker.
Board ol Aldermen—F B Mapp, E Trice,
T A Caraker, Jaeob Caraker, J H McComb,
Jienry Temple.
Clerk and Treasurer—Peter Fair.
Marshal—.1 B Fair. Policeman—T Tuttle.
Deputy Marshal and Street Overseer—Peter
Ferrell.
Sexton—F Beeland.
City Surveyor—C T Bayne.
City Auctioneer—S J Kidd.
Finance Committee—T A Caraker, Temples.
Mapp.
Street Committee—J Caraker, Trice, Mc-
C'omb.
Land Committee—MeComb, J Caraker,
Trice.
Cemetery Committee—Temples, Mapp, T A
Caraker,
Board moets 1st and 3d Wednesda nightsy
iu each month.
PRESIDENTIAL ISSUES.
Jud
Ha
COUNTYNQFFICERS.
M R Bell, Ordiixiry, office iu Masonic
P L Fair, Clerk Sup’r Court, office in Ma
sonic Hall.
Obadiah Arnold, Sheriff, office in the Mason
ic Hall.
0 P Bonner, Deputy Sheriff, lives in the
country.
Josias Marshall, Rec’r Tax Returns—at
Post Office.
L N Callaway, Tax Collector, office at his
store.
H Temples, County Treasury,office at his
Isaac Cushing, Coroner, res on Wilkson|st,
John Gentry, Constable, res on W ayne st
near the Factory.
MASONIC
Benevolent Lodge, No. 3, F A M, meets
first and second Saturday nights of each month
at Masonic Hall- j C SHEA, W* M #
G 1) Cask, secretary.
Temple Chapter meets the second and
fourth Saturday r.iglits in each month.
S G WHITE, 1J # P #
G D Cask, secretary.
Milledgeville Lodge of Perfection, A A S R
meets every Monday night.
SAMUEL G WHITE, S # P, G # M #
Geo D Case,Exc Grand Sec’y.
I. O. G, T.
Milledgeville Lodge, No 115, meets in the
Senate Chamber at the State House on every
Friday oveninp: a* 7 o'e’.ueh.
C P Crawford, W C T
E P Lane, secretary.
Cold Water Templars meet at the State
House every Saturday afternoon at 3 o’clock.
CllHtni DIRECTORY.
BAPTIST CHURCH.
Service 1st and 3d Sundays in each month,
at 11 o'clock a m and 7 p m.
Sabbath school at o’clock am. S N
Bougl:teu,supt. Rev D E Butler, Pastor.
METHODIST CHURCH
Hours of service on Sunday: 11 o’clock, a
m, and 7 p in.
Sunday school 3 o’clock p m—W E Frank-
land, superintendent.
Prayer meeting every Wednesday at 7
p iu. Rev A J Jarrell, Pastor.
PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH
Services every Sabbath (except the second
in each month) at 11 am and 7 p m,
Sabjiath school at 9 1-2 a m T T Windsor
superintendent.
Prayer meeting every Friday at 4 o’clock
P m-
Rev C W Lane, Pastor.
The Episcopal Church has no Pastor at
nresent
THE 0RE;AT*. BLQ0D-" P.U RI FI E R
siry powerful invigorating
PROPEKnES&ftPLEASANfr DRINK.
These Bitters i.ro positively invaluable in
ALESKINJJtS^SfS^ER UPTIONS
They purify the bystetn, and will cure
DYSPEPSflrCe&SlERtfL DEB I LIT Y.
Remittent and Intermittent Fevers,
NERVOUS DISEASES UIVER COMPLAINT
and are a preventive of Chills and Fever.
_ All yield to their powerful efficacy.
\RECOOP FQRTHEMENTAl ORGANIZATION.
Are an antidote to change of Water and Diet. 4
THEY WILL RESTORE YOUTHFUL VI CO R
to the wasted frame, and correct all
I RRECtftftRITYOFTHE BOWELS.
Will save days of Buffering to the sick, and
The grand Panacea for all the ills of life.
T.RYi»&N B-OTTLE
The Standard
PHYSICIANS THESE,
, prescebe it n
BITTER s/C, TEEIR
KBHAfflIn Young or Old, Marrie^^J^®®‘
^or Single, these Bitters are un-^
r equalled and have often been
means of saving life.
TRY ONE BOTTLE.
MILLER, BISSELL & BURRUM. Whole
sale Agents, and Wholesale Grocers and Com
mission Merchants. 177 Broad Street, AU
GUSTA, GA. C. II. Wright & Son. Agents
Milledgeville, Ga. Campbell &, English,
Agents Macon, Ga.
BROWN’S HOTEL,
Opposite Depot, MACON GA.
w. F. BROWN & CD., Prop’rs
(Successors to E. E. BrownJ& Son,)
W F. Brown.
Geo. C. Brown
The Liberal Platform.
The following are the resolutions
in full adopted by the Liberal Re
publican National Convention at
Cincinnati in May, and endorsed
by the Democratic Convention in
July:
We, the Liberal Republicans of
the United States, in National Con-
vention assembled at Cincinnati,
proclaim the following principles as
essential to ajust government:
First—We recognize the equality
of all men before the law, and hold
that it is the duty of the govern-*
ment, in its dealings with the peo-
3le, to mete out equal and exact
justice to all; of whatever nativity,
race, color, persuasion, religious or
political.
Second—We pledge ourselves to
maintain the union of these State
emancipation and enfranchisement,
and to oppose any reopening of the
questions settled by the Thirteenth,
Fourteenth and Fifteenth amend
ments of the constitution.
Third.—We demand the immedi
ate and absolute removal of all dis
abilities imposed on account of the
rebellion, which was finally sub*
dued seven years ago, believing
that universal amnesty will result
in the complete pacification of all
sections of the country.
Fourth.—Local self-government,
with impartial suffrage, will guard
the rights of all citizens more se
curely than any centralized power.
The public welfare requires the su*
premacy of the civil over the mili
tary authority, and the freedom of
persons under the protection of the
habeas corpus. We demand for the
individual the iargest liberty consis*
tent with public order for the State’s
self-government, and for the nation
a return to the methods of peaco nnJ
the constitutional limitations of pow
er.
Filth—The civil service of the
government has become a mere in
strument of partisan tyranny and
personal ambition, and an object of
selfish greed. It is a scandal and
reproach upon our free institutions,
and breeds a demoralization dan
gerous to the perpetuity of republi
can government. We therefore re
gard a thorough reform of the civil
service as one of the most pressing
necessities of the hour; that hones
ty, capacity and fidelity constitute
the only valid claims to public em
ployment; that the offices of the
government cease to be a matter of
arbitrary favoritism and patronage,
and that public stations become a-
gain poste of honor. To this end
it is imperatively required that no
President shall be a candidate for
re-election.
Sixth—We demand a system of
federal taxation which shall not un
necessarily interfere with the indus
try of the people, and which shall
provide means necessary to pay the
expenses of the government, eco
nomically administered, .pensions,
the interest on the public debt, and
a moderate reduction, annually, of
the principal thereof, and recogniz
ing that there are in our midst hon
est, but irreconcilable differences of
opinion with regard to the respec-
tive systems of protection and free
trade, we remit discussion of the
subject to the people in their con«
gressional districts, and to the de
cision of Congress thereon, wholly
free of executive interference or dic
tation.
Seventh—The public credit must
be sacredly maintained, and we de
nounce repudiation in every form
and guise.
Eighth—A speedy return to spe
cie payments is demanded alike by
the highest considerations of com
mercial morality and honest gov
ernment.
Ninth—We remember with grat
itude the heroism and sacrifice of
the soldiers and sailors of the repub
lic, and no act of ours shall ever
detract from their justly earned
fame or the full reward of their pa
triotism.
Tenth—We are opposed to all
further grants of lands to railroads
or other corporations. The public
domain should be held sacred to ac
tual settlers.
Eleventh—We hold that it is the
duty of the government, in its inter
course with foreign nations, to culti
vate the friendship of peace by treat
ing with all on fair and equal terms,
regarding it alike dishonorable eith
er to demand what is not right or to
submit to what is wrong.
Twelfth—For the promotion and
success of these vital principles, and
the support of the candidates nomi
nated by this convention, we invite
and cordially welcome the co-opera
tion ol gll patriotic citizens, without
regard to previous political affilia
tion.
Horae® Greeley’s Letter of Acceptance.
New York, May, 20, 1872.
Gentlemen: I have chosen not
to acknowledge your letter of the
3d inst., until I could learn how the
work of your convention was receiv
ed in all parts of our great country,
and judge whether that work was
approved and ratified by the most of
our fellow-citizens. Their response
has, from day to day, reached me
through telegrams, letters, and the
comments of journalists independ
ent of official patronage and indiffer
ent to the smiles or frowns of power.
The number and character of these
unconstrained, unpurchased, unso
licited utterances satisfy me that
the movement which found expres
sion at Cincinnati has received the
stamp of public approval, and been
hailed by a majority of our country
men as the harbinger of a better day
for the republic.
I do not misinterpret this approv
al as especially complimentary to
myself, nor even to the chivalrous
and justly esteemed gentleman with
whose name I thank your convention
for associating with mine. 1 receive
and welcome it as a spontaneous
and deserved tribute to thai admira
ble platform of principles, wherein
your convention so tersely, so lucid
ly, so forcibly set forth the convic-
lions which impelled and the pur
poses which guided its course—a
platform which, casting behind it
the wreck and rubbish of worn out
contentions and bygone feuds, em
bodies in fit and few words the
needs and aspirations of to-day.—
Though thousands stand ready to
condemn your every act, hardly a
syllable of criticism or cavil has been
aimed at your platform, of which
the substance may be fairly epito
mized as follows :
I. All the pomi^ai rights ana
franchises which have been acquired
through our late bloody convulsions
must and shall be guaranteed, main
tained, enjoyed, respected evermore.
II. All the political rights and
franchises which have been lost
through that convulsion should and
must be promptly re-established, so
that there shall be henceforth no
proscribed class and no disfranchis
ed caste within the limits of our
Union, whose long-estranged people
shall reunite and fraternize upon the
broad basis of universal amnesty
with impartial suffrage.
III. That, subject to our solemn
constitutional obligation to maintain
the equal rights of all citizens, our
policy should aim at local self-gov
ernment, and not at centralization ;
that the civil authority should be su
preme over the military ; that the
writ of habeas corpus should be jeal
ously upheld as the safeguard of
personal freedom ; that the individ
ual citizen should enjoy the largest
liberty consistent with public order;
anti tiiat tiiprf* pha.ll l>© no Fpdpial
subversion of the internal polity of
the several States and municipali
ties, but that each shall be left free
to enforce the rights and promote
the well-being of its inhabitants by
such means as the judgment of its
own people shall prescribe-
IV. There shall be a real and not
merely a simulated reform in the
civil service of the republic, to which
end it is indispensable that the chief
dispenser of its vast official patron
age shall be shielded from the main
temptation to use his power selfishly
by a rule inexorably forbidding and
precluding his re-election.
V. That the raising of revenue,
whether by tariff or otherwise, shall
be recognized and treated as the
people’s immediate business, to be
shaped and directed by them through
their representatives in Congress,
whose action thereon the President
must neither overrule by his veto,
attempt to dictate, nor presume to
punish, by bestowing office only on
those who agree with him, or with
drawing it from those who do not.
VI. That the public lands must
be sacredly reserved for occupation
and acquisition by cultivators, and
not recklessly squandered on the pro
jectors of railroads for which our peo
ple have no present need, and the
premature construction of which.is
annually plunging us into deeper
and deeper abysses of foreign in
debtedness.
VIL That the achievement of
these grand purposes of universal
beneficence is expected and sought
at the hands of all who approve them,
irrespective of past affiliations.
VIII. That the public faith must
at all hazards be maintained, and
the national credit preserved.
IX. That the patriotic devoted
ness and inestimable services of
our fellow-citizens, who, as soldiers
or sailors, upheld the flag and main
tained the unity of the republic shall
ever be gratefully remembered and
honorably requited.
These propositions, so ably and
forcibly presented in the platform of
your convention, have already fixed
the attention and commanded the
assent of a large majority of our
countrymen, who joyfully adopt
them, as I do, as the basis of a true,
beneficent, national reconstruction—
of a new departure from jealousies,
strifes and hates, which have no
longer adequate motive or even plau
sible pretext, into an atmosphere of
peace, fraternity and mutual good
will. In vain do the drill-sergeants
of decaying organizations flourish
menacingly their truncheons, and
angrily insist that the files shall be
closed and strengthened; in vain
do the whippers-in of parlies once
vital, because rooted in the vital
needs of the hour, protest against
straying and bolting, denouncing
men nowise their inferiors as trai
tors and renegades, and threaten
them with infamy and ruin. I am
confident that the American people
have made your cause their own,
fully resolved that their braie hearts
I and strong arms shall bear it on to
triumph, in this faith, and with the
distinct understanding that, if elect
ed, I shall be the President* not of a
party, but of the whole people. I
accept your nomination, in the con
fident trust that the masses of our
countrymen, North and South, are
eager to clasp hands across the
bloody chasm which has loo long
divided them, forgetting that they
have been enemies in the joyful con
sciousness that they are and must
henceforth remain brethren.
Yours, gratefully,
HORACE GREELEY.
To Hon. Carl Schurz, President;
Hon. Geo. W. Julian, Vice Pres’t;
and Messrs. Win. E. McLean, John
G. Davidson, J. H. Rhodes, Secre
taries of the National Convention of
the Liberal Republicans of the Unit
ed Stales.
(t»tv Toomb’s Repir tfc® Card of Ex-
Gflvem or Brown.
Washington, Ga., July 11, 1S72.
To the Editors of the Sun: A brace
of ex-Chief Justices, of this State,
honored me with their notice and
vituperation in The Constitution of
the 3d instant. There were a trio
of these chevaliers d'uidustrie enga
ged in the transactions referred to.
The third member of the firm (Mr,
H. I. Kimball) is absent from the
State, I suppose, “from circumstan
ces beyond his control.” These as
saults excite no surprise.
Since the adjournment of that
band of public plunderers whom
General Terry and Bullock installed
as the Legislature of Georgia in Oc
tober, 1S70, I have devoted much
of my time and strength in endeav
oring to secure the persons of these
acc mtplices in guilt, and to pre
serve the evidence of their crimes
from destruction, until the criminal
laws could be enforced against them,
and a “free parliament of the peo
ple” could assemble to aid the ad
ministration of justice, and wrest
from the grasp of the spoilers so
much of their ill-gotten gains as
might be within the reach of law or
legislature.
These efforts have not been whol
ly unavailing and £ trust I have been
able to render some small service to
some of the very able and efficient
committees whom the Legislature
have charged with the consumma
tion of this great work. My small
portion of the work has excited the
deepest enmity of the whole gang of
spoliators against me. I accept it
as some evidence that I .have not
labored wholly in vain.
It is worthy of notice in the be
ginning, that not a single statement
made by me in the publication to
which they refer, is denied by eith
er Lochrane or Brownl They do
not deny that they, in connection
with Kimball, engineered through
the Legislature the resolution ceding
the Railroad Park property in At
lanta, in the name of the heirs of
Mitchell; nor that the Legislature ac
cepted thirty-five thousand dollars
from their clients in the face of a
responsible offer of one hundred
thousand dollars for a quit claim
deed to the same property; nor that
this action of the Legislature was
the result of bribery, pure and sim
ple; nor that the acceptance of the
thirty five thousand dollars in lieu
of the one hundred thousand dollars
offered under the circumstances con
tained in the journals, is conclusive
of that fact. Here are the specific
charges contained in my letter, and
the proof referred to, to sustain
them.
I shall dismiss the reply of Loch
rane very summarily. Treachery,
mendacity, venality, servility to
Builock and the Radical gang, rot
tenness in and out of office since the
his private character where he is
known.
He boasts of buying a large por
tion of the Park property, and of
large amounts expended in its im
provement, when I know that since
that purchase, if purchase it be, he
has been compromising his honest
debts for about thirty cents in the
dollar; and if the money for the im
provements came out of his purse,
it must have been acquired bv his
practices under color of his profes
sion, or his malpractices on the
Bench.
Ex-Chief Justice Brown denies
neither of the statements which I
affirmed. He contents himself with
quoting from my letter, and then ad
ding: “Now .f General Toombs,
by this language, intends to say that
I have been guilty of bribery in en
gineering this bill through the Legis
lature, I pronounce his statement an
infamous falsehood and its author an
unscrupulous liar.”
He quoted the language, and
therefore knew I did not “say” so.
If he felt in doubt about the inten
tion—the construction of the lan>
guage—he might have asked for an
explanation. The propriety of this
course is so obvious that no gentle
man could fail to perceive it. Brown
preferred hypothetical denunciation,
the usual dodge of a vulgar poltroon
and played his characteristic role.
He is extremely technical: “i/Gen
eral Toombs intends by this lan
guage that I have been guilty of
bribery in engineering this bill
through the Legislature,” etc. I
proposition be accepted. Thecoun-| He
sel tor the State had no notice of j court,
did sit, dissented from the
.. , i > l ,lJ t gave no opinion. He
Ihe meeting ol the committee, ami, weakened the opinion nil he could
were not present, except Nunnally, | by hi. dissent, but gave no o|““aIn
hat statement of Brown
who favored Lochrane’s proposition, I himself.
and Judge Hopkins, who suggested I \Va* th*
" "ack a compromise “on such, true? If so, he either’ had'no claim!
3 the re ‘ at,ve vantage ground | on the Mitchell heirs for fees or h«
two names will ineiiA, O 1 . ires, or ne
think the probabilities are very much
against Brown’s being personally en
gaged in the bribery. 1 think he is
too cunning and skillful a lobbyist to
run any such unnecessary risks, es
pecially with such experts as Kim-,
ball and Lcckrane, aided by Blood-
gett, assisting him in the work of en
gineering the bill through the Leg
islature.
The plain history of the case, and
the UegTsfalufe’ (fod 1 e yftVtfftcdr of
which I referred) will fully vindicate
the correctness of my opinion of the
transaction.
In 1842, Charles Mitchell, with
the view to secure the location of
the depot of the road on his land,
donated, in fee simple, by deed of
warranty, five acres of land to the
State for “placing thereon the nec
essary buildings which may hereaf
ter be required for public purposes
at the terminus of said road.” The
State entered, occupied and held un
disturbed possession of this proper
ty for nearly a quarter of a century.
In 1867, Brown & Pope brought
suit for the heirs of Mitchell for the
park portion of the property. No
action was ever had on this suit; but
in 1868, the case was carried before
the Legislature, and the claim re
jected. It there slept until Bullock
got another reconstruction act
through Congress, and he and Gen*
ral Terry had, by fraud and force,
ejected a large number of the true
representatives of the people, and
replaced them with a sufficient num
ber of his own pliant and corrupt
tools to render powerless the honest
men whom he could gel no pretext
for ejecting.
The State being thus prostrate at
the feel of the usurpers and plunder
ers. Bullock, their chief, with a cor
rupt Judiciary of his own appoint
ment, with a venal Legislature,
sounded his bugle and called his
clans to the sacking of the Com
monwealth.
Lochrane was among the very
first to obey the call. In July, 1870,
he put in the rejected claim of the
beir3 of Mitchell, in a proposition
to Bullock, to give him the whole of
the property in dispute in the suits,
except a 3trip of land two hundred
and forty feet wide, between Loyd
and Pryor streets, where the depot
then and now stands, for thirty-five
thousand dollars. This property
was estimated then to be worth be
tween three hundred thousand and
four hundred thousand dollars, by
some of the best citizens of Atlanta.
The proposition was referred by
Bullock to the counsel he had em
ployed to defend the State’s inter
ests. Mr. William Dougherty, Judge
Collier, Mr. Hovt, Judge Hopkins
and Mr. Nunnally, ot the counsel,
met, consulted, and, except Nunnal
ly, unanimously decided that the
title of the State was clear and un
questionable, and directed one of
their number ro to report to the Gov
ernor.
Judge Hopkins differs with Messrs.
Dougherty, Collier and Hoy l as to the
other facts^ but agrees that the title
of the Slate was clear.
Bullock sent in Lochrane’s prop
osition, with a false statement, as
was his habit, of a material tact in
the case. This message was re
surrender, has so strongly stamped
his character, that nothing he could jeeived on the 13th of October, 1870,
now say—no new falsehood he might referred to a select committee of
utter, and no new crime he might
now commit would, in the least de
gree, affect his public reputation or
both houses the same day, and on
the next day was reported back with
a recommendation that Lochrane’s
a
to Bullock
terms as
of the two parties will justify.
Lochrane represented the Mitchell
heirs.
This report was made the special
order of the day for the 17th of Oc
tober. It was taken up on that day.
Mr. Candler, on the 14th, having
moved to request the Governer to
send iu the opinions of the counsel
for the State, his resolution, on mo
tion of Mr. Speer, was laid on the
table.
On the 17th Mr. Candler moved
a substitute reciting ihp ~r n —
eral Austeff and others, to bid one
hundred thousand dollars for a quit
claim to the Park, and providing
for its acceptance and putting the
property up at auction with that up
set bid.
Mr. Bradley offered as a substi
tute to the whole a resolution to give
the heirs of Mitchell the right to sue
in the courts of the Slate for the
pioperty, which substitute was re
jected, and the substitute of Mr.
Candler was also rejected by one
vote, and the report was then adop
ted by 22 to 11 votes.
The Chairman of the House Com
mittee, on the 4th of October, made
the same joint report to the House.
It was taken upon the 20ih, and Mr.
Hall moved the adoption of the
Senate’s report as a substitute lor
his own.
Mr. Scott then submitted the of
fer ot General Austell and twelve
other citizens of Atlanta, to pay one
hundred thousand dollars for the
Stale’s quit claim deed to the prop
erty within ninety days after date;
and offered a resolution providing
for commissioners to put up the
property at public auction; and pro-
vidio 2. further. thqj it the commis.-
hundred thousand dollars for a quit
claim title to the property, the Gov
ernor should be authorized to accept
the proposition of the Mitchell heirs
for thirty-five thousand dollars. This
proposition was rejected by a vote
of 49 to 73, and the Senate’s substi
tute was adopted.
Such is the record upon which I
formed the opinion that the action
was the result of bribery, pure and
simple. I did not suppose that all
who voted for the bill were corrup
ted. Some men were doubtless
misled. Others influenced by other
than corrupt motives; but it is clear
that the managers of the scheme of
plunder profited by their betrayal of
their public trust.
The record is complete. The
State’s title was settled by the judg
ment of the Supreme Court; was
clear and indisputable, in the opin
ion of four of the leading counsel of
the State.
Their opinions were suppressed
by a direct vote of the Senate. The
friends of the bill refused to permit
the claims to go before the courts
for a trial, though counsel fees to the
amount of fifteen thousand dollars
were paid to defend the titles.—
Thirty-five thousand dollars was ac
cepted from the Mitchell heirs for a
property in lieu of one hundred
thousand dollars offered by others;
without the pretence of a reason
therefor being found on the record—
except Jackson’s letter to Bullock—
which property, within a few days
after the consumation of this wick
edness, with all the cloud of this
corruption hanging over it, brought
at public outcry over two hundred
thousand dollars.
Gov. Brown does not deny that
he aided in lobbying lhi3 measure
through the Legislature. He was
present in the Senate when the bill
was before it, as was also Lochrane,
Kimball and Blodgett; and he was
justly rebuked on the floor of the
Senate by Mr. Candler for bis con
duct in this matter.
Lobbying is a crime—a misde
meanor at common law; a crime in
tensified by his high judicial posi
tion.
But there is yet a still graver
charge than lobbying against the
ex-Chief Justice. Before these oc
curred, the case of Thornton and
others vs. Trammell and others,
came before the Supreme Court. It
was a case really against the Wes
tern and Atlantic Railroad, for the
Dalton depot, and involving the
same principles. The counsel for
the Road objected to Brown’s sit
ting in that case, on the ground that
he was employed in the Mitchell
heirs’ case, which was undecided.
See 39th Georgia, 203. Brown sta
ted “that in that case,, the language
of the deed is dff’erent, and 1 have
lurned over the case with the obliga
tion of the fee to the other counsel.
Under these circumstances,” he was
adjudged by the other Judges com
petent to sit on the 4ase.
afterwards contracted for and accep
ted lees while on the Bench. If not
true, he sat in a case in the decision
of which he was interested, and de
cided in his own favor.
It is a high crime in the highest
judicial officer of the Stale to bring
his influence to bear in any way to
control the action of the Legislature.
His very position rnay control those
who have suits before him. The
ordinary criminal may be in his
hands. He may have power to
— f.wiu juot puuiauuicfu iur ni
crimes even the victim of his own
perfidious debauchery.
R. Toombs.
The Number Seven.
This number is frequently used in
the writings of the Bible.
On the seventh day God ended
His work.
In the seventh month Noah’s ark
touched the ground.
In seven days a dove was sent
out.
Abraham pleaded seven days for
Sodom.
Jacob served seven years for Ra
chel.
mourned seven days for
Jacob
Joseph.
Jacob was pursued a seven days’
journey by Laban.
A plenty of seven years and a
famine of seven years were foretold
in Pharaoh’s dream, by seven fat
and seven lean beasts, and seven
years of full and seven years of blast
ed corn.
On the seventh day of the sev
enth month the children of Israel
fasted seven days and remained
seven days in tents.
U J — ’ -*■— J —• —**- ——
men were set free.
Eveiy seventh jear the law was
read to the people.
In the destruction of Jericho, sev
en priests bore seven trumpets sev
en days. On the seventh day they
surrounded the walls seven times,
and at the end of the seventh round
the walls fell.
Solomon was seven
ing the Temple, and
days at its dedication.
In the Tabernacle
lamps.
The golden candlestick had seven
lamps.
Naaman washed seven times in
Jordan.
Job’s friends sat with him seven
days and seven nights, and offered
seven bullocks aud seven rams as
an atonement.
Our Saviour spoke seven times
from the cross, on which he hung
seven hours, and, after His resur
rection, appeared seven limes.
In the Lord’s Prayer are seven
petitions containing seven limes sev
en words.
In the Revelations we read of sev
en churches, seven candlesticks,
seven stars, seven trumpets, seven
plagues, seven thunders, seven vials,
seven angels, and a seven-beaded
monster.
years
fasted
build-
seven
were seven
The raising of tropical fruits in
the southern portion of California is
a large and growing business, and
promises to become one of great im
portance. Orange, lime and lemoa
trees raised from the seed there bear
in their ninth or tenth year, and the
profits on oranges are larger than
those made on any othec fruit, pay
ing at the rate of from $20 to $50
a tree ; seventy-five trees being the
usual allotment to an acre. These
trees need constant irrigation. They
can be transplanted at almost any
age without injury ; but trees over
three years old are seldom to be
found at the nurseries. Walnuts
yield a profit from full-grown trees
of from $600 to $1,000 an acre.—
They require irrigation only in the
uplands; in the valleys they grow
well without it. The olive is also a
tree which thrives luxuriantly in
that region, and liberally rewards
the cultivator. In time the Califor
nia olive crop will be of great value.
Kentucky sportsmen are using
nitro-glycerine to catch fish with. A
pound of it exploded below water
recently, elevating eighty-six of the
finny tribe, weighing from a half to
thirteen pounds each.
A New Orleans dyspeptic sent to
a New York individual $1, for which
sum a cure for dyspepsia was prom
ised. He received a slip with these
words: “Stop drinking and hoe in
the garden.” The man was angry
at first, then laughed, and finally
stopped drinking and “hoed in 'be
gardien.”