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U.S., Russia try again to slow arms race
By NICHOLAS DANILOFF
WASHINGTON (UPI) —
> a break o{ six months,
the United States and Soviet
Union are resuming their
strategic arms talks this week
’ in a new effort to stem the
seemingly inexorable arms
race.
, ' The trick,” said one U.S.
official as the American delega*
tion headed back today to the
Geneva negotiating table, “is to
s close some more doors without
opening any new ones.”
Previous U.S.-Soviet arms
control agreements left various
doors open to both sides for
developing new weapons and
modernizing old ones —a fact
which Sen. Henry M. Jackson,
D-Wash., has criticized sharply.
The limited nuclear unger
ground test ban which former
President Richard Nixon con
cluded in June in Moscow, for
example, still permits under
ground testing of nuclear
weapons whose explosive force
is less than 150 kilotons —about
10 times the power of the
> Hiroshima bomb.
The 1972-1977 Interim Agree
ment concluded at the 1972
Summit conference freezes the
number of missiles possesed by
the United States and Soviet
Union and puts a ceiling on the
, number of nuclear submarines
they may maintain. But it does
not prevent either side from
improving its arsenal
qualitatively.
Ambassador U. Alexis John
son, a career Foreign Service
officer, is leading his delegation
back to the Palais des Nations
for the resumption of the talks
Wednesday at a time when both
superpowers are calculated to
have a staggering and burgeon
ing amount of “overkill.”
The Center for Defense
i Information, directed by retired
Adm. Gene La Rocque, esti
mates the United States now
has enough nuclear armaments
> to equal all the bombs it
dropped on Japan and Germa
ny during World War II 2,404
. times over —the equivalent of
369,769 Hiroshima-type explo
sions.
The equivalent figures for the
» Soviet Union are 718,538 Hiro
shima-type explosions, or 4,671
Second World Wars.
Adm. La Rocque’s precise
* figures are disputed by some,
but his general point about the
fearful might of the superpow-
» ers is accepted by the highest
government officials.
Secretary of State Henry A.
Kissinger, in particular, is
» appalled by these nuclear
arsenals. On July 3, immediate
ly after the Moscow summit
, conference between Nixon and
Soviet leader Leonid I. Brezh
nev, he warned at a Moscow
news conference:
* “If we have not reached an
agreement well before 1977,
then I believe you will see an
explosion of technology and an
* explosion of numbers at the end
of which we will be lucky if we
have the present stability —in
, which it will be impossible to
describe what strategic superi
ority means.
-Russians
smash
art show
* MOSCOW (UPI) - “It’s just
like Czechoslovakia,” one man
shouted as a handful of
Russians pelted the advancing
Soviet bulldozers with balls of
mud.
The mud failed to stop the
bulldozers from smashing up an
abstract art show, however,
just as rocks could not keep
Soviet tanks from overrunning
’ Czechoslovakia in 1968.
Bulldozers, water trucks and
burly police barreled in Sunday
to disperse about 500 men,
women and children gathered
in a Moscow suburb for an
unsanctioned exhibit of abstract
•' 3FT-
The Soviet Union, which only
sanctions art depicting “Social
ist realism," arrested six
‘artists, manhandled some fo
reign diplomats and assaulted
five Western newsmen.
A group of 13 underground
artists picked a patch of
wasteland in suburban Seme
novskoye for the exhibition,
hoping the out-of-the-way loca
tion would head off troubles
with Soviet officials.
Authorities used an iron fist
* to break up the show, however,
claiming the rainswept muddy
tract southwest of Moscow was
needed for budding a “park of
rest and culture.”
“And one of the questions
which we have to ask ourselves
as a country is what, in the
name of God, is strategic
superiority?
“What is the significance of
it, politically, militarily, opera
tionally, at these levels of
numbers? What do we do with
it?”
Defense Secretary James R.
Schlesinger, responsible for
current decisions which could
affect the security of the
nation’s defense a decade from
now, accepts the imperative
necessity of arms control. But
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' his approach has been at
1 variance with Kissinger’s.
Schlesinger, and the military
’ generally, have favored com
. prehensive arms control agree
ments which shut all the doors
’ at once, rather than the
' previous piecemeal agreements
1 which represented small, for
ward steps, but which left
loopholes for defense planners,
scientists and contractors to
1 walk through.
In a July 3 press conference
in Washington, immediately
1 following Kissinger’s perfor
mance in Moscow, Schlesinger
acknowledged that getting a
comprehensive agreement
might mean a long wait.
“The possible objection to
that is that you may wait more
or less eternally,” Schlesinger
conceded.
Paul Nitze, a high Defense
Department official who repre
sented the Office of the
Secretary of Defense on the
American negotiating team in
previous Strategic Arms Limi
tation Talks, resigned in mid
year, criticizing the piecemeal
aproach.
The American delegation thus
is returning to Geneva against
the background of divisions in
the government over how best
to approach the next round of
arms control negotiations.
Instructions to the U.S.
delegation still were being
considered as late as Saturday,
when President Ford held a
two-hour meeting with his
National Security Council.
The next phase of the arms
talks, suspended since March
19, is expected to be ex
ploratory, seeking out areas of
possible future agreements with
the Soviets.
Page 5
Kissinger remains the prime
force on the American side in
the conduct of the negotiations,
although Schlesinger, as one
official put it, “is his own man
and is not letting the secretary
of state have a free ride.”
Kissinger’s main concern now
is to reach an accord to limit
the deployment of multiple
nuclear warheads. The United
States is allowed to deploy
these multiple warheads on its
large missiles under the terms
of the 1972-1977 agreement. The
Soviet Union is allowed to
develop, test and deploy them
: — Griffin Daily News Monday, September 16,1974
as well.
There are other “open doors”
which need to be closed. These
include putting restrictions on
modernization of old missiles,
limitations on research and
development and controls on
strategic bombers which so far
have not been dealt with at all.
Additionally, the Soviet Union
wants to discuss the so-called
forward-based systems of the
United States located in Europe
for NATO defense. The United
States maintains these wea
pons, which include tactical
nuclear arms, are not strategic
and should not be discussed in
Geneva. Nineteen NATO and
Soviet bloc countries open talks
on reduction of forces in
Europe Sept. 24 in Vienna.
Kissinger plans to fly to
Moscow at the end of October
to resume his discussions with
Brezhnev.
The Kissinger-Brezhnev talks
are seen by observers here as
the next really significant event
in the superpowers’ struggle —
to borrow a phrase from
former Secretary of State Dean
Rusk —“to keep the nuclear
beast in his cage.”