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THE DAILY SUN. Tcaoux Morkiko. Aram l. Mr- Office n the Su« Building, West tide qf Broad street, Second Door South of Alabama. SST New Advertisements altatyi found on First Page ; Local anti Business Notices on Fourth Page. IVroon.'il Notice. A dung* luu n rrutly been made in the arrangement of the matter for Tan Daily Scin. The telegraphic dhpatclica, together with oorreaponduueo and gener al news matter, will occupy tho flmt pogo of the paper. The second |mgo will be devoted to editorial and selected luilitieal matter. On tho third pogu will let found editorial paragraphs and misoellaueona matter. The forth page will be used for city newt and local commercial reports. Mew adrertiaemenUi will immediately fol low the reading matter on the first page. This arrangement has boon adopted as a permanent one. It enables every page of Thx Bun to be made up of the very freshest matter at hand, and will giro ad vertisers a good advantage in any part of the paper. tf. (Trail U.C Atlanta Dallj tax. of (be IMS Julr—Oe published to meet the demand* of paw subscribers.] The New York World Once More of our U«ue to-day. We have taken *uch time to respond to the World'i •Ttriure la thie instead*, m we thought the great gravity and high linpoit of tho eubjecte required— We now reply la that tono and eplrlt lu which the World indicates a disposition to dlecoaa the qnea- tlou* Involved. lu the first place. then, we must my. that we which should be “laid away la the hoeius siccus," ...a theoa which oi.tiuLl ita held up for public con r condemnation et ■ ilcrntloa. sud popular ai proval Uie jwdls. .-a— thought “explicit On tlila point v ly ‘-precise" ar World haa not what wa have kan tore said on r views upou U in language ■ plain that t ward Memphis corbisponbunce Politics <■ Tcancssee. Memi-uis, July 20, 1871 Kditoh Sun : Your accession to the ranks of journalism carrios me back in History to tho 'better ami purer age of our Federal Republic, when such men us Jefferson and Mad ison, Hamilton and Juv, Livingston and Calhoun, Blair amt Ritchie, and u host of others like them, did not disdain, by their writings, to instruct their fellow-countrymen, through the public press, in the truo principles of Constitutional Liberty. It is ns lamentable us it is mortify ing to think of the degeneracy of modern times in this particular. Many of those who now address the public through tho Press arc hare ex pediency men. Tho people urc al most doily advised by this latter class to surrender some right or to aban don some principle. They never teach, as did the greut men above re- ferrod to, that constitutional liberty can only be maintained ami preserved by those who have the intelligence and courage to defend it uguinst the insidious encroachments of power. Nor do we anywhere read where they exhort their countrymen, os did those great men, never to suffer un invasion of their political Constitution, in however unimportant a particular, to pass without a stern comlcniiiaiion, and a determined persevering resist ance. But the former were statesmen, who had made the science of Govern ment their study, while most of tho latter rise to no higher dignity than that of mere politicians, Tho former hod learned from reading “old books,” by exjioricnco, and from observation, that one precedent creates another, that these soon accumulate and be come law, and are then resorted to as pretexts by bad and ambitious men, seeking to ovorthrow the liberties of their couutry, in order the better to conceal their real motives. These men have appeared to us, of late years, under so mauy names, that I am* in doubt how to designate them at this time! Only yesterday they were known as CZnservalires; but, the people discovering their real eliar- aoter and design, and utterly repudi ating them, they re-oppeur to-d«y, under the new and captivating appel lations of “New Departunsts,” “ Young Democracy,” and “ Progres sive Mon,” whichever will best suit their particular localities, hoping to mislead and entrap the unwary. Un der whatever name they may operate, the people may be assured of one thiug—that tho leading spirits who will eventually control the movement are no friends to Constitutional Lib erty, but, on the contrary, are among its most determined and deadly euc- mies. In this section of the country, they assumed, os best suited to their purpose, the name of “ New Dcpartu- rists,” with which they had boon dubbed upon their first re-appearance. Borne politicians in this State, of the olass who are always ou the look out to get their fingers in the public crib, lured by the tempting motto, in substance, of “ Anything for Victory mid Spoils," “ Anything to win, with u haste that was as imprndent in them as it was indecent for honora ble men, lumped at tho bait thrown out, aud hooked themselves ; but the great mass of tho Democracy have almost unanimously refused to give it their approval or sanction, notwith standing the unauthorised recom mendation to this effect by the State Central Executivo Committee of the Party. This 1 know to be particular ly true of the Middle ana Western Sections of the State. In the cities aud towns, one may meet, here and there, with a “ New Departurist,” to called, from the De mocracy ; but it is almost impossible to find oue suoh iu the country. Your oourse is indorsed and approved br the great body of the Democracy of .this State. The Tennessee De mocracy are sincerely aud devotedly attached to tho Constitution of their Fathers and will never stultify them selves by sanctioning measures, which they have, for years past, denounced os “ usurpations, unconstitutional, revo- lutionary and void.” Klbeht. An old bachelor says that giving the ballot to women won Id not amonnt to anything practically, Imm rarnse they would keep denying tlufl they were old enough to vote until they got too old to toko any interest in politics. „ bee* 1 tl “^Whyuiedioa] au thorities that “ if a man lias a good appetite, aleeps well, and feel* baoy- »nt in spirits after his weals, he mould let his health alone, whether irons.-* hogshead or as thin ooo of its legitimate rueull* or not—i question* relating to negro slaverr. aa it previously existed In so*n* of (he to them on Use part of any oue oi ordinary lulclloc- tual coinpreheualoii. Oar position thus BiicrinrH). but clearly stated, !»: that all question# aud matter# pertaining l» the war. growing out of aoroMHion—ita causes, conduct and ac tual results—from Ita commencement to it* rloao; from the ft ring on Fort Humter to tho aurreuder of the laat Confederate armed aqtiad; from tho aeocs- elon of ftonth Carolina to the restoration of the Union, by the resumption of Utetr obligation* to it under tho Constitution on the part ofthe States whirls had attempted te withdraw from It, and the claim by them of their reciprocal and equal right* In the Federal Counclla-all those <iue*tIona and mat ters. we say, which are embraced In tbeae clearly defined lluilt*. should. In our Judgme nt, a* hereto fore expressed. be “laid away." and comdgned to the tomb, nsver to ba alluded again to aa entering in any way, into the practical living Issues of Federal poll- U Among these actual reanlta of tlse war-whether ~ -- — include all servitude, he slate* of the because in point of tort, a11 Un to questions were disposed of within tho lini'ls of tho period so distinctly defined. Iincnt to the Conslituliot hkb (l,a urcv i(inaI v (tiu— n - - some of the States was forever abolished and prohibited, we therefore consider no longer a tiring issue. It wa* adopted within the period elated. All Use States ol the Union had a hearing upon it. and an equal voico upon it on ita adoptiou, through Constitutional constituencies. We. therefore, regard it a* valid: tor however reluctant ly it may have breu ratified by the State* which had attempted to accede, yet it wa* ratified by compe- teut authority on the part of each of them—by acou- etituoncy iu each of them recognized by the Consti tution of the United State*; aud wa* so ratified lu good faith by them without the slightest disposition ou their part to disturb it. It la therefore, In oar opinion, properly classed among the “dead iaauea;" not because au attempt to disturb it wonld “kindle Use whole oonotry into a contlagraUon." hut because those affected by It have no deal re or wish te uu- settle what they have agreed to. “in pood /««*. as one of the actual result* of the war. whether a legit imate one or not. Tbeso are oar reasons ft,r consid ering the Xllltli Amendment both ru.id and nut te bo reversed. Bo ranch for the “dead laanei.’* Now to those of a liriny character. How is tt with tho XIVits and XVth Amendments, so-called f If wa undoi stand the position of tho World it la that theis should bo classed In the same category aa the Xllltls. aud considered among tho actual results of the war. whether legitimately or rightfully ao or not; and that conaisteucy In reason, lug on our part require* that wo should ao accept them. To this we eav. by no mean*. Thor are not results of tliia war, either legitimate or actual. They arc lu no way connected with it or its declared object*. These are the results of opeu, palpable, aud avowed loritr faction in Con- moving in "Use serial region and cjoudlaud ■ f vague declamation,*' lu thus characterizing aom* of the hideous features of this ao called XIVtu AmeU'lment? Arc these mouslrous act* nothing but shad ows? Are they not. In fact, and In truth, mote and pernicious realities to be mot, considered aud condemned by the people, if Use liberties of this country are to be preserved? We assure the World, in all earnestness, that we so consider them. Not only so. hut we look upou them as among the wool pracUral and llveiaauos now to be presented to tbs people of the United Htatc*. Nor are wo. tn assailing Item. engaged iu any such ridiculous adventure *» Don yuJxote iu hi* charge- up«u the wind-mills, unless the poopb mates are ripe for despotism. Nor are we engaged in any such fantastic politic*! comedy as that of call ing upon the people to repeal the uuconstltutiois** Hoconstruction Aota, or auything founded ui*on them. Unconstitutional acts, and everything that rente upon them, are not laws. They are nothin) unities. Ho Mr. Jefferson and the Democrac; to declared the Alien and Sedition Acta to be. H^y set out upon no such “ridiculous wind-mill* contest as seeking to have nullities repealed. Tt ouly ca led upon the people to declare them nullUit by popular rote at tile polls, and toputinpowor inei who would so declare them to be in their respective official positions, lu this way the Alien and Sedition of usurpation were gotten rid of, not by * tjieal, but by electing men to office who held them to be as they were, not valid laws, but nullities. These Acte still remain upon the statute book as a monument and record of the iniquity of their authors, and as a n to guide p< i) got rid of all • * - * “le norm wu theee fraudi to dual with them . as Mr. Jefferson antf the Democracy of JWKI dealt with the Alien and Hodltion Acta. Dt the people everywhere be aroused t*> a proper sense of the dauger which now threaten* tho < of their Institutions, aud called uix.u to man for any office, from the Chief Magistracy . who will give hi* sanction of validity to measure based upon aucb usurpations a* those called Amendments are known to be. Is not this an easy, peaceful, and effective mode by which the complete rectification of all these wrong* —- ‘ ured? We assure the World that it is our object, above every other osrthly consideration, fo save the insti tutions of this couutry, if posaiblo, si tablisbed by our ancestors. Ws belli-’ mtlruly upon the Democracy. To sin harmony aud concert of a i they were re this depotii -ccod, woW | _ essential. We have thus given fully, aud frankly, aud clear- , we trust, our views of that line which distinctly parste* the ’‘dead" from tho ••liriny issues," and that liue of policy which, if adopted, will most surely lead them to success iu tho coming conflict; but if these views should not meet the approval of tho ma jority, then wc «U%11 have oue thiug to ark (this wo shall a skin the name nf eycrytblug that Is eacrod), aud that is. that the masses of the party, in arraign ing their opponent* for their misdeeds, shall not by any platform or pronuticiamndo, bo committed to a sanction of tho validity or policy of any measure which Is based entirely upon “usurpation, fraud aud perfidy." A. H usurpation# of power by i gres*. Since tho war—since me proclamation oi peace —since the restoration of the Union by tho resump tion of their obligation* ander the Constitution ou the part of all tho State* which attempted to with er owedly waged by the Federal authorities. 7 eud for aoourdiug to all authorities hlch it was waged the subject, won 4T These XIVth aud XVth Amendments Aristotle and Cicero, to Qrotius. Vattol, and Wheaton jtlinate, rightful or actual results of this constitute a prominent part in another and anew teat upou the CouAtitutiou. after the ends of tho other were attained, aud rest entirely upon most flagrant Inestimable right of local self-governinout on the part of the Peoples of the aeveraiHtetea of the Union, entirely intact aud unimpaired, while this new war, of which these ameuduieuts are eoinc of the results, thus far, was commeaoed, aud la being still waged, at the tlrno the Union was formed. There would have beou no lost to them, or either of them, of any of the essential principles of Ulterty. The only pos sible teas, lu this particular, would have been th* greater security for the lualuteuance of these princi ple* and rights, which H was one of fte leading ob- jecta of Uie Union to ssUhllsh. Tho usurpations, however, upon which these amendments rest, and which marked the beginning of this new %car, were thoroughly revoJidumary lu their character—boldly, daringly, and confessedly revolutionary- lu tho fun damental principles upou which tho whole fabric of our free institutions waa baaed. This was the ob ject of three Amendments aud the uauri*tloua of which they are the offspring. In order to carry out the object, ten Htetes of the Union were stricken from the roll of Cuuiuodwealths, at tho very time the ob ject of tho war against secession was accomplished, In having them restored to tholr “practical relations to the Union." Their entire popu lations of over eeveu millions of people, with life, liberty, aud property, were subjected to abso lute military rule, without legal protection or even the recognition of any oue aloulo civil right whatev. er. These ten Ktetes were all (Am claiming their equal rights in tho Federal Council*, to which they were unquestionably entitled, but the right to l>o hoard u)>on these Amendment* was denied them by tho majority faction in Congress, in the faco aud very teeth of the Coustitution, which declares that “each Ntate shall have at least one Representative" in the llouee, “aud that no State, without Us con- •eut, shall be deprived of Its oqual suffrage lu tho Benate." Nay. more; theee usurpation* making tho beginning of this new war upou the Constitution, ended, not In the expulsion of ten Htates from the Federal Couuciis. hut attended to tho complete revolu tion of all thair State Governments, reopeoUvely, by force of arms. There Ameudiuants were nover sub mitted for reUfloaUon, as th# ConatUntiou provides, a* any constituency In those Htates known to the Constitution of the United 8tatea;aud ratifications by which they are now claimed to be part ol tho ore ganio law, were carried, as is notoriously known, by military force, aud not by the voiuntery action of evan there creature# of tho revolutioua so affected. There ratifications wore not the acta of these Htatea, but the acts of a majority faction iu Congress. And unless the monstrous doctrine be accepted, that OahaUtutiona of the acreral Htates. aa they please, there Amendment*, so proposed aud so carried, can never be considered valid by any man or people having any regard tos the principles of publto law or public liberty. But, aaya the World, the naurpaUona, monstrous aa they ware, on which there Aniendmeute rest, are ail obeulete-—iVy are defuuct—tkey cannot be re pealed. for they no longer have any force—they have done their work. But la their work defunct? Are there stupendous frauds, known aa the XIVth and XVth Amaudmenta, obsolete? Are not these lnfkmous acta boldly elalmed as actual result# of the new war now being waged against the Conatitution, the rights of the Mates, and the liberties of the people? They are. and they, together with the daring usuri>aUona upon which they rest, constitute living questions, aa we maintain, for uublto cousideretiou aud popular con demnation. can the fumlameutal law of the Uulon ba ohanged by auch acta of violano*. perfidy aud wrong ? We say it cannot be. The M'orld, lu a late ertiolc, admitted that It ought not to be. Then why _ . • *--* * of. CD there Amendments—tho results o —after all. do not amount to mur etvtl rights, including suffrage, to tbebl as we have no disposition to disturb these righu without a fair trial in oar own Htete. or tu any other Mate where the people are willing to award them, why not— It aaks—let there Amendments, with all the usurpations upou which they rest, pare without ensure or condemnation ? Why quarrel with the term’* whan the “eabatanca'* la accepted? Why 'waste time over the husk* of a qae Jilon after aoccp- Juattee of the Peace, by which they are declared “disabled“ and "disqualified" from ever hereafter holding auy place of public trust, either In the Ht%te or Federal Government, “ nothing but aecuriny csoit rights to the Uajsmot /** la the desteratioo that no one laboring under three “disabilities." exccjft by the gracious permission of the a*ur|«rs, shall ever be qualified to represent tl-e people in Congress, or serve the people of tl-wr Htetes to auy public capacity, nothing but secur; ig civil rights to negroes f Has not the Constitute * declared at d fixed the qua'lflcalions of members Cougres#? How then, in the face and teeth of thew proiislons, does the XIVth Amendment assume to add to these qualifications? We maintain that the attempt to do ao by “bllle of attainder,*' acts of “ disabilities,'* or “ teat-oaths," are as flagitiously ting the kernel I" te call the Progressive Democracy In atHwpting an the whole ? This la th* tenor of the a Now doe* th* World really think that "nyro oof- ftSTi' ' •OUBtnr tfl upon this a . "keener la In depriving the Htates of the imwer of regulating this, re othsr local questions, ra* h for it* aelf and aa It pleases. This Amendment in its “ter- ns 1“ strikes at the very foundation on which all our institutions rvat It* object was. and effect will be, If U ahull ever become an "aocomptisSed /act," to re- thia principle. aimed at bv the “kernel * of the XVth Amendment, which are t& lead to the reduction of the Htetes of this Union, nocording to the idee of Mr. Attorney-General Akermau, to mare corporations or municipalities, which shall depend, even for their existence, upon the will of an Imix-nal Dynasty.— This la the “kernel** of the fruit of this wore than Upas tree. It le the concentrated poreoe of the whole, which strikes at the very heart and every vi tal fibre of our whole system of local self-govern ments. This, as we view it la ter from Uing -noth- mg best ordsuning nsfrotufrage." Again, to it true that the “subs of the XIVth right* to the bteck i lathe Woe _■ What tern of the Constitution, and without a hearing, against at least one hundred mud Jlfy thousand whim ettteeua, including nearly every one la ton Mates who was ever hamwau with the public oonfldswc*. from the oteo* of Chief Magistrate down to that of Fyo;n (be New York World, 8th July. Alexander II. Stephen* on “Dead Issues,” Wo liavo no reason to rotract or re gret our cordial welcome to Mr. Bte* phens on his entrance into tho Held of Southern journalism. We desire to nee no important question of party policy decided without thorough sifting .nod full debate; and there is a manifest ad vantage in having in the arena of discus aion tho keen logic, ripe experience, And robust sincerity of a statesman like Mr. Stephens. Ho compels us to respect his views evon when wo aro constrained to dissent from and combat them. Although Mr, Stephens’ statements aro usually crisp and clear, and quite free from trimming vagueness, ho seems for oneo a littlo misty upon the dead-is sue question. Wo aro not certain that wo fully understand him, and suspect that our viows aud his aro not so widely at variance as they may seem. We beg that on oue or two points he will bo little moro precise and explicit. In a long article signed with liis initials in The Atlanta Sun of July 8, headed “Ou What Issue Shall we £0 into tho Fight?" Mr. Stephens maintains that soiuo of the issues of our former politics aro dead, aud others full of sap and vi tality. Thus far, at least, wo Agree. So far ah wo differ, it in in drawing tho line hetwoon the issues which have hocome obsolete and those which still remaiu as questions of political politics. We only disagree as to the comparative length of the two catalogues. Our list of the issues which should he lahullcd “dead"mid laid away iu the horlus siccua of dried speci mens is a littlo longer tliau his; hut this seems to ho tho whole difference. Oue of the points on which we wish Mr. iStephens wonld dctlno his views with more precision is the prinoiplo on which the dividing line should ho drawn. What are the symptoms of death? By what rule of classidcation must we determine which isBUfle shall ho inserted iu tho cata logue df dead aud which in the list of livo issues? If wo cau agree upon such a rule, tho controversy is practically ended. Mr. Stephens declares it to be liis opinion that the right of secession is a dead issue." Now let us examino the grounds on which ho rests this opinion and see if tho samo rule of judgment would not include several issues which ho insists are uot obsolete. Mr. Stephens still believes that tho secession doctrine is tenable iu logic; that it is a fair deduc tion from tho history of the Constitution and tho structure oi the Federal Gov ernment; and yet, though behoving it correct iu principle, ho unhesitatingly consigns it to the limbo of lost things. The Constitution has not boon changed on this poiut, by amendmout or other wise. It reniftius precisely as it stood in tho winter of 1801, when Mr. Stephens felt constrained by tho paramount alle giaueo ho owed to the Btate of Georgia to follow it out of the Union against his own judgment of expediency and his o' eloquent pro teats. Why then does ho frankly class secession as a dead issue?— Solely because the logio of events is practically more conclusive than the un- ref u tod dialectics of Mr. Culhoun. We insert what Mr. Stephens says on that topic: Tho rt#ht of asossalon for all practical purposes was, aa wa umlaraUml. decided by the war; Dot that war cau ei ar rettto or decide any principle or truth lu matter* of govcrunicut or ju*tice betweeu men or Staten, auy more than lu matters of aciauce, art or religion War may decide and iuay determine per manently question* of policy, but uever qne*tt< right. A legitimate result of the late war, we believe, waa the setUeuicnt, aud setttuiucut forever, iu this coun try. of th* policy of secession aa a practical mode of redress against any usurpations on the part tf the Federal government. This log! tt mate result of tho war has been accepted lu good faith by all those Matenuhich recently re sorted ho this mode of redress for what they regard ed breach** of the common compact and threat*, m d u*urpetlont by their confederates. Hereafter the mode of redress for all abuses of power by the Fed eral government which they seek Mill be to make common reuse with all tho frieuda of the Conatitu Hon in all the State*. We ato glad to find from tho ablest po litical pen in the Southern SUtoe thin clear admission that policy and practica bility are legitimate grounds for sotting a great controversy at rest Wo auhmit that by this clear admission Mr. {Stephens is estopped from again arraigning the progressive majority of the Democratic party for recoguiting irreversible facts. In such cases charges of deserting prin ciple for expediency are as irrelevant as they are discourteous. We do not accuse Mr. Stephens of bartering right for pol icy because he has yielded Uie oonno tions of his judgmont to the fortune of war ; nor can it servo any good end for him to use such censorious language to ward Democratic opponents who apply the same rule of judgmeut toother eases. Every argumont employed by Mr. Ste phens and his school against the pro- greativo Democrats is an equally valid argument for keeping alive tho contro verity on the righto! aeoeesion. They are on much exposed as anybody to the charge of r<-uoimcing principle for ex pediency. On tho seeottfiion insuo Mr. Btophcus reasons like a statesman ; and if ho will apply the same rule of judging to other issues, there will presently bo no difference between us os to which issues ore dead. Mr. Stephens classes slavery os well os Hccxmiflon among the dead ismies, although he does not mam very pofriUfg ua to whether this should, or should not, be regarded “as a legitimate result of the “ lie Http ho obi qu MCL-diSt •* , Bbollsbsd that institution by Uieir < t ou tbjHr port* reiqx-cUvcly i nsidurtxl a* a legitimate result th* on* or Uio olbar, however, it wa* <!• thusv States tbomsclvcM, ami after th« closo of the after tbwy had folly remimsd all Umir oblige- wi-lfiu-p, err-n Uio to.u-hiiif chanxra in the organic It ia by tho *< te of Un «- Ktetes that th.- Xllltlt daicnt of tho Constitution is now a valid |#rt of tho organic law of the Union. Tneae question*, therefore, relating to tho right of secession, for all practical purposes and consider ations, aa well a* those rt**" tent of negro servitude mil tpO! relating to thorn antecedent U the war. Wo * believe al*o that in this matter we but repeat Uie universal sentiment of the H mthcru Staten. It ia truo that tho Southern States rat ifled tho amendment abolishiug slavery ‘‘by thoir own acta;” but nobody knows better than Mr. Stephens that those acts were not voluntary. They were done at the bidding of Andrew Johnson, then the master ol half a million ol soldiers. Mr. Stephens would need but a small share of his acumen and logio to mako out a strong caso against the validity ol those extorted ratifications; but it would bo an idle expenditure of argumentative skill. The real reason why tho abolition of sla very is final and irreversible Is, that it is sanctioned bv such a body of se ttled and strenuous public opinion, that an attempt to re-establish slavery would kindlo th whole country into a conflagration. It ia because of this state of publio sentiment, that the stability of emancipation is so immovably fixed, and that it would be so idle and futile to contest tho validity of tbo thirteenth amendment. And if there is a similar stato of public feeling respec ting negro civil rights and negro suffrage, it would be equally futile and unprofita ble to undertake a crusade against the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments.— If wo aocept thoir substance (as wo be lieve Mr. Stephens does) what will it avail to quarrel with their form ? Prac tical statesmanship disdains to waste ef fort on tha husks of a question after ac cepting the kernel. As Mr. Stephens docs not wish to deprive tho negroes of their newly acquired franchises, ho prac tically admits that negro suffrage aud ne gro civil equality are dead issues. In op posing tho amendments he is therefore fighting with shadows. The contests of Don Quixote with the windmills had more of tho character of a real battle.— There could not be a more fantastic po litical comedy than to admit negro suf frage to be a dead issue and at tho samo time make the fifteenth amendment which does nothing but ordain negro suf rage) a live issue. The comedian laughs with one side of his faco aud weeps with the other, and it is not easy to toll wheth or he is really jocose or grieved. Bo consistent, Mr. Stephens, aud if you do not wish to spill tho water make no fatile attempts to break tho pitcher. Mr. Stephens seems equally chimerical iu insisting that the reconstruction acts aro a livo issue. When wo descend from tho rcrcal region and cloud-land of vague declamation to the solid ground of fact and preciso ideas, wo find that tho re construction acts cannot bo repealed, for tho simple reason that they aro no longer in foroe. How can an obsolete and de funct act of Congress l>e a livo issue ? Mr. Stephens might with os much perti ncuco contend that tho old Alien aud Soditiou laws and tho Embargo law are live issues. By the very terms of the reconstruction acts they ceased to be op erative in any State from tho dato of the admission of Senators and Representa tives to Congress from that State. AU tho States aro represented, and the re construction acts liavo bccorno void by their own limitation. Aa agitation to repeal them would be ridiculous. Thoro is nothing to repeal. What practical form, then, shall the opposition to them take? If Mr. Stephens wishes to over throw the Stato governments which were born of tho reconstruction acts, let him say so. He has avowed no such inten tion; but if tbo State governments are to stand, whv raiso unpractical questions re specting their origin? A change in their respective constitutions, if desirable, is not a question of Federal politics, but of State politics, aud Mr. Stephens would place himself iu glaring contradiotiou to liis own cherittlied principles by making the domestic government of tho States a Federal issue. When Mr. Stephona shall have more fully explained his views we have stronf hopes that wo may bo ablo to agreo wit) him, because ho is too practical aud con siderate a statesman to disturb tho har mony or break the unity of tho only par- ty which carries the banner of State rights. Wecoi indorsement the closing paragraphs of hia artiole, and ore far moro solicitous to find points of agreement than points of differ ence with this able publicist, and, as we believe, sincere patriot. These admira ble, ringing, paragraphs hit the mark in in the bull’s-eye: On* of th* great 11 vs question# now, Uisrefi fore lbs People* of tbs United Htates 1*. Indeed, the constitutional question, not whether a Stats haa a right to asced*, or to nullify an act of Congreaa, but whether a State haa auy right which Uie Federal government may uot at it* pleasure set aside. On this alonb tee are witling to ami# with all friends qf liberty tn all the States of the I’nion, in the coming coldest to rmt out of power those who have tho present control qf the JVirruI government, and who have so ickedlv abused their high trusts—whose progrt ■rested, will end inevitably in despotism. U the batUa be pitched upon this ground with no soft words for uaurpaUona of any sort, there every quarter with that enthusiasm for the cau*e which love of liberty Inspires, and which in popular alsoUon* ia ever the surest "earnest of victory.'* J. S. OLIVER & CO., CommlNHion Moruliunta, Corner Forayth fr Alabama Street*. J.JAVE FOR SALE AND TO ARRIVE, Choice Northwestern WHEAT. Can fill orders at short notice. Also, CORN, BACON. LARD, HAT. (to. gents Marietta Paper Mill* aud Howard LIME. Jr#<«t Pen Lucy School FOR BOYS, NXAII WAVEBLy, Tiro JIM lies Aforth of Baltimore. Pea Lucy, on Wednesday, 13th Sspt'r Next. The poaiUon ia highly hcrltkful, and near to several churches. Boys are treated a* member* of the frmily, and required constantly to observe the d*- portmeut of gentlemen. Testimonials tn the school are from the very highest source*. It ha* always, among ita pupil*, aona of the very beat families of H. M. JOHNSTON, aitDrilx & Co. to the Pnblit. IN THE CITY! !o Mills. 500 Orates assort ed granite and C C Ware for $80 per crate. Cheapest ev er offered in State. Send for list of con tents. Mr & Plated fare' OF Cutlery, Tea Trays, Looking Blass Plates. We offer the Cheapest aud Best liue ox House - Keep ers’ Goods iu the City. Cut lery, Spoous, Forks, Knives Waiters, Cas tors, Vases <fc Toilet Sets. In fact, any thiug needed in a well kept house. Call with the cash McBride & Co. HENRY CARD, SHU' BROKER Commission Merchant, etc., ACCOMMODATION WHARF, CHARLESTON, & C /"kRDERS for Cotton, Rice, etc., also \Jr consignment* of shipping and merchandise *o> Merer*. George A. Trenholm A Son. Charleston, . C.: Oeorwe 8. Cameron. Preaidant South Carolina t Com pas y, Charleston, 8. C.; Chari** B. ^inMnh’o 0ono Jron tDorko. ‘Macon Gomes to Atlanta Again I ” ► FINDLAY’S IRON WORKS, Head of Third St., Sign of “The New Flag.” MfACON, GEORGIA. THE LA.RGEST IN THE SOUTH! Skilled Labor and Modern Machinery. All Worn. Warranted. Northern Prices Tor Machinery Duplicated. STE.1JH s:.youths of J.rr Ki.ro .wo size. and Brass of Everu inscription, and Jtlathine- IV of all kinds TO OROER. IIIOIV RAILING, Of Elcgaut Designs, and at Price*that Defy Competition. 03“No Chargo for Now rattorna lu Furnishing Outfit of Machinery for Saw or Merchant Mills. REPAIRING IN ALL ITS BRANCHES ! Competent Workmen furnished upon application to overhaul Engiues, Saw Mills, etc., iu any section of the country. FINDLAY’S SAW -DUST GRATE BAR SnOOLD BE USED BY EVEBY SAW-MILE rUOPBIETOB. Millstone^, Rclting, Circular Saws, Steam Fittings, Babbit Metal, etc., etc. FURMHIIED TO OltDEB. TERMS. CASE OR APPROVED PAPER. R. FINDLAY’S SONS, Macon, Ga. THE GREAT ECLIPSE SCREW COTTON PRESS! Patented Feb’y 27, 1871, by Findlay St Oraig. An ANTI-FRICTION SCREW—A MECHANICAL WONDER. This wonderful Mechanical'achievement in poiut ol RAPIDITY and LIOHTaVESS of DllAVQHT, STANDS WITHOUT A RIVAL, aud is destined at on early day to supersode ALL OTHER Cotton Screws, bo thoy fabricated of Wrought or Cast Iron. Colapabciikk, Ua m Decombor 21,1870. It. FINDLAY’S SONS, Findlay** Iron Works, Macon, Qa.: Dear Sirs -Late this fall I purchased from yo ton Presses, aud, after a full and fair trial, do no draught, most powerful—lu fact, the best (without i and all other Iron Screw Presses I have ever soou planter should use your Pres*. P. s.—You may oonalder my for many order# from thi* *oction : my ueiglib.ir# of your Findlay k Craig Eclipae Patent Screw Cot- hcaitato to pronounce it tho moat rapid, of lightest n exception) Cotton Pre** I ever saw. Botween thi# ir used, thero is just simply no comparison. Every JOHN L. GILBERT. ro of tho above Presses for next season, and may look n determined to have them, as they cau pack by hand twice as faat as any of the other Iron Screw Prcasea can by horao powor. J. G. Hiuce laat fall, aud before accepting Patent, we added improvement* and labor-saving convenience#— rendering it PERFECT iu every particular. The screw or pin, has s pitch, or fall, of 0 inches ; that is, at every turn of tho scrw, followor block descends (or ascends, as the case may be) 6 U inches. The de vice of tho tube or nut in which the screw works, ia auch aa to materially reduce the friction, ao great In tho common screw ; thereby rendering it an ca#y task for three haiida to pack a bale of cotton in HALF THE TIME OF ANY OTHER Iron 8cre\v PreB# by horse-power, (See J. L. Gilbert'# certificate.] When do#ira- ble, an ordinary mule can bo substituted for throe men without chango of fixtures. STRENGTH, DURA BILITY. RAPIDITY, LIGHT DRAUGHT, and STANDING ROOM attop or box, etc., etc., in short, wa pro nounce it the BEST Screw Press IN THE WORLD, and respectfully invite a public teat with any aud all other Screw Presses. To purchasers we GUARANTEE SATISFACTION or REFUND PRICE MONEY. SEND FOR TRICE LIST, ETC. R. FINDLAY'S SONS, Macon. On. CRAIG’S PATENT HORSE POWER, FOR DRIVING COTTON GINS. «T Simplest, Strongest and Beat ever yet invented. Requires no Wood Work. Sets upon the ground, and can be put up WITHOUT tho aid of a Mechanic..^* Natl Hint ion Gunrnntood or Money Ilcluiulcd. SEND FOR ILLU8TBATED CIRCULAR. R. FINDLAY’S SONS, Macon, Gn. The New I J orlable Nteam Engine For Driving Cotton Gins, Priuting Presses, and for any punioso requiring from one to ten horse Power. “ X I I I t I s 3 I 5 | ; c H a rpHlY are safe. Tho furnace is surrounded by water, except at the door. The water bottom t# a per'ect i protection from fire. They are safer than a stove, and FIRE INSURANCE COMPANIES MAKE NO EXTRA CHARGE where three engine# are need. There la POSITIVE PROTECTION AGAINST EXPLOSION. It is a natural “spark arrester,** a# NO 8PAUK CAN ESCAPE, NO MATTER WHAT FUEL IS USED-an important consideration In e«*ton gin ning and simUar work. Awarded flrat premium# by American Inetituta lttfJ-70. Send for Dcscript*' 0 eived for old claima or new orders. A. FINDLAY’S SONS, FINDLAY IRON WORKS. MiOON. C,A. Peeples & Howell, ATTORNEYS AT LAW, ATLANTA^QEOROIA. undersigned bare formed a part- -*■ * - — -- - - - fj\*n<l rruiE will prom premeand Federal Court* of the State, and olher place*, by special contract, a* their service* may be required. C. Paeples will, for the preaent. attend tha courts of th* hint Circuit He will be found at all time*. In the aaoond story of KsUey'a B. F. HOWELL. LEE & HIGHTOWER Griffin G:x. LIVEftY AND SALE STABLES, NKXTTO TUE UKO.OM HOTEL. K eeps fine and safe stock, and elegant BUGGIES, PHJtruKS and CARRIAGES. WlB send paaaongrr* te Indian Spring. Cba'lt-bi- ate Spring#, and te auy point in reach of Griffin, by private conveyance. Griffin is conventen the above named place#, and I will take ploaanre in serving those desiring t*» make the trip. JunclX-tf