Newspaper Page Text
THE DAILY SUN.
TmuuT Mouino Acotjrt 29.
Office in Ike Sun Building, Wat
tide <f Broad etreet, Second Door South tf
Alabama.
OO- Neu> Advertisements always found
on first Page ; Local and Butina* Notion
on Fourth rage.
9u Uwf«n.
We publish in full, tlio docisioua of tho
Supreme Court; also the daily “Pro
ceeding*" of the Court, and keep the
“Order of Banners” standing in our
Tks New York World and The
Atlanta Son.
In our issue at to-day, we give oar
randan two editorials of the New York
Wrrld, making direct ottaoksapon the
Political Editor of Tn Atlokta Son, to
whieh wa iayite the doae attention of all,
in eouneetiou with oar comments upon
The first is the article at the 19th iuat,
whieh we hare heretofore expressed our
intention of replying to; and the other
is taken tram the issue of the 21st Inst,
of the same paper, which requires some
notice from as We therefore prooeed
now to submit to the Pablio what we
hare to say in reference to both. In re
sponding to the request of the World of
the filh July, we had no disposition to
enter into any personal controversy with
Hr. Han ton Marble, its Chief Editor.—
We had a higher and a much more im
portant object The liberties of the
country we believed, and still believe, to
be in imminent danger. Our object
to give ear aoansel, when solicited, (and
with all the earnestness sad sincerity of
our nature) as to the best and surest mode
of providing lor their pissent rescue, ss
well as their future preservation. We
had no desire to bandy epithets with Hr.
Harble or anybody else.
In the great eivio contest now waging,
we rely entirely upon the intelligence,
virtue and patriotism of the people of the
United States; hence, what wo said in re
ply to the World"t inquiry was addressed
to these highest attributes of human na
ture. Ws believe the honest mosses have
the intelligence to understand the truth
when presented; end the virtue and pat
riotism to maintain it ht the polls. This
is our only hope for the rescue and per
petuation of Publio Liberty on this Con
floras with those views and objoctswe
antcrod this controversy, and it is with
theso solely we pursue it. If the arena of
argument and of sound reason, addressed
to “good sense,” he abandoned, as it
has been by the World in this instance—
if the ground be shifted—If personal con
troversy now be resorted to for the pur
pose of diverting public attention from
the great vital questions involved, we
shall not hesitate in the pnrouit of our
adversary, nor shrink from meeting him
on (hit field of contest, whenever it shall
be necessary for tho vindication of truth
and the rights and interests of the poo
pie. We eon give blows os well as take
them, on this line; and will do it when
duty require* Ik
We have no such sense of dignity either
as a oitixen, or Editor, os that whioh Mr.
Harble affectedly assumes to feel, when
questions are put to him. In times of
peril in politios, as in fire or tempest,
he who stands on dignity has but small
claim for the respeot of mankind,
we have displayed in our controversy with
the World any peculiar “crotchets,” or
“idiosynoraoies” of a morbid intellect,
or any offensive ''egotism,” its Chief Edi
tor has been very careful not to let his
readers witness the exhibition of these
iufirmitiee, or form their own judgment
on these charges against us, which ore
made by the World, with so much "oour-
tery” in the opinion of Mr. Marble.
When he asked us through the oolumns
of his paper, to be more precise in drawing
the line between "tlead” and "living is
sues,” and in stating the peinetpk on
whioh the line of separation should be
drawn, did we not respond in most cour
teous language, stating with perfect clear
ness, that the true line of separation, is
that, whioh leaves all matters pertaining
to the war against Secession- including
its causes, oonduct and actual results,
whether legitimate or otherwise—mi the
tide of the dead past; and whioh leaves
all matters relating to the new tear now
waging against the Constitution, with its
claisned results, on the tide if the living
present f Did we not conclusively show,
that every objeot tor whioh the war for the
preservation of the Union was waged by
the Federal authorities, was completely
accomplished, when this new tear against
the Pablio Liberties of the country was
oommenoed by a majority faction in Con
gress whose sole objeot is the overthrow
of the entire system of free institutions
in this oountry, and the erection in their
stead of one centralised Empire ? Did
we not show that every sot of this netc
tear, With its claimed retells, rests upon
nothing but bold and openly confessed
usurpations f Did we not show that the
14th .pad Uth Ameodmonts—so-oulisd—
to the Oenstitutioo, ate nothing but the
claimed results of three usurpations, and
in no sense, either legitimate or actual
results ofthe
the Union ?
,e‘ war for the preeervatiou of
rious, in which liis Democratic renders,
:ls well as dll the people of this country,
huve ho deep an in ter ret then wc shall
have some grounds to believe that he is
inclined to honesty of purpose, and that
he is not an enemy, in disguise, to the
great cause of Truth, Justice, Itlght and
Coiwtitutionid liberty—in tho mainten
ance of which the Democracy of the
Union are now enlisted.
At present we cannot divest ourself of
tho bcHtf that Mr. Marblo is doing infi
nitely worse than barely tri/ling with Un
people; that whilo under tho mask of De
mocracy, he acts tho port of a harlequin
for thoSbtertainmeut of the multitude
suits his purpose, ae in the
er consideration, he is in
it at all, and hoe neither
ieir cause nor affinity for
iles; that if stripped of his
i,” he would be found, even
to be nothing lmt a grin
p at exulting Radicalism, rsjedc-
pOOpect of noon seeing the
Despotism riveted upon the
■fa to see it dono by the handH
of the Democracy Uiemselvcs !
His part in effecting the deetrnction of
the Democracy, by their own hand, may
not be nulike that of the perfidious Bioon
in bringing about the overthrow of
Troy by operating upon the over-croduli-
ty of tho Trojans themselves.
This, we say to the honest masses of
the Democracy eveiywhere, is oar pres
ent belief, is to his position; and, as one
among many other reasons which force
this heliif upon oar mind, we cite his last
editorial referred to, in whieh he attempts
to act the buffoon, by bringing into de
rision matters of the gravest import,
which can engage a true nun's attention
on pablio affairs.
The usurpations, by whioh the “fraud
ulant amendments” ore claimed to have
been carried, are such os should excite
the indignation of eveiy patriot in the
land, whether there is any effectual
remedy against them or not; and tho
greater indignation, in proportion to the
degree of imjirobabilily of redross against
their mischievous effects. When we had
shown conclusively, by irrefutable argu
ments, that the validity of these amend
ments was a judicial, as well as a political
question, and might bo brought before
the courts, and there tested in one
clearly legitimate mode of redress—
to say nothing of others—and offered this
as an unanswerable reason, among others,
why they should not receive a formal
sanction ;of tho Democracy before their
validity was, at least, thus tested ; this,
tho liorloquin of tho Worhl springs forth
and jestingly cries out: Mr. Stejihms is
a veritable Don Quixote, mounted upon “a
sjHlvtnetl, tcaUayal, draggle-biiletl, sk
covered skeleton" Rusinante, aiming at tlte
impracticable, visionary and ridiculous.
Ridiculous, is it, to appeal to courts
for a redress of wrongs ?
But, says harlequin, strutting in his
ludicrous “ Spots” with his thumb upon
his nose and little finger projecting with
a significant motion : It is ridiculous be
cause no case can lie brought before the
Courts. Tho idea of getting this ques
tion lieforo tho Courts is us absurd as it
would bo to proposo to sow up all the
pine timber in New England and Cunadu,
by a wind-mill to bo creeted on tho top
of Mount Washington ! How are yon
going to get tho logs up there ? There
con be no decision by tho Courts without
parties—and who is to be plaintiff and
defendant in such a case ?
This is the grinuiug imp's wily trick to
amuse and delude the people 1
If he had really desired to know how a
case under these amendments can bo
brought before tho Courts, (and not how-
logs could be hauled to his Quixotic
'wintl-miU" on tho top(of Mount Wash
ington)—as well ns who can lie plaintiff,
and who dofendaut, in siu-h n case, he
might have got tho information from the
pleadings iu just such souse in tin's State,
whieh were m-nt to him, and which he
refused to publish for the information of
others, whether lie rend them himself or
not. His reason for refusing to publish,
ire believe, was the unanswerable argu
ment therein contained against the volub
ly of those stiqiendous frauds. That he
read tho whole we have but little doubt
however, and just os little tliat this ques
tion so propounded by him now is but. n
mocking pretense
The actual ease referred to, it is true,
was uot sustained by the usurpers who
instituted tho prosecution; but harlequin'
question is fully answered by saying that
other coses involving tho validity of those
Amendments, may be brought lieforo the
Court* under the Enforcement Acts of
Congress, iu the siuno way in which this
one was.
We are not surpriaod that tho steed
upon whioh we are ^mounted, should
'»cvm la him” to bo “u spavined, tenth
eyerl, dragyle-taileil, skin-covered skeleton'
of a boast, for it is none other than the
Coxohtutio!* of the United States. He,
and those with whom ha lias acted the
part of hialifo, have ever enter
tained, and tone of them openly declared,
very similar opinions to those now so
sinisterly expressed by him of tho funda
mental law of tho Union
But, mys harlequin, with another
mocking grin, a minority of the Siqtreme
Court are thoroughly Bat heal, and trill de
cide its furor tf the validity if the amend
ments, /bauds or no /bauds.
How does harlequin know this? Has
not a majority of that Court, Radioal as
thay ora, decided every question whioh
has gone up before them, ss yet upon
the Constitutionality of the Reconstruc
tion measures, (upon whioh alone these
amendments rest)—against the validity of
those acts ? If the foundation be Inval
id, can the superstructure stand? Bnt
their birth right, liv those who approach Di mocraiic principles, uid to utiiiaAt
DM the World venture to assail this
troveri^’correctnoas of tho principle
upou'wlilch it was drawn f Did it ven-
tuse to question a position assumed by
us in any part of that response ? Has it
ever furnished its readers with our reply
to its inquiries ? Were they not, as hon
est Democrat*, searching for truth when
ever it lay, entitled to it ? If we are so suppose the Supremo Court, constituted
wanting in “good sense" In that reply a* „ it, should decide in favor of them
to Mgfeest and urgo a policy which would
be so AeatnuOivs to ih* Democratic par
ty, srhy did ha not show whsrsin the ar
gument was answered, either ill foot or
logic ?.
When Mr. Mhrble sJudl do this or even
attempt to do it—or when he ahall allow
in his them qmsn-
1 it this soy reason why the
people should sanction or approve them,
even ,fter such a decision ? Is not all
political powar in the people aiill ? Con
they not change their Rulers at the polla,
and change tho present constituency of
that Court; unless they suffer themselves
to be treated, in Oils instance, ont of
them with the hands of Esau, but with
tho voioc of Jucob V—those w ho coiue
tinder the garb of Democracy but with
tho identity of Radicals ! Did nut tho
Courts of England give their sanction to
the validity of tho lc-vy of ship money
by virtue of the Royal Prerogative ? Did
Hampden, Pym, Coke and other cham
pions of Popular Rights, give up tho
question because of such un iniquitous
decision ? Did they not agitate at tho
polls until tho rights of tho people pre
vailed over the power of tho throne ?
Did not the Courts iu this country de
cide the infamous Alien and Bedition Acts
of 1798 to be Constitutions! and valid?
Was not a decided majority in both Houses
of Congreaa supporters and defenders of
them ? Was not the Executive in favor
of them ? Did not every Btate in the
UnioD sustain their validity, exoept
Virginia and Kentucky ? Nay, more,
out of the tiro hundred newspapers then
published in the United States, did not
one hundred and seventy-eight throw all
their weight and power in favor
of their expediency as well as va
lidity ? Was the Democracy of that day
rallied upon a “Don_ Quixote adventure’
for tho rescue of their libertiee, even
against all these oddB? It is true the
"Botiiuilne," upon which they were
mounted, was the Constitution—tho same
winning steed upon which we would have
them take stirrup now, however “spavin
ed, vnll-eyal atul tlraggle- tailed" this much-
abusod creature may have seemed then, or
may seem now, to Centralists, Imperial
ists and Monarchists.
It was upon this “hobby horse" or “Ito-
sinante,” (if harlequin so pleases to style
it) of the Constitution, that Mr. Jefferson
was mounted, in 1800, when he carried
the people of the country at the polls,
against the decision of the courts—against
the influence of the msjortics in Con
gress—and against the patronage and
Power of tho President; booked then, by
the Sedition Aot, as the President now is
by the present Ku-Klux Act, which is
bnt a metempsychosis of its original
prototype,
He went to tho country upon tho bold
issuo that those dangerous usurjuitions of
Congress were “not valid lairs," but were
"nullities.” The honest, liberty loving
masses of tho people everywhere sustained
him in this position. The great civic
victory aebioved was one of the grandest
and most important iu the aunals of His
tory. Gross usurpations with their results
were brought to an end. No more pros-
ooutions for violations of "nullities” were
instituted, and all the victims of tyranny
thon in jail, were rcleasod by tho new Ex
ecutive.
Tho ultimate political power in this
oountry for tho rectification of all wrongs
growing out of abuses of publio trusts, or
misjudgmonts in official position, is in
the people. Upon the “ Rosinante'
of this principle every friend of free insti
tutions tho world over, ought to he mount
ed, however “spaviuod and draggletailed 1
it may scorn to bo to the jaundiced oyes of
tho enemies of popular rights, whether they
be secret or open iu their hostility. The
reason that this principle seems to Mr.
Marble to be so “irall-eyeir and other
wise ridiculous, is easily accounted for.
It is owing to his Radical training.
“Antecedents” he speaks of 1— “Mr.
Stephens' antecedents!” Better would
it have been for him had he been silent
on the subject of "antecedents" in this
connection.
Whatever may have been our political
''antecedents,” none can be named for
which we feel ashamed, or in any degree
“mortifiod” in thinking of. Whether
tho Chief Editor of tho World can, with
an easy conscience, suy as much for him
self, upon a review of his own, we will
leave for his serious reflection.
As to our Democracy, it is exhibited
in tho Publio Records, extending through
a period of over thirty ycara—and it is a
matter of pride to ns, that during that
whole time we never gave a vote incon
sistent with tho principles of Thomas
Jefferson, which constituted the Plat
form of the Democratic Party in 1800,
and from which the party has never “de
parted,” and under which tho country
was more prosperous for sixty years than
any other since on tho earth. If Mr.
Marble has ever, up to this time, given
a single vote in support of theso prin
oiples, the proof of tho fact lias yet to be
addneod.
His present relation to tho party, and
the only one he ever bore towards it, as
we understand, and believe the fact to be,
was bought with a price.
The World newspaper, which ho now
ooutrols, as wo understand, and believe
tho fact to be, was established as a Radi
cal sheet, and while it was under his con
trol ns such, ho was under the necessity
of selling it for waut of means to carry
it on.
- This event ip his “antecedents” is too
important to bo omitted. His language
on the occasion, to one of his Radical
patrons, ns reported, is in theso words:
■ r n *
mortifying
li«* ]rt»8Kil.-ility of our lx jig ituLxulit> J d by
-in* liariicol Dynasty at Wa^iingUm !
No fuct ia more notorious than tliat of
iia alnui'lomnent of the Democratic tick
•t iii the i;u*t PreHulentiul election, wheth
er for mono,)’, ua some think, or for wliat-
j\er other motive, all mast deride for
themselves. Our own belief ".lieu "»m,
and now i«, that it wna because of tho
Jeffersonian principles unuounccd in the
platform. His innate Radicals ra caiued
him to revolt at the idea of seeing these
cfetablialied by tlio election of Hoj mour
and Blair, the prospect of which woh ho
promising up to the time of his open de
fection.
With what grace, then, can a man with
these “antecedents”say that the cause
of the Democratic Party will bo “ handi
capped” by our advocacy ? Is it not
much more likely to bo “hand-cuffed” if
his advice be followed ? How can he as
sert with any show of plausibility tliat
our advocacy of “ Btato Rights” can have
any “affinity to secession” as a practical
question ? Have we not again and again
said tliat all matters and questions rela
ting to the late war—including its causes,
conduct and actual results should bo
classed among the “dead issuen” ? Have
wc not said, in express words :
** A legitimate result of the wet. we believe,
the settlement,—*fid settlement forever In this
oountry. of the policy of accession as
"I inuxt hive more money to keen my paper going
•or 1 ahull be compelled to cell ont to the Demo-
"orats, which will be tho moat mortifying event of
•my life."
In this way, as wo understand it, Mr.
Morlilo became npnnoctod, n few years
ago, with Bomo of tho leading wen of tho
Democratic Party, in tho city of Now
York. We believe the account thus given
of the origin and nature of his oonucction
with the Tarty to this extout, is true,
from the/ort, among other considerations,
that this statement relating to his "ante
cedents” was published in tho New York
Day Bock, at his door, ou the 12th of this
month—(the date of the first of his arti
cles against ns in our columns to-day)—
and has uot been denied or controverted
by liim since. One reason of tho delay
of our uotice of his attack upon ns, of
tho 12th instant, was a desire, before re
plying, to see if he had anything to say
against the correctness of the statement,
or whether, by his silence, we should be
justified in behoving it to be Irns—and
treating it accordingly, as ire have, in
our reply.
This is the man, then, who has the un
blushing faoe to question our fidelity to
W’*is oi redrew •sOiii't sny ularvatlon.
ysrl of Uie federal GoT.rnment.’"
Did not the World, in its article of tho
the 8th of July, soy that
- These admirable riusing paragraph! hit the mark
"lo the bull's aye."
Did ho uot commend them especially
because they were given over our
initials, which, since, hove given him so
much uneasy concern!
This full endorsement of our viows and
teachings in regard to Secession was in
the same article in which we were invitod
to state with more precision the principle
on which the line should Ik: drawn be
tween “ dead” and “living issues." It,
at least, forever estops his raising this ob
jection to our advocacy of tho rights of
the States, or people, as involved in the
coming contest, unless we should change
or modify our position on it;—and he
has no reason to sutqiect even that we
ever shall do any such thing; for if,
when tho Southern States were
their full power* and glory, led by
Mr. Toombs and Mr. Davis, (whom he
would represent os our favorite leaders)
we opposed, with all our might, the policy
of secession, against their advice and
utmost exertions—eggeil on too, os they
were, by many of Mr. Marble’s then Rad
ical associates, who said, "lot tho Union
slide," and “if the Cotton States desire
to withdraw, let thorn depart in pence"—
if, we say, under such circumstances we
opposed tho policy of secession, what
sano man can suppose that any teachings
of ours would look to any resort of that
character in this day of Southern weak
ness, exhaustion and prostration?
For tho special information of Mr.
Marble, we here say that we are governed
now quite os littlo by the views or objects
of Mr. Toombs or Mr. Davis, in refer
ence to Platforms or Candidates, whatev
er they may be, as we were in reference
to Secession; but one thing may be count
ed npon as oertain, and that is, if these
reckless usurpations which have marked
the progress of tha Radical Party in their
war against the Constitution, since the
war against Secession was terminated with
its actual results, and the accomplishment
of all of the avowed objeot* for which it
was waged, shall, in an evil and fatal
hour, be indorsed and sanctioned by the
voting masses of the Democracy of the
Uuited States, and the Federal Union be-
oomo merged into a Centralized Empire,
then what ever may be said of the dis
cretion or wisdom of Mr. Toombs and
Mr. Davis, or others with them, on the
policy of Secession in 1861, their impul
ses will be held to have been right by the
impartial judgment of mankind for all
time to come.
The Chief Editor of the H*xr/d has the
hardihood to assert that we have intima
ted that if the Oeneral Convention of
the Democratic Party does not adopt cur
riews that wo will not support its platform
or candidates. This assertion is made in
the face of onr positive declaration re
peatedly made, that though our views, as
to tho proper lino of policy to bo pursued
in the canvass, should be overruled,
yet wo would support any candidate
upon imy platform which shall not violate
the fundamental principles of the Demo-
ocratic organization; nor embody an
eiulorsemcnt or approval of any of
the iniquitous usurpations of the party
in Power.
We have uo fviews but to adhere to
Democratic priuoiplea, so far as Platform
is concerned. We have said and repeat,
that we are willing to jgo into the can
vass on the principles and advice sot forth
iu the lato Democratic Congressional Ad
dress, to which he with seeming approval
calls our attention. We respectfully ask
the Editor of the World, though he may
think our question a "trifle impertinent,"
if he is willing to do the same ?
We are not only candid, but thorough
ly in earnest jp stating our belief to be
that he is not. We do not believe that
he intends to support any candidate,
upon any Platform whioh does not ra-
dorse and sanction, ss valid, the most in
famous sots of '‘usurpation, fraud ^gd
perfidy,” whieh have marked the history
of the ruling Dynasty at Washington
for the last fire years. It was our belief
of this purpose on his part, whioh
prompted us to put the direct questions
we did to him on that point. If our bo
ng' was not well founded, why did he
not answer the questions ? Is there any
thing “impertinent" or “irrelevant'
about them ?
Was it not quite ss much “a trifle im
pertinent' in him to put questions to ns,
ss it was for us to put questions to him ?
Did he not, on taking np onr questions,
say he was “quite willing to answer ?”
Why, then, after leading them—like a
choking witness on the stand—did hs re
fuse to do what bn at first raid he was wil
ling to da ? Why did he then, all at
oaae, threw himself upon his effected dig
nity and attempt to get off by saying the
qiustions were “a trifle i.iqn-rtinmt?"—
Nay, more, that they amounted to noth
ing blit asking if he would "support
Alexander II. Stephens ii he should bo
nominated Wa* subterfuge ever more
dearly evasive or pitiul-ic ?
Why wa* this subterfuge resorted to iu
this extremity ? Was it uot as u drown
ing man catches at a straw ? Was it not
from an unwillingness to make that dis
closure which an answer would necessari
ly have brought forth ? It was in this
dilemma harlequin became mum. It was
in this perplexing strait "Spots" threw
himself upon his dignity, lb: would uot
answer questions because they were
trifle impertinent! "
Who ever heard of "Spots," with his
grimaces, ever being caught in such a
predicament before ? The solution of
the extraordinary phenomenon is easy.
Questions, whieh are quite harmless and
inoffensive to tho innocent and upright,
are often fearful instruments of torture
to the double-dealing and dishone it
They are terrible probes to a guilty
conscience—like the Spear of Ithuriel
with its “celestial temper” whieh “no
falsehood can endure the touch of;" they
often make disguised men—passing for
what they are not—show instantly their
real obaracter, whether they “will or no,”
whether they answer or not
So much for the merits of our coutro
versy with the Chief Editor of the New
York lrorkf in view of its personal a* well
as public character—up to thisstage of it*
progress.
If Mr. Marble is not a disguised ene
my in the Democratic camp, let him fur
nish somo bettor evidence of his fidelity
to their Cause and Candidates than is to
be found in bis “antecedents.
If his real object is not under the name
of Democracy to Radicalize tho country,
lot him answer our questions and satis
factorily explain why ho did not answer
at first. The dignity and a "trifle imper
tinent" subterfuge will not do.
A. H. H.
Prom tho Now York World.
Alexander II. Stephens as i
Democrat.
Those of our readors who happen to take sulhciont in-
terofct in tho lato Vice-President of the Southern (Jon*
toderacy to have read our articles relating to him, will
remember that wo have treated him, througlioi
with marked courtesy and consideration. We,
course, Intended this as a recognition of his talents,
uot a tribute to his antecedents; for his antecedents
asa high offioer of tho Confederacy would,, under
any circumstances, have obstructed the
pie and the Stabs, be
:U*H* IU i It id par'd uj Lie LuHJiMUir.n in aat
Adjudication of tbo point iu eutrovervy ?
Atiit, at least, until it bo seen whether tho •
,t will not take jurisdiction «.f iLc ipicnt.o
W« a hail rocur to this subject ugaiu bef-
'.. anas imimnaum | fHi9fclluuco ti2 tXbrrtlisrmcme.
Siff&JSgiflil CITY
FLOURING MILLS,
a close affinity to sccasaiou, and a sound doctrine is
too heavily haudicappad for a winning race,
we have always respected his great ability,
dially welcomed him as a oo-la borer In the field of
Democratic journalism. It never i
that he could bo so wanting in good t
judgment as to advocate tbs adoption, by the Demo
cratic party, of the very policy which its deadl'est
foes wish It to adopt, in order to secure them an easy
victory. We hope we shall never so far forget
selves as to fail in proper civility to tho lato Vice-
l’residcut of the unfortunate Confederacy; but
must discharge our higher duty to the Democratic
party. We will not for a moment believe that The
Atlanta Sun is subsidized by Oeucral (> rant’s sup
porters; but rather than havo the paper under its
present management stop, they could well afford it
liberal subsidies from their electioneering funds.
Mr. Stephens asks us some questions which we are
quite willing to answer
"The World, however, is gracious enough to admit
that we aro Democrat enough to bo counted
the support of the Democratic nomiuees of the gen
eral convention of tho party. How this will turn out,
if wc arc »n life, time and events will determine. We
shall never support by counsel or vote either
any one of the actual perpetrators of the great frauds
attempted to be Imposed upon tbo people of this
country iu tho matter of tho so<aUed amendments to
the Constitution, or any ono of the "accessories after
the fact" to these most monstrous outrages.
"But just here we wish to put two plain questic
to the chief editor of tho World, to which wo a
many real, true Democrats of tho old liuo wish
equally explicit answer:
"1. Will he support or voto for any mou for Presi
dent in 1873 who shall hold that the fourteenth aud
fifteenth amendments—so-called—have been right
fully incorporated in the organic law aud adopted
•in the manner and by the authority constitutionally ap
pointed r
if th*
ion ah _
no "new departure,” but condemn these fraudulent
amendments as the results of gross usurpations and
abuses of power, and go to the conntry upon this,
with other great living issues, betwoeq constitutional
ism and coutralisnj, will he support the nomiuees ?•'
Mr, Stephens makos a plain enough Intimation thai
if the Dtmocratic National Convention does
adout his views, he will not support its platfori
candidates. We ask all Southern and all Northern
Democrats to take note of this avowal, and rate Mr.
•Stephens’ fidelity to the party accordingly, lie says,
in substance, that ho would prefer the re-eloction oi
General Grant to the election of General McClellan,
or anj Democrat who holds General McClellan's
views. Perhaps he thinks thst Mr. JeffersoD Davis,
or Mr. llobert Toombs, would be an eligible candi
date to bring into the field against Orant. At he
wishes to fight the battle on thoir platform, he ought,
.. • -• *-• .-a—• i voca t e nomina-
i representatives of
nee who eminen ‘
represents Mr. Stephens’ views, there would be
contest. Tho ltcpublicans would walk over i
course. Nothing could please the friends of Graut
better than to run nlm against Jefferson Davis, or
llobert Toombs, or some candidate who is conspicu
ously identified with the viows which they hold in
commou with Mr. Stephens.
Mr. Stephens asks "the chief editor of the World"
to auswef certain questions which seem to us a tnlle
impcrtlneut. It is uot the habit of the editor of tho
World to sign all his articles, as Mr. Stophens does,
with his own initials. Tho H'orfd would havo to
deacend very far below its own conception of
the dignity of its position to make itself the
organ of the personal idiosyncrasies, or a
trumpet to sound forth the personal impir-
, of any one man. The World claims to
organ df Deiuoor&tip public opinion. It has a
wide intorcourso with Northern Democratic states
men, aud aims to express the average senao of the
wisoetaud most sagacious members of tho party.—
Its chief claim to consideration (apart from its mer
its as a newspaper) rests npon its representative char
acter. Its editor never signs ita editorials, ss Mr.
Stephens always ddes, because he trusts that he has
too much acute and modesty, aud beonuso he is too
truly and sincerely a Democrat, to think the opinions
of any one oitif on and voter of much publio couse-
quence. Intelligent people lQok into newspapers (
learn the drift and tendency of public oniniou; an
the value and efficiency of an editor depoud moi
upon his political connections and representative
character than upon the peculiarities of his individ
ual viows. The public cares nothing for what s monk
may thiuk in hi* cell; aud it values at about tho hsiuo
* 5 what an egotist may choose to pot forth with his
a signature. Thoughtful mun read newspapers to
find what other people think, not to learn tbs morbid
anatomy of some crotchety mind, which, not content
to rest ita claims to attention on the value of its
tacts aud the force of its logic, thrusts forward its
personality as if thst wore of any real weight.
How Mr. Htsphens or how "the ohief editor of the
World" may vote in 1873, is of very alight conse-
quenee. Each of them la but one of several millions
of Democratic voters. Nothing can be more petty
In a
if we would support ...
gentleman should be nominated as the Democratic
candidate in 1873. Our reply is, that such a nomina
tion is Inconceivable; and it is equally Inconceivable
that any candidate should be nominated who repre
sents his views Either would be a Democratic sur
render without a fight. We beg Mr. Stephens to mark
that every Democratic Journal of influence, standing
or circulation, in the whole North, repudiates las
views. Wo beg him to remember thst the address of
the Democratic Senators and Bepreeentativee in Con
gress, and all the recent Democratic State platforms,
are pitched In the same key, There lea vast, an
overwhelming, l.r. pondcranoe of Democratic sent’-
meat in favor of dropping dead isaueu. And yet Mr.
Stephen* who cannot bo ignorant of these facts,
virtually proclaims that he will lead a bolt from the
Democratic party unless ita majority surrenders to
Atm, and each coadjutors of his as Messrs. Davis
and Toombs t Whether be is a fkithful Democrat is
question which we are quite willing to leave to th
judgment of the party.—New York World, August 19,
Mr. Stephens Isa vent.iL
A msk ; thie '>bstrr»i:ou i
r it has long been the urn
public of letters thst Don
•njoyablc characters r
Don Quixote. We do •
hostility or contempt. |
liiuoua vcIce of the n- I
ixotu in one of the n
*irL.#*ITal, GEORGIA.
„„ lau,;b at hw* tie
... .Irth, tor be carries into all bin ridlcuh
adventures a loyal, loving heart, the loftiest scutp
aieuts of chivalry, uud a philogbphy elevated
fiction.— If nil tlnmr* arc equal* why uot |)utro
i/c- hums inanufat-tare J
refined. How cnv'able is that Illusive predominance
jf the imagination which colors the most ol> ’
jects with the resplendent hues of poetry I To be
•, a Ltirber’s tin ba-da lias but a f.uut resi inbiunce
knight’s glittiHiug helmet; but how supremely
i is tho man whose traubiigiiritiu fancy converts
the barber’s Laxiu into a helmet; a flock of sheep in-
magnificent army; windmills into tower-
wondering, reverent Usucho Bants,
tho unimaginative squire.
ralness .
, _ . attend on our knight
with great fidelity bnt many questionings. The Bos
iuaute which Mr. Btephens is riding foemi to os
merely the spavined, wall eyed, drsgglt-talled. skin-
coverod skeleton that would appear in a photograph
iirelieved by an artist's flattering touches.
Mr. Stephens has lately been maintaining that the
validity of the fourteenth and fiiteenth amendments
is s proper judicial question, which may be finally
decided by the Federal Supreme Court. Wo deem
it unnecessary to argue the question of Ju
risdiction with Mr. Stephens, who has lately been
discussing that point with i *uch acuteness and inge
nuity. If Mr. atepheus should advocate the con
struction of a windmill on the top of Mount Wash
ington for sawing pine logs into lumber, wo, in do-
timing to take any stock in the enterprise, would
not argue the feasibility of constructing the mill. We
should think it quite irrelevant for Mr. btephens to
contend thst the force of wind on thst elevated peak
would suffice for sawing all the timber in New Eng
land and the Canadas. Admit it all; but how are you
going to get your logs to the top of Mount Washing
ton ? Suppose il true, as Mr. Btephens argues, that
it is within the competency of the Hupreme Court to
decide whether an amendment to the Constitution
has, or has not,been properly adopted,how is he going
to get the case before the court? Mr. Htephens was bred
a lawyer, aud ought to be able to tell us. There can
be no suit without parties—a plaintiff and a defend
ant. Who shall be plaintiff, aud who defendant, in a
suit to test, for exomple, the validity of the fifteenth
amendment? Mr. Htephens seems more interest
ed than anybody; but can Ae bring a suit? Clearly
not, for several sufficient reasons. In tho first place,
be has no cause of personal complaint of which i
Federal Court could lake knowledge. In the next
place, if negro voting in Georgia were on individual
wrong to him, there is uo party on whom he could
serve notice as defendant. He cannot sue Congress;
ho cannot sue tho States that ratified the amendment;
be cannot sue hit own BUte of Georgia nor any of
its officers. No suit cau be brought by anybody, nor
will lie against anybody, for testing the \alidity of
tbe fifteenth amendment. If In anyutate, the right of
suffrage were denied to negroes, a nogro of that
btato might bring a suit for damages; but every btate
admits negroes to the suffrage ou the same terms as
whites. There is, therefore, no ground of prosecu
tion on either side, nor against anybody. We wish
Mr. btephens would tell us how a suit can be coua<
mcnced that would bring the validity cf tho fifteenth
amendment before the bupreme Court for adjudica
tion ; tell us how he will find parties that would have
a standing iu court, aud what is the wrong for which
the plaintiff would seek redress. If au iugeuious
lawyer cannot explain how such a suit can be brought
his idea of testing tho validity of the fifteenth
amendment in the Supreme Court is of course
chimerical. It is a windmill for sawing logs ou the
summit of Mouut Washington whither no logs will
be brought.
Aside from the impossibility of finding a plaintiff
aud defendant In Buch a suit as Mr. Stephens c
templates, ho ignores the fatal obstacle to the s
cess of such a suit (if one could be brought) that
iu the itcrsonnel of tho bupreme Court. It has
amendments invalid, if a case
0 . ere before them. It is mere
chicanery aud trifling for Mr. Stephens to aay thst
Democrats ought to wait, boforo acquiescing in the
amendments, and see whether the Supremo Court
will uot declare them void. The opinions of the
Supreme Court judges on that subject are no secret.
The views of the Chief Justice are as well known as
those of Mr. btephens, and there is no cvidcnco and
probability that any member of that bench dina-
statoiunanlike, because it shirks the main facts of the
situation with which Mr. Stephens professes to deal.
—Hew York World, 31«t Aug., 1871.
Popular familn Sewing machines
grinding now wli.-at, and am prepared to and will
guarantee evary pound of flour that I sell to ooum
lully up to rej-rcHeutatluu; otherwise, it cau be ship
ped back to me at my ex]>euau.
1 aui prepared to furnish the trade, iu any quantity,
iu aackti, half sacks or quarter sacks:
PKIDE OF DIXIE, from choice white wheat.
CITY M1LL8 FAMILY, from selected red wheat.
CAPITOL MILLS FAMILY.
HTAU MILLS FAMILY.
BKAN, sacked or unsacked.
<J. E. BUTLER, Proprietor.
augll 3m __ _
To Parties Dealing to Build
rpHE undersigned would respectfully lufisrus tbs
X citizens of Atlanta that hs Is now prepared to
ttuportutend tho Bwtldhsr must Mukhlmf, or
tho F<sfi/i/sc Ihpsnrlmemt swift, of ssssos
tHrol Clam Hamo I hop mmp wish Is
UroeU
Qo haa at his command a picked set of hands. s»»d
feels confident In giving general satisfaction.
JOiiJfT C. nYtCHOJLSL
OFFICE IN AIU-UNE HOU8*. FBYOB BTRE1T
ap27-r.ni
HAML’L II. 8TOUT, M. JL>.,
Agent for Introduction of
Harper fit Brothers’
EDUCATIONAL* WORKS.
Office at Phillips It Crews’, corner Marietta
and Peachtree streets, Atlanta, Ga. Judge T. H. Fob-
ter, clerk; always prescut to attend to busiuehs iu
his absence. aug 1-lni
WANTED.
Address BEAL K8TATB,
Bun Office.
A Hants. Ga , Aug. 33. 1871-41
HW. JltiCKIE,
Painter andiUeco-ator,
O FFICE above W. G. Jack’s, Whitehall street, r
turns thanks to his old patrons for formei
fsvors, and hopes by attention to basin ass to merits
continuance of the same. ap3G-ly
Til OS. HAMPTON, K. D. SALMONS, V. A. NABBOUB,
Drake'* 'Creek Mill*,
F. A. BARBOUR 0 CO.,
IK
"flour,
MEAL,
V SHIP STUFF,
I'XJJVnx.ur, MMJVTLCM r.
HIGHEST PUICI PAID FOIL WHEAT. TI
produce delivered at the depot frae of charge*
aprlS-dm
ST,
Musical Instruction.
pBOF. HUTCUJSSON. Musical Director of tho
Docthovcn Society, Atlanta, Teacher of Piaua-Furto,
Organ aud Melodeon.
Address—Caro Lawahe aud HayncR, Whitehall
street, or P. O. Box 2G1. aug34.1u
JOHN MILLEDGE, Jr.,
ATTORNEY AT LAW.
Office in Grant'* Building, corner of Marietta
I AM GLAD HE HAS COMB.
I CAN now cane your chairs, and make them look
new for the same you will pay for a bottom. No
charge for varnishing chairs when I oane them, sud
I warrant all
UphaMorlnge, #ferafl«r* JfejwtfrlMf, «•«.,
to give satisfaction. Furniture covers cut, made and
a fit warranted. Hair and spring mattresses made to
sehold f
School Notice.
Streets, will commence c
MONDAY, 23TH OF AUGUST,
and close of the Iflih of Dooember.
Curriculum of studios same as odoptod iq bast
Schools and Colleges.
TERMS;
PRIMARY CLAM-13 00,
INTERMEDIATE—(Embracing all English branch-
oa)-|3 00.
CLASSICAL—(Including, with higher English,
Latin aud Freuchj—$4 00, per scholastic month.
SHARP & FLOYD,
8UCCE8S0R8 TO
GEO. SHARP, Jr.
Whitehall SI., Jtllanta, Ga.
MA.XEFACTIJR1SU AND MERCHANT
JEWELRY.
DEALERS in
Watches,
Diamonds
and Jewelry.
FAIRS.
M*
GOLD, 8ILVKR and
l?ro4|i the Nejp lork World.
“li it a Judicial Question PI
[From tbe Atlanta Bun,]
In oar artfaile under this heading tbe other day we
were interrupted in the midat of a sentence, but said
we had a great deal more to eey upon the subject.—
We have uot time now to resume the topic, further
tf t\g rah'rfifv of Iho frawtniml
universally admitted to be fireedulent—u a judicial
one, as we clesrly showed It to be. or even if it be e
debatable questum whether the courts can ughtful y
sad properly inquire into Ike matter, why ahould
tons and utterly destructive of the r
To nlgricHltural Fair Commit-
tees.
full line of
PREMIUMS
Of all kinds. Wo guarantee PERFECT SATISFAC
TION, and will give the DEST TERMS. We do not
desire to make any profit off of County Fairs Just
starting, and will take pleasure in filling large or
Atlanta Marble Works.
WILLIAM GRAY
IMPORTER AND DEALER IN
American, Italian and all other Marbles
SCOTCH GMUtJTITE.
llfi 0NUMENT8, Statues, Vases, Tombs, ami *11
ItJL other styles of Marblo Work dono on short no
ne and in the latest and im
Designs of all Ccmetory i
Address
application.
aug35 9m
J. E. LEAS, Auknt.
r write for price|.
SHARP *l FLOYD,
ATLANTA, 0A.|
HOME-MADE
Carriages, Buggies,
PHAETONS,
1*0., cfco., cfcc., cfco.
AT
■A.. T. Finney’s
Carriage Emporium,
i\0. 5 KKOAD STREET,
•0 GEORGIA.
The I’lonoor Carriage Manufactory of
Atlanta.
JJIS-m-k AyiJALS If not SURI-AH-iES, In Bnl.li,
Best A’orthem,Ataste Work.
And lu durnbllltr I, FAX aDFEHIOK—.11 work be-
lug put up of tho very beet seeeoned wood end by
THE BEST WORKMEN,
While in PRICER, I sen oompete with
ANY MANUFACTORY IN THE UNITED 8TATEH-
tM~ Call and examine for yourself, or send your
orders
{jarbnmrc, QTntUrp, (Sant,
W.
Iu. WADSWORTH Ac CO.,
IMPORTERS AND WHOLBALE DEALERS IR
HARDWARE, CUTLERY, Gim
OArriAse M/itior* and 'BiiHriw AfXnrl wl mad
Tool*, Rubber runt T ipnthoi- Bnlrins-
No. *4 Whitehall Stmt, Oor. AUbrmt. Oi-porlt, juim' Dank ATLANTA CA>
.W^te—anitewtio
SUBSCRIBE
FOB
THE SUN’
TUB OVA'
Stoat* in pm- oomr.
