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at that time all that any honorable
Southern man could do for the
• South ; while, at the same time, old
Weaver was denouncing our people
and saying they ought to be a mil
lion miles in hell. You take your
choice—if you want old Weaver,
take him to your hearts content.
A voice. He’s all right, and a
storm of dissenting voices. The
confusion lasted several seconds.
Mr. Black. You are a farmer;
you are an economist. You farmers,
you laborers, you mechanics are go
ing to lift the burdens from the
bowed backs of the farmers and the
laborers of the country.
You laborers, you mechanics, you
farmers who are going to leave the
party and turn your backs on the
Democratic party, are you going to
take old Weaver with his record in
three Congresses to appropriate
si>oo,ooo,ooo to pay Federal pen
sions to the North? You criticise
Cleveland, you denounce Cleveland,
ybu denounce him for his pension
record, and yet roll under your
tongue a sweet morsel this miserable
old wretch who has haled us all his
life, and would consign not only—
Voices. Hurrah for Weaver! Hur
rah for Weaver! What about that
appropriation ? (Your reporter could
not hear the remainder of the ques
tion on account of the noise.)
Mr. Black (with vehemence). Is
it possible that you would compare
a vote on that subject with old
Weaver’s record ?
I am not running against General
Gordon for Congress. lam not go
ing to go through any dramatic per
formance and jump up here and say
I am ready to die, because I am not
ready to die. I want to Hve a little
while longer to serve God and my
country, and I want to serve my
country in 1 his cause, but if it were
necessary to die, I would as soon die
in this cause as any other. Now,
you know that is simply a little
by-play by the way of off set.
I have no idea that anybody
wants to kill me. I say that was
just a little by-play to offset my
brother’s theatrical performance. He
knew very well that nobody’ was
going to kill him, and I know that
too, and if I did not, I don’t know
that I would jump around so about
it. I believe that lam on the best
of terms with everybody in this au
dience. You know that nobody was
going to kill Mr. Watson, and I
know nobody is going to kill me. If
I did not know that, I would not
jump around here so lively. No
body is going to hurt anybody until
the grand old Democratic columns
come marching down iu November.
(Cheering.) I think that I hear the
voices now, in the distance, growing
weaker and weaker, .and the vic
torious cries of Democracy growing
louder ami louder; ami yet, the
voices in the distance distinct enough
to be heard by all, saying “Where
am I at?” (Long continued cheer
ing.)
how listen; I have got something
for you ; listen. It is not a Demo
cratic lie. It a Democratic truth.
A voice. If it is, it is the first one.
(Laughter and counter jeering.)
Nov listen ; you third party men,
listen, ami see if you won’t accept
the authority as the statement of a
truthful man—
A voice. That’s the way it looks
to a man up a tree,
Mr. Black (to the man up a tree.)
My friend, you are the best behaved
man in the crowd.
Listen. This letter was written
in April, the exact date of which I
do not remember. It was addressed
to the Augusta Chronicle. Hear
W’hat it says: (Heads.)
“You speak of the Democratic plat
form. You assert that the Ocala plat
form is the one for you and me to stand
on. Certainly, but one can be a sound
Democrat ana yet endorse the latter. >1
made the prediction that the Georgia
legislature by a formal vote would in
dorse the Ocala platform at the summer
session. I make the further prediction,
that the next delegates from this State
to the National Democratic Conven
tion, will go pledged to the Ocala plat
form.
In your clipping, you have one from
the New York Sun, wherein Hr. Dana
requests that 1 leave the Democratic
party or leave the Alliance. I do not
have to leave the one to be put in har
mony with the other. The Democracy
is not yet ostracised by the Alliance.
Now, that letter is signed Thomas
E. Watson.
Here is what he said: He went
out of the Democratic party that put
him in office because it was unfavor
able and hostile to the Alliance, lie
cays here in this letter, as we all
know, that it is true that a man in
Georgia may be a true Alliancemau
find yet stand and take his place in
the Democratic party.
A voice. What do you light us
for?
Mr. Black. Some individuals may
but not the party. You had the
party.
Voice, we have it yet.
No, you have not got the you
flag of the Democratic party;
have torn dow n that flag, and you
have got the flag of an enemy in
your hand. We night as well draw
this line here and now. You are not
a Democrat, sir—you are a People’s
party man, and your leaders and
your teachers have exhausted the
vocabulary of abuse against the
Democratic party. And now I see
before me a distinguished gentleman
(Mr. Ellington ) who, in a speech at
Thomson at a ratification meeting in
favor of Mr. Watson and denouncing
Crisp, who said he would never vote
for Barnes, Crisp or Cleveland any
more, no matter what party they be
long to. (Mr. Ellington nodaed his
head.) You are not a Cleveland
Democrat —you are no Democrat at
all. •
PEOPLE'S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1892.
A voice. He is a Jeffersonian
Democrat like me.
Mr. Black. He bows his head and
yet you stand up here and say you
are a Jeffersonian Democrat. You
are not a Jeffersonian Democrat;
you are not a Cleveland Deocrat.
A voice. We know that.
Four years ago your leader went
out from this district with the Dem
ocratic flag in his hand. Where is
that flag?
Vo'ce. “He gave it away.”
A voice again. “Mrs. Lease took
it from him.”
I call upon him here and now in
the name of the Tenth Congressional
District—we want our flag! What
have you done with it? (Terrific ap
plause.)
I will tell you what he has done
with i... He who ought to have
taken that flag and held it aloft un
til it was stricken down. But in the
very opening of the Congress, before
the Congress to which he was elect
ed was even organized, instead of
holding your flag and planting it
upon the battlements of your enemy,
he threw it down and trampled it
under his unhallowed foot and comes
back with your flag crimson with the
blood of the party that put him in
power.
I have before me extracts of a
speech of Mr. Watson made upon
the Ocala demands. He says he has
always stood upon it. This is true,
but I say the great wrong he has
perpetrated is to get the support of
of the Democratic party and turn
upon it—not only turn upon it, but
denounce it. And even the dead
has not been spared. He has gone
to the grave of Samuel Tilden, that
great Democratic leader, and he is
so incorrigible in his hatred that he
declares that Tilden obtained his
fortune by piratical methods
and did not have sense enough
to draw his own will. Shame!
Shame! Shame!
(The crowd took up the cry of
Shame! Shame!)
Listen! Was all this done in the
name of the Alliance? .
Where is anything in the Alliance
that authorized him to go out of the
Democratic party?
A voice. “I am an Allianceman
and I am here.”
Are you the Alliance? I have
heard for two months Jhat Mr. Wat
son killed the Alliance, and if yen
are the Alliance I think it is about
so. z
A voice. “Good-bye Jimmie.”
I have no doubt you would like to
see Jimmie go in the good bye direc
ti m, but Jimmie is not going that
way. But I will tell you one thing,
if Jimmie ever does go down he will
go down with the flag in his hand,
that his party put there. (Great
cheering.)
lie will never go down with the
red Hag of the enemy in his hand.
Here are the .proceedings of the
Georgia State Alliance. Here is the
resolution that was offered at the
meeting of the Alliance. By that
resolution it appears that representa
tives in Congress are instructed to
vote for no man for speaker of the
National House of Representatives
who is not in full accord with the
principles of the Alliance, and does
not stand squarely on the platform.
But that resolution was offered but,
could not pass:
“Resolved. That our members of
congress are instructed to vote for
no man for Speaker of the National
House of Representatives who is not
in full accord with our principles,
and who does not stand squarely
upon the Ocala platform.”
A voice. That’s right; there’s
where we put him.
Mr. Black.* Now listen—every
body listen.
“I move that the resolution be
laid on the table.” said one dele
gate.
“I move that it be laid under the
table,” cried another.
A voice. "What did Watson say?
Another voice. “Where am I at!”
I reckon.
Mr. Black. (Without heeding the
inter uptions.)
“I move that it be indefinitely
postponed,” said another.
The motion to indefinitely post
poned was put and carried.
And so the resolution that would
have instructed sleeps the last sleep.
That resolution of the Georgia Al
liance instructing the Congressmen
not to go into caucuses and not to
vote for a caucus man for speaker,
the Alliance voted down. (Cheers.)
Your other Alliancemen did not get
on it. There were other Alliance
Congressmen there—there were
Moses and Everett. Who says
Charlie Moses is not an honorable
man?
A voice. “ No; Moses is with
you.”
Mr. Black. Whoever says that
Charley Moses is not an honorable
man——
Cheering and confusion which
drowned the closing words.
Mr. Black. Oh, he is in my ranks!
That is the highest evidence of his
honesty. If he was in your ranks,
and in your company, there would
be some suspicion. He is an alliance
man and he is a farmer. He has
spent all his life a farmer and he is
entirely in touch and knows the needs
of the agricultural interest. What
excuse did my friend give for tramp
ling under foot not only his democra
tic commission, but this resolution
from the Georgia alliance? If I
understand him correctly, there was
a meeting held in Indianapolis, Ind.,
and that Indianapolis meeting passed
resolutions that an alliance congress
man should not go into any caucus.
I say that no alliance, no political or
religious association has a right to
override the authority of the demo
cratic party that put him in power.
He did not go there as an alliance
man, he was not eligible as an alli
ance man at that time. He was at
that time a membe. of that poor and
despised class known as lawyers.
Now I say that no Indianapolis con
vention, I do not care who composed
it, has a right to override the demo
cratic party. What did a convention
in Indianapolis have to do with in
structing a representative from the
Tenth congressional district in Geor
gia? What did any convention —I
do not care if it had been a demo
cratic convention*; I do not care
what convention it was in Indiana
polis—what right did it have to in
struct the representative from the
Tenth congressional district of Geor
gia ? He went there as a democrat,
holding a democratic commission,
and if his conscience told him that
the democratic party was not right,
his duty was to come back -and say
to the people of the ’district: “I
must sever my connection with the
democratic party. Here is the com
mission I received at your hands.”
[Cheers.]
My friend says that I represent
nothing but party, that he represents
principle. His idea seems to be that
I want a party and he represents
principle. I say to him, no; I would
leave a party as soon as the party
forsakes principle. But if I had the
banner of the party I wouid die be
fore I wouid disgrace it. I say that
if a party was wrong in principle I
would abondon it and I would affili
ate with that party that I thought
was correct in principle, but not
while I held the banner of the party
in my bauds and its laurel on my
brow. I would die and sink into
oblivion.
[Both of the contestants’ admirers
at this juncture vied with each other
in seeing which could make the
most noise; and no man yet born
could tell, with certainty of correct
ness, which had the best of it, and
a voice, “Hurrah for Watson.”]
Mr. Black. Some of our good
friends amuse me very much. You
hit them right between the eyes with
a great big chunk of truth and they
holler “ Hurrah for Watson.”
That seems to be their alphabet,
except that some of them down in
the wiregrass country who are hol
lering about “pewtercrats and Wal
nut street.” Do you catch on?
(Laughter.)
Mr. Watson said that he acted on
the Indianapolis resolution. How did
that resolution come to pass ? Mark
you, the Georgia Alliance voted the
resolution down by indefinitely post
poning it. Listen! The Atlanta Con
stitution had given somebody credit
for that Indianapolis resolution, and
my good friend, the treasurer, did net
propose to be robbed of his laurels,
and so he gives his account of it.
He denies the statement that it had
been put through by other parties.
Now, mark you, this is not the evi
dence of the Atlanta Constitution.
It is the evidence of Mr. Branch, who
was appointed a delegate from Geor
gia, by the Georgia State Alliance,
to Indianapolis.
Voices. Right! right! right you
are.
It sets up the proof that Mr. Wat
son, Mr. Branch and Jerry Simpson
formulated that resolution. Hear!
listen. [Reads.]
Berzelia, Ga., March 14.
Editor Constitution: In the Constitu
tion ol thp 13th, you give quite a reada
ble account of how the Industrial Con
ference at St. Louis was managed, in
which there are some inaccuracies.
You have Messrs. Washburn and Taube
neck as having staled : “ To weaken the
strength of the opposition, we secured ihe
adoption of a resolution at Indianapolis
whereby no congressmen elected by the
Farmers’ Alliance principles were to en
ter info any caucus in the fight for the
speakership in congress, nor vote for any
man for speaker unless he avowedly sup
ported the Ocala platferm.”
The above is all wrong, as neither Mr.
Washburn nor Mr. Taubeneck ever saw
or heard of the above resolution until in
troduced by ma on the floor of the Na
tional Alliance at Indianapolis. The
facts as to the above resolution are given
below :
I was appointed a delegate at large by
the Georgia State Alliasce to Indianapolis.
I formulated the resolution at home be
fore leaving for Indianapolis. On my
way I was joined by Mr. Watson and
handed him the resolution to read, which
he highly approved of. On the arrival of
Mr. Watson and myself at Cincinnati, we
met Jerry Simpson on the cars, on the
way to Indianapolis. Upon consultation
with Mr Watson I showed the resolution,
to Simpson and requested that he intro
duce it, to which he agreed. After the
convention assembled Mr Simpson came
to me and said he could not introduce
it, as he was disappointed in not being a
delegate and had no right on the floor. I
then said as the resolution emanated from
me I would introduce it and take the re
sponsibility of it. This I did, and of
which I am glad of From the above
you will see that no one but Watson and
I ever saw or heard of the resolution
until it was introduced on the floor of the
convention, and when it was introduced
it appeared like a clap of thunder in a
clear sky. Yours truly,
M, I. Branch.
There is Mr. Branch’s own testi
mony of the fact that he and my
distinguished competitor concocted
that Indianapolis resolution in the
face of the instructions—the resolu
tion of your own Georgia State Al
liance.
A voice. Sockless Jerry.
Another voice. Demagogue.
Still other voices. Hurrah for
Jerry! Hurrah for Watson ! (Long
continued cheering.)
And so it appears from this, from
Mr. Branch, that Branch, Watson
and Simpson concocted the resolu
tion that kept them out of the Demo
cratic party. It appears from this
history. Now, mark you, he says
that he was kept out of the caucus
and put out of the Democratic ranks
by the Indianapolis resolution. Mr.
Branch, Watson and Simpson con
cocted that resolution. Concocted
it, sir, in the face of your Georgia
State Alliance resolution. I say that
no convention of bishops or prelates,
or anybody else in church or State,
would have any right that I would
recognize from Indianapolis to in
struct me for the tenth congressional
district of Georgia. I say if you
choose to elect me I get my authority
from you and I hold myself amena
ble to you, and no power of alliance
or ncn-alliance, agricultural, mechan
ical, political or social on earth or in
hell could swerve me from doing
that.
Now listen. I love the farmers of
this State and this country if I am
not one myself. I cannot tell you
that I am a farmer, but if you far
mers, and if you merchants, and you
lawyers, and you laborers honor me
with this high commission, there is
no power that could ever induce me
to surrender it to anybody but vou.
Now do you recollect this. That
Harlem convention voted down a
resolution to condemn the sub-treas
ury, and passed resolutions commend
ing Mr. Barnes, Mr. Watson’s pre
decessor. What is the next chapter
in this strange history—a history
that, so far as I know, has no paral
lel in American politics. What is
the closing chapter in this history ?
Listen, all you good men and honest
men who want the truth, who want
to do what is right and who warn
the truth, all the sacred memories of
your past, all that is valuable in the
present and that gives hope in the
future, listen to this continued chap
ter in the history. Here is a letter
addressed to Julian West. Julian
West was the president of the Alli
ance of Hancock county and the
Democratic party nominated him the
other day for the legislature. I say
xiei’e that Mr. Watson had no occa
sion to go outside of the Democratic
party. If he had held his loyal alle
giance to the party I would not be
here and you would not be here, but'
he would be on his way to the Con
gress of the United States. The
Democratic party never had ostra
cised the Alliance. I could show
you, sir, Mr. Watson’s own language
here to prove that. The Alliance
had everything its own way. They
had nothing to do but to make tha;,
demand of them. and they would
have adopted it.
MEN WANTED WITH COURAGE TO
TELL THE FARMERS THE TRUTH.
There has not been a man in
Georgia in years who had the moral
courage to stand up and oppose what
the farmers wanted, and I dare say
here to-day that that has been one
great trouble with our State. We
have not had the men always to
stand up and oppose unwise meas
ures and tell the peo.ple they are
unconstitutional and whould not be
come law*. My friend says that I
wrote a letter in which ITiad some
thing to'say about the /alliance. '
Voices. Now he’s telling the
truth. (Cheering, long and loud.)
I am ready to stand on the record.
If you will pardon the personal allu
sion I will say this. I was urged to
become a candidate for the United
States Senate. I said your sub
treasury bill was unconstitutional. 1
said if you carry on your Alliance it
will break up the Democracy. They
told me I had nothing to do but
keep my mouth shut and my pen
still, but I said the power is given
me to speak and, so help me God, I
will speak. Let me tell, you, my
farmer friends, that you have not
any honor large enough to plaster
over my mouth to keep me from
speaking when it is for the truth, I
say you are in a distressed condition.
I say that the legislation of the
country should be so shaped as not
to continue this. But I say that no
man who arrays class against class
can. ever get a permanent foothold
on this free American soil, thank
God. (Cheers.) It is not only not
democratic but it is un-American
and unchristian, arraying one class
against another, one race against an
other, one interest against another.
It is not only undemocratic and unre
pubiican, but no true friend of the
people would do it. Listen! The
man who does it is a worse enemy to
the poor man than he is to the rich.
In every contest arising in this conn
tty between the poor and the rich,
we know that, the poor man unfor
tunately goes to the wall. The man
who would do this, would, if he
could, and it suited his purpose, ar
ray the rich against the poor, -would
use the power and the wealth of the
rich to oppress the poor. (Great
cheering.) When it comes to men
and classes, I am a friend of all men
—of all conditions. I am opposed
to class legislation and class distinc
tion ; of proscribing any man because
he lives in town.
A voice. That is right.
Mr. Black. Can you imagine any
thing narrower than that ?
Voices. No! No! No! Give it
to him Major. Right I Right!
(Great applause.)
Mr. Black. lam opposed to class
legislation and class distinction.
Why, the very idea of proscribing a
man because he lives in the city I
Can you show anything that is nar
rower than that? (Cries of no! no!)
Can you show anything that has a
more damnable essence of class dis
tinction than that ? (Cries of, Hit
him ! hit him!”)
I am glad that I live in a country
where there is no class, no nobility
except the nobility that is conferred
upon honest and virtuous manhood.
That is true democracy.
Here I call on you to witness that
since I commenced this speech 1
have not touched a drop of anything,
have I?
Cries of No! no!
Mr. Black. Well, I don’t know
“where I was at.” [Laughter.]
Here is where I was at—“eureka,
eureka,” I have found it—l believe
that I started to read Julian West’s
letter awhile ago when I was lost.
A voice. Tom can tell you where
you are at.
Mr. Black. (Without noticing.)
Here is where I was at —I have
found it—l was reading a letter to
Julian West. The mask begins to
be lifted and all this nakedness is ex
posed to the people.
“Lithla. Springs, Ga., Dec. 15. 1892.
“Julian West, Carr s Station, Ga.:
“Dear Sir Enclosed find sample
blanks, which will explain the method
of organization adopted by the com
mittee of the People's party of Georgia
“It is the wish of the committee, as
also of Col. Tom Watson, that you ac
cept the position of chairman in your
county.
“Please write me at once and say how
many blanks you will need for your dis
trict committeemen.
‘•We can carry Georgia in every coun
ty and congressional district in it if we
work, and there is no time now for de
lay. Other States are at work, and
Georgia must not be behind, but rather
she must be kept in the lead. Please be
diligent, active and prompt, keeping close
communication with me, and through
me with the national committee in other
States.”
Signed, who you reckon?
Voices, Post I Post 1
Well, I am glad you saved me
from calling his infamous name.
Now, here, listen, you men, you
good and true men, of any party
and every party. A few days ago
on the court-house steps of Hancock
county, the home of that lion-hearted
Linton Stephens and Geo. F. Pierce,
he made a speech and one of the
things he used against me was that I
was born on the soil of Kentucky.
Yes, I was born on the soil of Ken
tucky. [Loud cheers.]
Voice. We will take another Ken
tuckian. Another voice. We like
the stamp.
I have got no apologies to make—
no explanations to make. (Cheers.)
1 am proud of the State that gave
me birth. I love every foot of her
soil and every fact in her glorious
liistory; every horse and oow in her
blue grass region. (Loud cheers.) I
was born on the soil of a State that
nurtured a man who said he had
-ather be right than president.
(Cheers.) I was born on the soil
chat gave to this country a soldier in
the Mexican war—a man who, when
he was captured and condemned to
kneel to be shot, repllied that a Ken
tuckian kneeled to none but his God.
(Loud and long continued applause.)
1 was born on the soil of Kentucky
where Jefferson Davis first saw the
light of heaven. (Thunders of ap
plause and waving of hats and
handkerchiefs.)
How did I come to Georgia? I
came here through prison walls; I
came around via Camp Morton and
JoiTusoii s Island, when Federal
bayonets lined every foot ©f the
way, and I have been here ever
since. This pitiful plea is brought
against me by a man who hugs to
his heait that infamous wretch who
came here to lay bis hands not only
upon our political, but upon our re
ligious and. social fabric. Now,
“you pays your money and takes
your choice.”
A voice. We want free silver.
Mr. Black. Yes, and we want
you to have it. Let me tell you, you
ha v e got a great deal better chance
of getting your demands through
the Democratic than the People’s
party. I do not say the Democratic
party did not divide on free silver,
but I say that your Georgia con
gressman voted for it, and if you
want more currency you had better
remain in the Democrrtic party and
hope to get it through that party
than through or in any other party.
You have got men in Congress who
oppose your sub-treasury bill. Mr.
Watson knows that there is a di
vision in the People’s party. He
knows that—and he is an able
man—l say that he is an able man, a
courageous man, and I honor him
for it. He knows that he is a free
trader. Yours is not a free trade
party.
A voice. It is, yes, yes, yes.
Mr. Black. You do not know
what your own party is. I doubt if
you have read your own platform.
Mr. Watson is a free trader. You
are divided where we are. And let
me Pell you that I question no man’s
sincerity, but don’t you believe any
man who tells you that this govern
ment is going to lend you money at
2 per cent, on farm products, be
cause you will be dead and in your
graves before any such thing as that
is done.. The government will not
do it. And they ought not to do it.
One of the members of the People’s
party in Georgia has said that the
farmers have been out of control of
in Georgia for ten or fifteen
years.
They say that we are dictated to
by Tammaty Hall. I say Tammany
Hall has nothing to do with politics
in Georgia. (Turning to Mr. Eiling
ten.) Did they have anything to do
with putting you in the Senate? Did
Tammany Hall put Peek in the
Senate?
Did Tammany Hall put Watson
in Congress?
Tammany Hall had nothing to do
with it. If the people have not con
trol of their own affaire it is their
own fault.
Ido not claim the Democratic
party to be a perfect party —that it
does not make mistakes, and I tell
you that you need never hope to
have a perfect party —a party that
will not make mistakes. But I say
by this record that the Democratic
party is nearer perfect to-day than
any 4 other party, and it is conduct
ed in the interest of the people. If
you choose 'to honor me wit^ 1
your standard and send me to th®
Congress of the United States I
pledge you here and now that if I
ever come back I will bring back my
commission to you.
Men of Georgia, of all political
parties, will you put your approval
on a public record such as Mr. Wat
son’s? I said lam a Democrat, that
I stand on the Democratic platform.
If Igo through,it will be as a Demo
crat. If in the course of events that
flag goes down, my lifeless body will
go down with it. I would rather,
here and now, renounce every politi
cal hope of the future, and if the
day ever comes when I prove recre
ant to the trust, I hope a lash will
be put into the hands of every honest
man and whip me out of the State.
Mr. Black sat down amid deafen
ing shouts of approval from his ad
herents, and loud and numerous calls
for “Watsun! Watson!” from that
gentleman’s followers. Mr. Watson
having quieted his admirers, consid
erable confusion was kept up by
such cries as “Jag Watson, -where is
he at,” and so on.
’ mr. watson’s conclusion
When I was over in Sparta the
other day a crowd of men that came
in there from Atlanta, Milledgeville,
Athens and other points, attempted
to disturb the meeting, and keep mo
from being heard. That same thing
has been repeated here to-day.
(Voices —“Yes! Yes! Yes!” Oth
er voices—“Oh! Oh! v Oh!—No!
No! No.”)
I repeat here, and I repeat it with
emphasis, that whenever this occurs
it is a piece of ungentlemauly con
duct; it is a piece of contemptible
conduct, and say that the man who
will interrupt a gentleman when he
is speaking like this, discussing grave
public issues of momentous conse
quence to every American citizen;
when he is refuting calumnies with
out a parallel in the history of men
dacity; he is not only not a gentle
man, but he is an infernal coward.
(Voices. “That is right; that is
right, Tom, hit him again,” and
counter ciies of derision from his
opponents.)
Mr. Watson. I know you don’t
want to hear me in this conclusion,
but I am going to have fifteen
minutes of talk, interruptions not
counted against me, and there are
not men enough from Atlanta, from
Athens from Milledgeville, to keep
me from it, either. (Long, continu
ed applause.)
The speech of which Mr. Black
complained, alluding to his being
from Kentucky, was made in that
very connection. 1 felt outraged
that a native-born Georgian, speak
ing for his honor, for Lis wife, for
his dear children, for the people of
the State whom he loved so well,could
•-> ‘ heal'd" hisswnauve State,
when his opponent w'lAsk. .
er State. That is the connection in
which I said it, without meaning any
offence to Kentuckians or any slur
upon Kentucky. (Cheering.)
Now let me say to all this im
mense crowd that Mr. Black’s speech
from beginning to end was not a dis
cussion of the great issues before us
to-day.
[Cries of. “No! No! s No!”
Great cheering.]
Mr. Watson. Where did he meet
3 single point that I made in the ar
gument? He stood here for an hour
and a half abusing Tom Watson, and
nothing else. (Cries of, “That’s so.
Right you are.”)
Mr. Watson. Hydrophobia is a
bad disease, but Watsophobia seems
to be much worse. (Applause.)
I asked Mr. Black how be was go
ing to relieve the poor people of this
country, when he lessened their tax
es, what other taxes would he put in
the place of the tariff tax, which he
proposes to reduce. Has he told
you? [Cries of “No! No! No!”]
Mr. Watson. No; and he never
will tell you. When I asked him if
he believed the people were suffering
from vicious legislation—
[Cries of “Black! Black! Hurrah
for Black!” Great confusion and
gesticulating in the audience.]
A voice. Tom, give me the word
and I will whip the whole
crowd!
Mr. Watson. Hush, my friend;
you are disturbing as well as they.
Leave them to me and I will skin
them as sure as you are alive. (To
the audience.) I will control my
friends with one hand and my ene
mies with the other. I do not have
to stop* and inquire “"Where am
I at?”
A voice. You never did,' Toro,
and you never will; we always know
where you are at.”
Mr. Watson. I know that drunken
Democrats sometimes Lave to stop
and ask where they are at. (Loud
laughter.) Let me go right td the
point where I left off. I asked him
if he believed our people were suf
fering from distress. He said yes he
did; but he thought that distress
was greatly exaggerated. He has
never read the p ] atform of the
Democratic party. Why do I say
that? Because the Democratic na
tional platform says that the railroad
mortgages alone amount to two bil
lion five hundred million dollars, and
that the indebtedness of the Western
States in one hundred and dxtv
seven dollars per capita for every
city and town, and yet he stands be
fore you and says that he believes
the distress is exaggerated. If so,
then the Democrats exaggerated it
in their own platform as well as we.
They do not read their own plat
forms. (Loud laughter and long
continued applause.)
Now listen; Mr. Black has for
gotten that he fought the Alli.
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