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WEAVER IN CONGRESS.
AN ELOQUENT SPEECH IN THE
FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS.
In 1879 He Fought on the Same Lines
He Occupies in 1892.
Now that ghouls have unearthed
and garbled extracts from speeches
made by General Weaver during his
earlier campaigns, the following from
the record of the Forty-sixth Con
gress is reprinted. Because of this
and such honest utterances, Mr. Hen
derson, of lowa, a Republican, made
in Congress a bitter attack on Gen.
Weaver. That attack is printed in
full in the Atlanta Journal, to show
how Weaver had hated the democ
racy, and therefore, by the Journal’s
scheme of reasoning, the South:
Mr. Weaver—Mr. Chairman, I as
sure you that the people of this coun
try have witnessed for many years
with painful impatience the continu
ation of this sectional strife. It has
become distasteful to them in every
part of the I nion where they have
the control of their right reason. It
will be remembered that during the
Forty-fourth Congress the sectional
difficulties growing out of the war
•were discussed in a partisan spirit
from the beginning of that Congress
until its closing hour. The “plumed
knight ’ from Maine [Mr. Blaine], the
distinguished parliamentary gladia
tor from Georgia [Mr. Hill], were
the central figures in the discussion
in that Congress. It ought to be
within the memory of all gentlemen
on this floor how perfectly flat that
controversy fell upon the public
mind. And I risk nothing in saying
that a similar fate awaits this at
tempt to revive fratricidal strife.
All through the Forty-fifth Congress
the same eternal broil was kept up.
And now in this the first and extra
ordinary session of the Forty-sixth
Congress, when the people are confi
dently looking for substantial relief,
the same old difficulty is again intro
duced and weeks of precious time
are being wasted in the discussion.
Sir, I have changed my mind en
tirely as to the remedy necessary to
drive away from the politics in this
country the disturber of the peace.
I, sir, was a Republican for twenty
one years. As soon as I obtained
my majority almost I joined that
party and fought in an humble way,
both at home and in the field, to in
gfartiApon the laws of the country
the measures which I believe were
rightfully advanced by that organi
zation. But, in my opinion, no
remedy applied merely to the sur
face of this wound will give the peo
ple permanent peace. We must
have constitutional treatment that
will reprove even the cause of the
disease, and this makes it necessary
to have a change of physician.
[Laughter.] I was amazed yester
day at the distinguished gentleman
from Kentucky [Mr. Blackburn]
when he alluded to the hereditary
right of Democracy to rule this
country and compared that party to
the children of Israel in their wan
dering from Egypt to the promised
land; but upon reflection I thought
there might be some similarity, but I
did not know but he had mistaken
the army of Pharoah for that of Is
rael. [Laughter.] Let us, however,
notice the similarity between the
children of Israel and the Demo
cratic party. The democracy have
succeeded in getting their Joshua
into the Senate and their Caleb into
the House, but thousands of their
carcasses have fallen in the wilder
ness on their way to the Canaan of
their hopes. And I say to him and
to the gentlemen on that side of the
House that their Moses in 1880 will
die on Mount Nebo, especially if he
should be a hard-money Moses.
[Laughter.] The ancient leader in
Israel died on that celebrated moun
tain in sight of the promised land
because he had presumed in his own
name to strike the rock that was to
give forth the water to refresh the
famishing caravans of his people,
and their new Moses, if he represent
sectional strife and the financial
views which are now starving the
people of this country, will perish
also without realizing his exalted
hope; but not because he struck the
rock from which the water w’as to
issue, but because he and his friends
have joined bands across this aisle
with the hard-money men on the
republican side of the House to dry
up the fountains of the prosperity of
the people.
I* have not been unmindful, Mr.
Chairman, of the fact that these gen
tlemen on the right and left can
fight over sectional issues like mad
dened gladiators bent on mortal com
bat, and then in two minutes on
Saturday evening stand up like lov
ing brothers and vote to carry us
over Monday, which is bill day, and
thus prevent the “Greenbackers”
from introducing measures of relief
for the people. [Laughter and ap
plause on the Republican side.] And
I say to the gentlemen on the Demo
cratic side of the House that unless
they give the people at this session
of Congress relief they will have
forfeited their opportunity for vic
tory in 1880 by a great and delib
erate parliamentary blunder.
Sir, gentlemen talk about revolu
tion—the eloquent gentleman from
Ohio [Mr. Garfield] did so on last
Saturday in the most adroit and
forcible manner. 1 say to this House
that if, by the continuation of sec
tional strife and the withholding of
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1892.
substantial relief you force the peo
ple to much longer “eat the bread of
idleness,” it will not be long before
they will thirst for the “wine of vio
lence.” There is where the danger
of revolution is to be looked for. It
does not come from the defeated
Confederacy, it does not come from
the gentlemen on my right, princi
pally ; but it comes from the uneasy
masses who are out of employment
to-day, and out of food and desti
tute of raiment. It comes from
those through whose enforced idle
ness the country is now losing more
per diem than it cost to put down
the rebellion at its most expensive
period.
Sir, I want it distinctly understood
that cotton is no longer king in this
country, nor is gold, but that the la
boring-man, the industrial classes,
are sovereign, and their behests
must be obeyed, and be obeyed
speedily. It is unquestionably the
duty of the industrial classes, by
means of the ballot, to speedily take
the government into their own
hands, but in doing so to do justice
to all.
But, to return to this unpardonable
sectional strife. We used to hear,
sir, during the war that it was “all
quiet on the Potomac.” Now we
have the reverse order of things, and
it is all quiet except on the Potomac.
For the only controversy that I know
of on this sectional matter emanates
from this hall and from the Con
gress of the United States, which to
day I am led to declare is sadly mis
representing public sentiment. We
have had in this controversy every
thing that was nauseating to the
public taste, brought in and harrowed
up by the discussion; the invasion of
bleeding Kansas; John Brown and
the capture of Harper’s Ferry; the
entry of Boston by Federal troops
to capture or kidnap Burns; the
riots in New York; the destruction
of the orphan asylum, and Governor
Seymour’s speech to his “friends;”
and some gentlemen spoke, I be
lieve, in a serio-comic way of the
invasions of the sacred soil of
Pennsylvania by George Washing
ton to suppress the whisky riot. I
would suggest to my venerable
friend from Pennsylvania [Mr.
Wright] that when an appropriation
is asked for the Washington Monu
ment, he should not let that pass
until he has George Washington’s
conduct in that matter fully investi
gated. [Laughter.]
When I heard, Mr. Chairman, the
bugle-call of the gentleman from
Ohio [Mr. Garfield] to his “skir
mishers,” and when I saw him
gracefully bow his shoulder that
that “chip” might fall off, if per
chance some Democratic champion
did not knock it off, and vhen I
heard the gentleman from Missis
sippi [Mr. Chalmers] in a re
gretful manner complain that the
confederacy had been shot to death,
and saw him gallantly fire a parting
shot at John Brown, and the soul of
that patriot went marching on; and
then when I looked to my right and
saw the gallant commander of that
grand march to the sea sitting on
this floor, and on hastily looking
around saw sitting in my rear the
greatest living commander of the
late forces of the confederacy—it
was the first time he was ever in my
rear [laugher]—l must confess to
you I felt the martial spirit again in
my breast. I could almost hear the
shout of the victor and the roar of
the musketry. I
“Felt that stern joy that warriors feel
In foemen worthy of their steel.”
But I controlled my feelings, Mr.
Chairman, and reflected that of late
years the distinguished commander
who led the Union forces to the
sea and the distinguished gen
tleman from Virginia [Mr. Johnston]
have both taken anew the oath of
allegiance to the Constitution and
are both drawing handsome salaries
under the same government, payable
in greenbacks. Then that blessed
quotation came into my mind, “How
good and how pleasant it is for
brethren to dwell together in unity.”
[Applause.]
But seriously, Mr. Chairman, when
I look at the course taken here by
the leaders on both sides of the
House, I consider it unpardonable as
keeping alive in the breasts of the
American people sectional animosi
ties. It is greatly to be regretted.
It proves to my mind that the old
parties are powerless to give relief
to this country. It is a fact, sir, that
it takes ten or fifteen years to de
velop the leaders of a great party
and fully as long to shake them
loose again; and it is never done,
and history will bear me out in that
statement, except by movement from
without that crushes the organization
over which they dominate. This is
the only method through which the
people can gather the fruitage of ad
vanced civilization.
There is great force and truth in
the remark among the people that
the leaders of the old parties feed
almost exclusively on sectional strife
and hatred. It is apparent also that
the leaders are determined to fight
and refight the issues of 1876 in the
coming campaign of 1880. It is per
fectly apparent and beyond dispute
that they intend to do this. The
gentleman fromTennesse [Mr. Houk]
spoke of the President of the United
States and his laudable effort to in
augurate an era of peace and of his
having met the opposition of the
South in that effort. Now I want
to state the exact history as to this.
The indisputable truth of the matter
is that the President has been op
posed by almost a solid North and
solid South in his laudable effort.
The partisan press and the partisan
leadership of this country have op-
posed every effort on the part of the
Executive to restore peace. There
is no mistake about that. History
will bear me out in what I say, and
it is current history with which we
are all familiar.
Sir, I repeat again, the old parties,
because of sectional animosities that
have been engendered between them,
are powerless to give peace to this
distracted country.
It was said of David, after he had
collected the material to build the
temple that should be dedicated to
peace and typify the man of peace,
that “David should not build the
temple, for David is a man of blood.”
And so it has been said from on
high, as I doubt not that these old
parties shall not build anew the tem
ple of liberty in our beloved country,
for they are parties of blood. A
new organization must do it and the
Lord is raising up that party now.
The workmen are all at work in the
quarries, and every block in the tem
ple shall be peace. As an humble
representative of the national Green
back party, I feel great solicitude
that it shall commence to build on
solid foundations; and I say here to
the gentlemen on the right and on the
left that the national Greenback party
wants neither soldiers nor bulldozers
at the polls. [Applause on both sides.]
Nor do we want them near where
elections were being held; and I
shall offer at the proper time, if
recognized for the purpose under the
five minute rule, the following
amendment, which I now read as a
part of my remarks :
“At the close of section 6 of the
bill insert the following :
“And under like penalties it shall
be unlawful for any person, unless
he be a police or other civil officer
acting in the discharge of his official
duties, to have in his possession,
either openly or concealed, fire-arms
or other deadly weapons, at or near
any place -where any general or spe
cial election is being held in any
State, when there is to be voted for
at said election either candidates for
Representatives in Congress or elec
tors for President and Vice-Presi
dent of the United States.”
I cannot see how this can be ob
jected to by any member upon this
floor. I say, further, we want no
test of oath for juries. We believe
there is great force in the remark
that if they who served in the Con
federate army are worthy to come on
this floor and make laws for the peo
ple, and are worthy to occupy places
in the cabinet of the executive of this
country, they are worthy to sit on
juries and try offenders against the
law.
Nor does the national Greenback
party want United States marshals
at elections, unless the history of the
country, after we have tried the ex
periment, shall prove that we cannot
get along without them. I want to
say here, however, that I believe as a
lawyer, indeed I have not the least
doubt about the constitutional right
of the government to protect its citi
zens at the polls while voting for
United States officers. It is only a
question of policy as to whether it is
needed at this juncture of our his
tory. As to the supervisors, I think
that provision ought to be retained
in the law with this modification,
that the supervisors shall be chosen
not from two parties, as I believe thd
law now provides, but from the par
ties having congressional or electoral
tickets in the field, and that will give
the Greenback party a chance.
[Laughter/]
Mr. Carlisle. My friend from lowa
is mistaken when he states that the
law now requires that the super
visors shall be selected from the two
old parties. AU the law requires is
that that they shall belong to dif
ferent political parties; and if my
friend belongs to a healthy political
Organization he can have supervisors
appointed for his party.
Mr. Weaver. It is decidedly
healthy; • and the only one that is
growing in the country.
Mr. Updegraff, of Ohio. Growing
small by degrees and beautifully
less.
Mr. Weaver. It is not growing
smaller by any means. We will
measure strength with your party on
any field that you may choose.
But, Mr. Chairman, in the method
of the repeal of these laws the
national Greenback party wishes to
respect the constitutional inde
pendence of the executive. We
would be glad to see adopted a con
stitutional amendment that would
allow the executive, if he have not
that power now, to approve a part of
a biU and veto the rest of it. It is a
very nice constitutional question,
however, whether he has not that
power already.
Again, sir, we oppose the concen
tration of so much power in the
hands of the committee on appro
priations and favor its distribution to
the various committees.
And now, Mr. Chairman, I want
to say to both the old factions here
to-day that the national Greenback
party will see to it that you do not
make this sectional issue the issue
for 1880; neither shall you make it
the issue for 1879. There is another
Richmond in the field, I would have
you understand.
The distinguished gentleman from
Illinois [Mr. Townsend] speaks of
the Chicago election.. Sir, the issue
of that election was decidedly a
national Greenback triumph, for
Hon. Carter Harrison was nominated
by the Greenback party first, and
then by the Democracy. Only one
year ago, when the Democratic party
nominated a candidate for mayor,
Mr. Perry H. Smith, a popular but
straight Democrat, he was buried
beneath a majority of 10,000. In
this instance, I am infoormed, Mr.
Harrison was nominated on the
Toledo platform without the dotting
of an i or the crossing of a t.
Mr. Townsend, of Illinois. I would
ask the gentleman if Mr. Harrison
was not a Democratic member of the
last Congress ?
Mr. Weaver. Yes; and as soon
as he went home and learned the
temper of the people, he joined the
national party. [Laughter.]
Mr. Townsend, of Illinois. Was
not Mr. Harrison the regular nominee
of the Democratic party in Chcago
for mayor.
Mr. Weaver. Yes, after the na
tional party had told them whom to
nominate. (Laughter and applause.)
Mr. Townsend, of Illinois. I de
sire to ask the gentleman another
question. Mr. Carter Harrison, be
ing a Greenback Democrat, as you
might call him, was the representa
tive of both parties. What lesson
does that teach us ? It is that when
ever the Democratic and Greenback
parties unite, then the Republican
parties will be defeated; and when
you keep the nationals in a separate
organization it always is likely to re
suit in the success of the Republican
party of Illinois.
Mr. Weaver. The result proves
that and more. It proves that the
combination is always successful in
Illinois when the Democratic party
rides behind. [Great laughter and
applause.] But this is mere pleas
antry.
I say to gentlemen on this floor
that it is our recruiting offices that
are daily crowded with volunteers
ready and eager to be mustered into
the new organization that is to lib
erate this country. jWe have a
mission to fulfill. We know no
North, no South, no East, no West,
and any gentlemen whether he lives
in the North or in the South is per
fectly eligible in our party for the
office of Speaker of the House of
Representatives. And this cannot
be said of either of the old parties.
We have no desire to raise this
sectional strife in our new organiza
tion nor will we permit it to be rais
ed. Nor do we go before the peo
ple with pledges of financial reform,
and then come into this body and
unite in a caucus to bind ourselves
hand and foot and thus deny relief
to the people. We do not do that.
Mr. Chairman, we are here to keep
our pledges to the people. We are
the avant courier of the army of
progress that cannot be frightened
back by waving the bloody shirt iu
our faces. That cannot be done, I
say to you again, this old quarrel
growing out of the war has become
distasteful and disgusting to the
American people. They want and
intend to have less of it. I should
think the old parties, would see that
they stand sadly in need of an ad
dition of their wardrobe. Their
only garment is that sanguinary
article of underwear of which we
have heard so much. It reminds
me of an Indian I once saw out in
the far West, whose entire toilet con
sisted of a red bandana around his
neck and a plug hat; and, like these
old parties, he was perfectly uncon
scious of the ridiculous figure he
presented. [Laughter.] It is mar
velous to my mind that gentlemen
on both sides of the House do not
understand the wishes and temper of
the people.
In conclusion, I will say that, un
less you pass at this session, first, a
law, for the unrestricted coinage of
silver; second, a law for the substi
tution of greenbacks for national
bank notes; third, a law stopping the
further increase of the bonded debt,
and providing for the speedy pay
ment of the debt now outstanding;
fourth, a law liberating the five
hundred or more millions now lying
idle in the Treasury; t fifth, to give the
people an opportunity to escape from
the impending loss of their homes;
unless these things be done at this
session, very few of the gentlemen
who occupy seats upon this floor will
ever see them again.
Gentlemen talk about starving the
government to death. The eloquent
gentleman from Ohio,[Mr. Garfield,]
did so the other day. Who consti
tute the Government of this country?
The people. And I say to the gen
tleman that the financial policy
which he and his followers have
foisted upon this country with the
aid of ghe hard money Democrats on
my left, is now starving to death the
laboring classes of this country, and
they will not stand it much longer.
[Applause on the Democratic side.]
If you do not want them to “drink
the wine of violence,” I say again
no not feed them on the “bread of
idleness.”
Mr. Chairman, I am credibly in
formed that there are three thous
and families in this city alone sus
tained by soup houses and by chan
ty. So in every city and manu
facturing district in this country the
people areabsolutely perishing, starv
ing, for lack of labor and of bread;
and that,too,when as was said on one
occasion by Henry Clay to Martin
Van Buren, “this Congress could
give relief in twenty-four hours.”
But members prefer to fight here
like madmen over the ashes where
the camp fires of civil war once
blazed, and allow their constituents
to starve and go naked.
Our people out West do not like
the combat to which you summon
them, nor the feast you set before
them, nor yet the contest that exists
between the inflation mortgage upon
their farms and the resumption hogs
they are forced to sell. There is
too great a contest between them.
There is a screw’ loose in Federal
legislation, and the people have
found where it is. They have learn-
ed that these parties are recreant to
their trust and are not legislating for
their interests.
About nineteen years ago the
Democratic party at the bidding of
the people of this country ceased to
control the administration of affairs,
and the Republican party came into
power. Now, by what seems to
many a tardy and to others a too
rapid revolution of the wheel of for
tune, the party displaced in 1860 by
the public verdict has again obtain
ed the control of both branches of
National Legislature. It will be
recorded as the fatal error of that
party that its restoration to power
was not signalized [by speedy legis
lation for the relief of the people. Is
not allow, I pray you, an unneces
sary sectional controversy to take
precedence of the real controversy
between the people and the money
power.
The Republican party has passed
under popular disfavor, and is re
tiring rightfully and rapidly from
supremacy in the country. The
good deeds and the badjdeeds of both
parties are alike recorded. lam
aware that precedents can be found
in their history to justify almost any
thing that is wicked and impolitic.
Let us not be controlled by their
precedents, but let us act for the
living present and do what we know
is right and for the interest of the
people.^'Let us act as represen
tatives of the -whole people, and not
as politicians nor for the rings and
cliques of the country.
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