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MAJOR BLACK’S ARCADIANISM
SYSTEMATIZED.
A faint idea how Mr. Watson was
defeated and Major Black elected in
the city of Augusta, may be gleaned
from the following description by the
Chronicle of the recent election for
councilmen from the third ward of
that city:
Mr. Sheehan’s forces were led by
“Sonny” Collins assisted by Dan Bowles,
Jirn Cushen, Mike Sullivan and others
who have fought in every political battle
of late years, while Mr. Austin’s follow
ers were piloted by Will D’Antignac,
Harry Casnen, Frank Cavanaugh, Joe
Austin, Dan Looney, Ed Lyons and
others not quite as old hands at the polls,
but enthusiastic, and knowing just the
same. • '
When the Austin line marched up,
some of the opposition leaders tried to
break it and two leaders hit out a few
times without much damage before they
were separated. Then came the voting.
There are many complaints about the
fairness of the election and some men
do not know for whom their votes were
cast. Not that they were intoxicated or
crazy, but that when they offered their
. tickets, they were informed that they
had already voted and that once was
enough.
To say that the voter was surprised is
putting it mildly, he was simply astound
ed : but protestations were of no avail,
and he w’as compelled to depart, not
knowing which candidate his obliging
substitute had supported.
Charles Perry was the only negro ar
rested on this charge, but a number
must have committed the offense, if any
thing is to be judged by the number of
colored men who were refused the privi
lege of voting, because some one had al
ready voted in their names.
Captain Austin was standing at the
window when Perry presented a ticket
under the name of Ansel B. Golphin.
The vote was challenged by Mr. Austin,
who knew Golphin personally. Perry
insisted that he was Galphin and took
the oath, lie was immediately arrested
and escorted to the barracks, where he
now has the opportunity and time for
reflection.
The Austin people claim a number of
instances of this illegal voting, and one
in particular asserts that their candidate
allowed himself unknowingly to enter
into a bargain whereby the system could
not be stopped. The defeated party
spare no words in denouncing the meth
ods u-ed against them and say that they
. would have captured the prize had there
been a fair “tote.”
Mr. bheehan voted for himself, while
Mr. Austin added another ballot to his
opponent's majority.
While the principals are the best of
friends, their lieutenants did a little
fighting, and are not on such good
terms. During the course of the day,
Sonny Collins, who seemed to be the ap
ple of discord, approached Captain Aus
tin in a friendly way, but was quickly
repulsed with the statement that no
communications could be held between
them.
This was a contest between two
friendly citizens of Augusta. Not
between an Augustan and a country
man, like Black and Watson, but the
leaders of the contesting forces had
become so accustomed to voting re
peaters, and the repeaters had grown
so habituated to repeating, in the
late congressional race, that they
just couldn’t help it on this occasion.
It was all right with the sworn
managers. They had got used to it
in the congressional race, to beat
Wai sou.
It was all right with the repeaters.
Didn’t they get paid to do it in the
congressional race, so as to beat
Watson?
Nobody complained in this elec
tion except Mr. Austin, and he didn’t
complain muchly. Oh, no! He
knew “how it was done” in the con
gressional race to beat Watson. In
fact, one of his friends is quoted as
saying that Mr. Austin had “allowed
himself unknowingly to enter into a
bargain whereby the system could
not be stopped.”
Got it down to a “system,” you
see. Augusta has systematized
“vote repeating” and the politicians
“bargain” with the heelers for the
illegal vote.
Aint that nice J Aiut that Arca
dian ? Wonder if Mr. Black’s whis
ky vote was part of the ‘ bargain”
price, when he secured the heelers’
influence against Watson ?
Mr. Austin got mad with Sonny
Collins (the boss heeler for Sheehan)
and had a negro arrested. He ac
tually did ! Collins is a heeler from
afar back. Austin knows it. There
fore, Collins is alive and the nigger
is in the lock up. An Augusta poli
tician knows who to tackle. Austin
does, you bet.
Austin was defeated by 83 majori
ty, but he’ll be revenged in that lone
nigger, Perry, alias Golphin. Not
on Collins, you bet.
Alf, it was cruel to repulse “Son
ny” with the statement that “no com
munication could be had” with him.
All right to jug the negro, though.
You held close “communication”
with “Sonny” when he wanted you
to run on the Bob May ticket, but
the bank oflicers and anti-Boy-May
ites wouldn’t let you. Now, didn’t
you ? Sonny is squaring accounts
with you fellows that went back on
him and Uncle Robin.
MR. BLACK VOTED FOR WHISKY.
A dozen or more liquor dealers of
Augusta opened their bar-rooms on
the day of the late city election,
contrary to law or the city ordi
nance. A few faithful policemen re
ported them, and they were sum
moned before the court for trial. A
police sergeant testified that he told
PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER, ATLANTA, GEORGIA. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 23, 1892.
such of the barkeepers as asked his
opinion that he thought they could
open up at 6 o’clock. The law
cleariy prohibits it. The court
thereupon dismissed all the cases.
It is not related that the faithful
policemen were fined for discharging
their duty. It would perhaps be
safe to say, however, that other
policemen will walk their beats in
the near future.
If Major Black, superintendent of
the Baptist Sunday-school —the lead
ing moralist of the community, the
great and only Arcadian politician—
was, and is, in favor of selling
whisky to his Sunday-school class,
his next door neighbor, and all his
Arcadian followers, why should not
these puritanically fanatic policemen
be made to suffer for their unholy
interference with the religious traf
ficers in whisky ?
That pohee sergeant will be a lieu
tenant soon.
STAND TO YOUR COLORS, BOYS.
A full county ticket, for every
office, from sheriff to constable,
should be put out in every county.
If you have but ten votes in the
county, put out a ticket and then
vote for it; every man of you vote
for it.
Fraud and corruption at the ballot
box may defeat you when you should
be victorious, but make the fight
nevertheless.
Having made the fight, you have
discharged that much of your duty
toward elevating citizenship and
evincing your manhood.
In 1866, ’67, ’6B, ’69 and ’7O your
State was completely in the power
of the Republicans. The Demo
cratic party was much weaker then
than you are to-day.
The election machiney was in the
hands of the dominant party then,
as it is to-day.
The Democratic party was more
helpless then than you are to-day.
They had right on their side then.
You have right on your side to-day.
They had courage then. You
have courage to-day.
They resolved and pledged them
selves to stand firmly together until
victory was won, at any and all
risks. You can do the same to-day.
Bayonets and prison bars couldn’t
deter them from contending for
their rights at the ballot-box thdh.
Why should intimidations and jeers
deter you to-day ?
Men faced death for freedom then.
Why shouldn’t you face opposition
to-day ?
The country boys won the Demo
cratic victory then. Why shouldn’t
they win it to-day ?
Your county ticket may not suit
you in all things. Their tickets
didn’t suit them in all things, but
they voted it to a man. Why not
you vote yours ?
There may be bad men (in your
opinion) upon your ticket. There
were bad men on their tickets then,
but they voted for them to a man.
You do the same.
It took every public speaker in
Georgia, the combined power of the
national and State Democratic com
mittee and upwards of three thous
and imported voters to defeat Tom
Watson in the Tenth district, be
cause we fought the enemy at every
point and- on every occasion. You
do the same.
The Tenth is ready for another
battle. Get yourselves in fighting
trim for the next.
Stand firm, every man I
Whether congressmen ever get
into the condition described by Mr.
Watson last year when they have to
ask “Where am I at ?” or not, it is
certain that the question has to be
asked much too often concerning
many of them. They are habitually
“at” some other place thr-n then
post of duty. Absenteeism is a vice.
In any occupation except statesman
ship it would cost its practitioner his
place, and justly, too. No man has
any right to take pay for attending
to a business which he does not at
tend to. No man is obliged to accept
a place in Congress. If he does ac
cept it he voluntarily assumes the
duty of attending the sessions. If
he habitually neglects that duty, as
some of the most respected men in
Congress do, he dishonestly takes
pay to which he is not entitled. He
deprives the country of the services
the ojuntry has paid to render, and
he robs his constituents of the rep
resentation to which they are en
titled. At times absenteeism is a
sore embarrassment to legislation.
At times it even threatens disaster to
vital interests. It can never have
excuse where it is habitual. No man
has a right to accept a seat in Con
gress whose private affairs do not
permit him to attend to congres
sional duties.—New York World.
Remember, that the price of Tom
Watson’s book, “Not a Revolt; It Is a
Revolution,” has been reduced to 50
cents. It goes to the getter-up of a club
of five full-paid annual subscribers.
COL. C. 0. POST.
Ills VIEWS ON THE EDUCATIONAL
- CAMPAIGN.
Keep the Alliance at Work as a Con
servator of the Liberties and
Eights of the People.
Daytona, Fla., Dec. 10, 1892.
My Dear Ellington—l reached
home safely a little more than twenty
four hours after leaving your hospit
able dwelling, and found Mrs. Post
hanging on the front gate and gazing
down the sireet through the gloam
ing. She said she was watching for
me. We had fish for supper.
Since my return I have harvested
my crop of Irish potatoes, planted in
September soon after my advent to
this place. There was nearly a water
bucket full of them. Several were
nearly as large as hen eggs, and in
some cases I got as many as three
smaller ones out of the same hill. I
was afraid at one time that there
would be more than the bucket full,
which would have necessitated my
making a second trip to the patch,
but luckily about one-third of the
hills at the farther end of the patch
did not have any potatoes at all, so I
was not obliged to return.
The cut-worms have also done me
quite a favor during my absence in
Georgia by eating off about one hun
dred of my cabbage plants, thus ob
viating any further necessity for hoe
ing that much of the ground. I
should have regarded this as a loss,
but that the colored man that I
brought down here with me has re
turned to Georgia, thus leaving me
to hoe my own garden. He left be
cause there was more water here than
he could see any use for. He could
have stood the river, which is three
fourths of a mile wide, although some
of its inhabitants, as the porpoise and
sharks, rather staggered him, but the
ocean, between which and the river
is but a bare half mile of land, was
too much for him. He could not un
derstand what kept the waters of the
ocean, which he declared stuck up
above the land like a mountain, from
letting go and sweeping over the
whole country; and he fled for safety
to the hills of old Georgia, where he
was born.
Perhaps he was wise. Who knows ?
If Professor Buchanan’s prophecy
comes true, and the whole Florida
coast takes a drop of a few hundred
feet in 1900, going down like the lost
continent of Atlantis, the hills of
Georgia will be a mighty comforta
ble place to be in comparison, in spite
of Bourbon Democrats and the low
price of cotton.
And speaking of Bourbons and low
prices, reminds me of my promise of
to give you in writing my views of
the situation and the work to be
done, which was, in truth, the purpose
for which I seated myself at my
desk and took my pen in hand.
That I was not able to get down to
business on first sitting down, but
instead wandered off into the extrav
agancies of small talk, is due possibly
to the exhilarating influences of the
sulphur water which we have to
drink here, upon a man accustomed
for years to the cool, clear and
healthful waters of the springs and
wells of the Georgia hills.
Dropping pleasantries and coming
down to the serious affairs of life and
the situation of the country, the party
and the Alliance, I see no reason for
discouragement, but, on the contrary,
much to congratulate ourselves and
our people upon, and to rejoice over.
We did not accomplish all that we
hoped, but we accomplished a hun
dred fold more than our enemies said
we could do.
They said the West would not
stand true to the promise made to
overthrow the Republican party.
There are nine States in which we
elected the Governors and State
house officers. Our enemies said we
would not get an electoral vote tor
our candidates for President and vice-
ITesident, and we will have thirty
electoral votes. They said we wonld
lose every one of our thirteen repre
sentatives in Congress and the Sen
ate, and we have increased their
number to thirty. They said we
would make no showing whatever in
the South, and they were compelled
to resort to all manner of frauds to
prevent the carrying of several of
the Southern States for the party of
the people and the principles of the
Alliance. They said we would turn
the South over to negro domination.
We compelled them to appear before
the country m their true light—not as
patriots, not as statesmen, not as true
men jealously guarding the rights
and privileges of the white race, but
as politicians simply, using the negro
to overthrow the will of a majority
of the whites in order .to put them
selves in position to enjoy the spoils
of office.
The victory which they gained by
such practices is not a victory. The
defeat which our principles suffered
from such cause is not a defeat, and
the sober second thought of the peo
ple will so decide and so declare at
future elections as surely as God is
God.
My advice for the future can be
given in a single sentence : Appeal
to the people. Trust them. Appeal
to their intelligence, to their sense of
justice, to their love of home and
country and wife and child. Many
of them have deep seated prejudices,
but these can be removed. We must
not forget that such education as
they have had upon economic ques
tions previous to the coming of the
Alliance had been the false teachings
of men who wrote and spoke in tlie
interest, if not directly in the pay of
the plutocrats; who, however, so
plated their pot-metal theories of
economics and statesmanship with
the nickel of partisanship and the
silver of a pretended love of the peo
ple as to deceive all of us for a time
and most of us until very recently.
Remembering that we ourselves
were not too quick in accepting the
truth, let us be patient with others
who perhaps have not had the truth
as forcibly presented to them. Now
that the excitement of the campaign
is over, thousands will listen with
interest and judge calmly of what
they condemned unheard before.
Let us do nothing in the way of
retaliation for wrong's done. Let jio
one do this. As we have done noth
ing in the campaign just closed of
which we are ashamed; as we have
neither bought nor sold principles or
votes; as we have sought to main
tain the purity of the balbt-box and
the right of every man, rich or poor,
black or white, to the untrammeled
expression of his political convictions,
conscious .that only so can the liber
ties of the common people of either
race be preserved—as we have done
this, let us take courage and continue
the work of educating others as we
were ourselves educated in economic
principles, having full faith in the
justice of our cause and the ultimate
triumph of our principles before the
country.
No matter what course the incom
ing Democratic administration may
pursue, the need for a fuller educa
tion of the people upon economic
questions remains the same. If the
Democratic party grants the legisla
tion which we demand, well and
good; it will then be necessary that
the people be s*o educated that they
understand the principles underlying
that legislation in order that they
may continue the Democratic party
in power and hold it to its work of
legislating in the equal interest of all
the people. If it fails, as we fear it
will fail, to give the relief needed,
then the people must be educated
and prepared to smash that as com
pletely iu the next election as our
Western brethren mashed the Repub
licans out there.
This work of education can best
be continued as it was begun, largely
at least, through the Alliance, and I
congratulate you that the direction
of this work is largely in your hands.
Your power to do good to the people
of Georgia is greas. I doubt not it
will be used wisely.
You will, I fancy, find the work
somewhat difficult. It is, in one
sense, to be regretted that the Alli
ance has become so nearly identical
in the pnblic mind with the People’s
party. This was, however, unavoid
able, for while the Alliance was not
and is not partisan in any true sense,
yet, inasmuch as by a union of all
industrial organizations of the coun
try upon a common platform of prin
ciples resulted naturally in the forma
tion of a party pledged to carry those
principles iuto effect, tp followed that
the Alliance and Alliance men and
women would naturally be regarded
as pledged to and desiring to be
counted with the party adopting its
principles.
This fact will stand in the way
somewhat of the further upbuilding
of the order by the taking in of new
members for a time, but it ought, on
the other hand, to draw still more
closely together those already in, and
as those outside become convinced
that we seek the common good of all,
we may hope to see many added to
our roll of membership.
Whichever course the party in
power may pursue, it can not sup
press discussion. In fact, it is com
pelled by the condition of the finan
ces of the country to lead in the dis
cussion and thus throw open to us
the direct road to the public ear.
Our Alliance lecturers must take
advantage of this, and every Alli
ance hall and country school house
should be made a place for discus
sing in a friendly and non-partisan
manner the economic questions un
derlying our theory of a government
of the people, by the people and for
the people.
In these discussions the Demo
cratic party should be treated fairly
and given credit for any good it may
do; but partisanship of whatever
kind or name should be denounced
and its baneful effects pointed out.
No man can be a partisan and a
patriot at the same time. To be a
patriot one must be so far from par
tisanship as to be able to see with
equal clearness whatever good may
be in any party.
Our people must be encouraged to
protect themselves from imposition
of all kinds. This right to vote as
their judgment dictates must be
held as sacred, and the man or men
who seek to interfere with that right,
either by bribery or intimidation,
must be held up as unworthy the
namejof a true citizen. And come
weal, come woe to our own organiza
tion, we must preserve the same
purity m it and in ourselves that we
demand in ou» opponents. Only
build up a public sentiment that will
hold it a crime to deprive a citizen
entitled under the law to his ballot
of the right to cast that vote with
out improper influence of any kind,
and the people will be safe in their
liberties, their homes and the fruits
of their labor. Until such a senti
ment is builded they will be safe in
neither.
To accomplish this, and also to
secure some immediate financial re
lief, I would urge that men in busi
ness who have used their relations
with planters to compel to
vote against their inclinations be
permitted to trade with others like
themselves so far as possible. A
man in trade who has simply exer-
cised his right to vote by voting the
Democratic ticket has not thereby
forfeited any portion of his right to
be considered a good citizen. He
who while voting ‘any ticket has
used his power to compel another to
vote with him has forfeited that
righty and should be made to feel the
condemnation of our pfeople by being
let alone in trade. Where an hon
orable dealer, either Democrat or
People’s party man, is in trade, one
who has exercised his right to vote
as he pleases and left others to do
the same, discussing principles and
parties fairly and courteously, he
should receive the trade of our peo
ple. If none such exist in any com
munity, then the Alliancemen or
People’s party men, or citizens gen
erally who favor fairness in politics
and trade, should club together and
start a co-operative store.
The time is fully come when we
can no longer afford to furnish
clubs for our enemies and the ene
mies of good government to break
our heads with.
“Stand by your principles, and
stand by your friends, giving no aid
or comfort whatever to any one who
does not recognize and seek to pro
tect all men in their right to vote as
they choose,” ought now to be our
motto. But in doing this we ought
also to be careful not to arouse or
permit a spirit of revenge to creep
in. What we do should be done
from a higher motive—the highest
of all motives—a desire to protect
all alike, to purify politics, to build
up a spirit of manly independence
and a love of liberty in its true sense.
Very truly and fraternally yours,
C. C. Post.
A CASE IN VIRGINIA.
In the national election Hon. J.
Thomas Goode, of Mecklenburg
county, was the nominee of the
People for Congress in the fourth
district of Virginia. A great many
precincts were thrown out—enough
to change a majority of considerably
over 2,000 for Goode to several hun
dred for Epes, his Democratic oppo
nent. But two of all the precincts
rejected were Democratic, the two
together reducing Epes’ majority by
24- The Democrats managed all
the boxes, and found informalities
enough to put in their man. Col.
Goode, in a lettter to a friend,
printed in the*Virginia Sun, says :
I cannot answer your question as to
the ultimate chance of obtaining jus
tice. If there is any conscience at all
in the old party, which we once con
sidered so honest ami pure, I cannot
see how I can fail to get the place to
which I have been, beyond all ques
tion, fairly and honestly elected by a
large majority. But I could never
have believed that the Democratic
party would have resorted to such
unholy means of subverting the will
of the people as to disfranchise a
large percentage of the sovereign
people of this district; to refuse them
any voice in the election of President,
vice-President or Congressman; to
take from them on the merest pre
texts the right of suffrage guaran
teed to all citizens by the constitu
tion of the United States; to rob
them of their only means of defence
for life, liberty or the pursuit of hap
piness ; to utterly ignore them and
trample into the dust their most sa
cred rights, for no other purpose than
to perpetuate the power of their
party. If this can be done with im
punity and not arouse the indigna
tion of all good -citizens of any and
all parties, then I tremble for my
country. We can no longer boast of
a free republican government —a gov
ernment “ of the people, by the peo
ple and for the people ” —but are
brought face to face with the fact
that the minority manipulates and
controls the majority; that favored
classes and monopolies rule this land.
How long the American people will
submit to this great wrong is more
than I can say, but I greatly under
rate their manhood if they can ac
cept it as the rule of our country.
Alex Stephen’s Letter.
Monroe Popupst, Brent, Gr.
Liberty Hall, Crawfordvile,
Ga., June 18, 1871.—Mr. C. F. Tur
ner, Thomson, Ga.—My Dear Sir :
Your letter of the 15th instant was
received this morning. I agree fully
with you that one of the worst ten
dencies of the times in this country
is the concentration of capital in or
ganized bodies, combinations and
“ rings,” as they are popularly called.
We have the gold ring in New York,
the banking ring and road rings all
over the country. We also have the
bacon rings, corn and cotton rings,
the tobacco rings, and they are all in
hostility to the rights of the industri
ous producing classes everywhere.
They constitute a huge evil every
where, and should be denounced and
extirpated if possible. As Jackson
warred against the United States
bank that was a gigantic moneyed
monopoly, dangerous by its corrup
tions to the liberties of the people,
but it was a small affair‘compared
with some of the monopolies of this
day- These rings are now controlling
the politics of the country by corrupt
ly, through money dealings of politi
cal rings *to subserve their pur
poses. The honest masses every
where should set their heads against
all these rings. The Grachii, my
dear sir, were both right. They have
been, by historians, denounced as
agrarians. They, however, asked
nothing but right and justice for the
plebaens in the enjoyment or partici
pation in the public lands. I cannot
say any more now. lam very feeble.
What I have said is for youself only,
not for the public. In the “ Atlanta
Sun,” of which I am now one of the
editors, you will see my views of
public questions. Wrice to me when
you have leisure or feel like it.
Yours truly,
Alexander H. Stephens.
P. S. —The above letter came
promptly as requested from the grand
old statesman. He says the Grachii
were both right. They asked for
only justice, only such things as the
laws of their country promised them,
Mr. Stephens always had the courage
to stand for right and justice. He
was not afraid to champion the cause
of the weak when they had justice
on their side.—Ed. Populist.
Another Credit Mobilier Scandal in
Sight.
New Nation.
The bill before Congress for the
loan of a national credit of SIOO,-
t>oo, 000 to the Nicaragua canal com
pany has in it all the elements of
another credit mobilier scandal and
■is already developing a distinct odor.
The congressman or able editor who,
in the light of the experience of the
government with its loans to the
Union Pacific railroad, can advocate
this Nicaragua bill, has need to ex
plain his motives very carefully.
The proposition is simply that the
national government shall take all
the risk and pay the entire estimated
cost of the canal by indorsing SIOO,-
000,000 of its bonds, and in return
shall, if the canal proves a success,
be saved from loss on its advance of
credit. Under no circumstances can
the national treasury make any profit
out of the undertaking, although it
takes all the chance of losing the
entire $100,000,000 it endorses for,
if the enterprise fails.
The whole scheme on the part of
the private capitalists, who as stock
holders propose to take all the profit,
if there is any, while the govern
ment is to shoulder all the loss if
there is any, is strictly developed on
the idea embodied in th6 phrase,
“Heads I win, tails you lose.”
While the government is only
asked at present to endorse the
bonds of the company to the extent
of $100,000,000, it must be an ex
tremely verdant person who im
agines that this is the extent of the
plot against the nation’s pocket. The
canal will not be built for $100,000,-
000 on the familiar plea that unless
more is spent, what has been in
vested will be wholly lost.
There is another aspect of the
matter. The object of this canal, so
far as concerns the public interest of
the United States, is cheaper freights
between the Atlantic and Pacific
coasts. There is a far cheaper,
quicker and surer way to secure
cheaper trans-continental freights—
nationalize the railroads.
If we had government railroads
run a‘t cost, .no canal would be
needed, or would pay if dug.
Captain Hays’ Withdrawal.
Captain John M. Hays, whose card
w? 3 copied in this papqr last week,
has been interviewed by an Augusta
Evening News reporter to whom he
repeated his statement that he is out
of the race for sheriff of Richmond
county. The following colloquy and
comment is reported:
“What are your reasons for with
drawing?” asked the News.
“On account of fraudulent regis
tration,” he replied.
“ Will you be a little more ex
plicit?”
“Well, I mean that 60 per cent of
the negroes registered on the list are
fraudulent in this respect: Many
negroes have been repeated, and two
or three have told me themselves
they have been qualified fully fifteen
times under different names.”
Captain Hays says his friends
who were going to support him did
not feel that they could cope against
such methods, and that if the people
were willing to submit to such out
rages he could stand it, and as no
protest or objections had been made
he quietly comes down and out of
the race.
Captain Hays, being a good Dem
ocrat, simply submits. If he wei;e
simply a good citizen, he might pro
test and fight. What the real intent
of the fraudulent registration is may
readily be seen from the reporter’s
comment:
There is, however, a likelihood of
the People’s party putting out a full
ticket for county offices, but the
votes their candidates -will receive
will not amount to a drop in the
bucket.
Ah, there! One purchasable vote
qualified to duplicate fifteen times,
leaves honest men but a small show
“But a drop in the bucket” when
election day comes round ! Such is
the great Augrtsta combine of ring
sters and thimble-riggers.
OFFER TO CHRONIC INVALIDS.
After twenty years practice I am con
vinced that every disease is caused and
continued by its own Germ, or Microbe.
Any person who has been in ill health
for three months or longer, can send me
history of their case, with ONE DOLLAR
and receive a trial package making two
gallons of medicine.
This is ray own preparetion, basid upon
the Germ Theory of Disease, and s not a
paten t medicine.
If no benefit received the money will
be returned to you. I refer to any clergy
man in Atlanta, or to the editor of thiv
paper. J. W. STONE, M. D.,
(Late Dean of the Woman’s Medical
College of Georgia)
We knew Dr. Stone; he will do exactly
as he agrees.—Editor.
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