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f” The People’s Party Paper
/QP To Jan. 1, 1898.
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DOLLAR "°"i
VOL. VII. NUMBER 1.
MCLAURINS VICTORY.
New Senator Will Be a Political
Power.
THE SOUTH CAROLINA SITUATION.
A Man of Convictions, Ability and Force-
How He Came to the Front and
What He Will do in the
Future.
There is a new power in the politics
of the Palmetto State and hq is the
curly-haired child of destiny from up i
near the border. From a congressman
serene in the possession of the confi
dence of bis constituents, and caring
for little outside of that, he suddenly 1
found himself cast into the whirl of I
state politics with a title to preserve |
and an ambition to gratify; and now,
after one of those bitter and exciting
contests which characterize politics in '
this state, he has the gratification of I
the indorsement of his people and is (
tasting the sweets which come to him ,
who finds ambition gratified.
Another thing he finds—or will find ‘
when occasion presents : That''s pow- (
er is no longer confined his sixth (
district, which gave him four commis /
sions to serve as its representative in .
congress, but that from now on he will ’
be a potent factor in the affairs of the 1
state at large. (
It is true of every man elevated to I
the United States senate; it is doubly ,
true of John L. McLaurin because of ’
the conditions and circumstances out ’
of which this power comes to him. {
For some months McLaurin has held f
a seat in the senate through appoint- j
ment at the hands of his friend, the
governor, but it was the indorsement -
by the people in Tuesday’s primary E
which lifted him from uncertainty to j
the plane of certain political power. It i
was the indorsement which gave him t
something to stand on. With the ap- t
proval of the people he rests on even i
firmer ground than he would with only i
the backing of the legislature, for pop- j
ular approval means more for the sue
ture. t
THE OCCASION AND THE MAN. ]
Then this particular approval at this 1
particular time counts for much. The ]
vote he received demonstrated very ]
clearly that he is strong not only with s
the reformers, with whom his fortunes
had been cast in the past, but also E
with the conservatives, who have not \
heretofore cut much figure in politics r
at least not for several years; it de- t
monstrated, in other words, that the -
man for breaking down the factional r
occasion foi this breaking j
down had met. and that McLaurin was j
the man. i
And why should not the factional t
lines be broken ? Why should there <
be factional lines among Democrats ? t
No reason why they should not be I
broken do wn after they have ceased to i
be useful; no good reason why there i
should be such lines when the man, in j
himself and the principles he stands e
for, is all right. i
That’s the whole thing. When dem- <
ocrats can meet on the common ground ]
of supporting a man who has proved -
true to democratic principles there 1
should be no divisions. If, to illustrate, i
the gold democrats of Georgia care to (
unite with the silver democrats in sup- ,
port of a man who is truly a democrat i
and whose fealty to the great demo 1
cratic doctrine of free silver coinage
has never been questioned, would the
silver men be wise or sensible or any- ,
thing else but most injudicious in re- ]
fusng the votes of their ’‘gold” breth- j
ren ? Os course there’s the record of ]
the man to be considered —it's all in -
that. And here in South Carolina— •
would there have been any wisdom ,
here in keeping up sectional lines
when the conservatives wanted to vote
for McLaurin, a pioneer silver man, a ,
man who has stood true to every demo- ,
cratic principle?
So the lines have been eliminated be
cause, above all things, he was the
right sort of a man. He benefits by it,
the party benefits by it, the state ben
efits by it
A DIVISION ON LOCAL LINES.
It must be borne in mind that the
"cipsjjsion which has existed in South
Carolina has been one of factions and
on purely local issues. That is, speak
ing broadly. Back of the reform move
ment in its inception there were real
issues because there were real wrongs
to be righted. The great mass of the
people took the side of reform because
they believed that corruption had
crept into high places and the time for
a change had come. They turned
down men whom they believed to be
unworthy. For a time the distinc
tions between the two factions were
rigidly maintained—partly because
from a reform standpoint there was
need for it and partly because shrewd
politicians worked the dominant fac
tion to their own ends. In the contest
just ended the Evans-Irby combination
endeavored, with all the desperation of
politicians in the death struggles, to
fan the fires of factional prejudice and
induce reformers to vote against Mc-
Laurin because he was being supported
by conservatives. Time was when the
appeal would not have been in vain,
but that time has passed. Just as the
masses of the reform faction turned
down the old regime when they
thought it unworthy, so they hastened
to turn down others whom they deem
ed unworthy, even though these others
had been prominent in the early fights
for reform and had then enjoyed the
full confidence of the men who now
combined in their repudiation.
It all goes to demonstrate that men
count for something in South Carolina.
And the particular man whose candi
dacy has wrought the change—he
counts for a good deal.
SOMETHING OF THE MAN.
McLaurin is an earnest, brainy young
man. Blue eyes that are unmistaka
bly honest; curly hair that is worn a
little too long perhaps; a fraction be
low medium height, stocky frame,
THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER
SHALL THE POPULISTS CARRY GEORGIA
We Put that Question to YOU not the Other Fellow, but YOU—Fair and Square. All Great Reforms are
Successful only by Individuals Working in Concert to the Same End.
All political success comes the same wrfy except when delayed by fusion schemes which must first be stamped out. lhe State Campaign of Georgia is just 5° weeks
off. Weeks roll by quickly and before you realize it the fight will be on —then it is too late to build and prepare for the enemy s attacks.
W — JTTTTC A TIT ! ED UC ATE ! I EDUCATE !! U
There are 50,000 Populists of Georgia who are not reading Your Paper—lots of them in your community. How can they convert intelligent voters-unless they read
keep up to date with the party? We must build to-day, not to-morrow. Delays are NOW is the time to lay good foundations. The harvest is ripe, the peo
ple are suffering and are already with us in spirit, bring them into the fold before they are WW by false prophets and scheming demagogues. Put into EVERY house
a reform paper. It works for the cause night and day and hammers into the head of the IfindWlrtisan the great truth? which you already accept. Open his eyes with
sledge hammer arguments. WEen you leave him, the paper is still at work, convincing and verting.
25 CENTS TO JANUARY 1, 1898-
By special arrangement, we have secured for campaign purposes a limited number of subscriptions to the People s Party I aper, commencing now and ending Jan.
1, 1898. We will send you one copy every issue for the term for 25 cents; 4 copies, One Dollar; Bo copies, $2.50; 20 copies, $5. Every day you wait you lose YOUR
Opportunity. Take 20 copies and Plant them in your own district. See every Pop you can and Walk to him, show him that success is assured the party in Georgia if we
can but reach Every Populist in the State every week and encourage each to action. A quarter is aßsmall amount, and before January he will be able to renew foi a year
and send an extra copy to a neighbor. If EVERY reader, if YOU will see to it that every one of ‘Aie boys” knows of this offer, the ball will start to rolling. A quarter
from each subscriber for another fellow who is not able to pay for the paper, or for the fellow, who>s not yet ready to join us will put the People’s Party Paper into
50,000 homes. Send to-day. Delays and indifference always lose the fight.
Campaign Department. J PEOPLIE’S JPARTY IPJY.IPIEIR,
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
small brown mustache —these are phys- i
leal characteristics. In conversation :
you are impressed by a certain intensi
ty which is strongly emphasized when :
any matter of issues or principles is ;
under discussion. Now and then there
is a peculiar catch in his voice indicat- <
ing that at one time he must have
stammered, but bas since overcome '
that tendency. This catch disappears ;
he makes a public speech. Then he is
forceful, earnest, intense, throwing
his entire self into the business in
hand and exerting real power over his •
audiences.
From the first he has bad this power, j
and this was one of the two influences
which induced him to make his per- i
manent home at Bennettsville. When 1
the hardy clan McLaurin betook itself ■
—body and kilts —from Scotland as <
result of the edicts of the conquering .
English that tney must forswear alle- 1
giance to the clan of their fathers and 1
must give up their native fathers and I
must give up their native dress, those J
of the McLaurins who were left came i
to this country. There were several ;
brothers and cousins in the party of ;
immigrants which reached the Caroli- 1
nas, and now many of their descend- 1
ants are to be found in those two
states. One family made its way up
into the Pee Dee valley, and the pres- 1
ent senator still owns the land which ,
his forefathers settled. He was a youth i
when his father died and his mother 1
took hirrfto the north for his 7 early ed- i
ucation. That was, I believe, at -
Swathmore college. From there he j
went to the University of Virginia, <
where he completed his legal educa- <
tion.
TWO INFLUENCES ON IIIS CAREER. <
McLaurin was just of age when, ]
after finishing up the school part of 1
his education, he went back to Ben
nettsville to have a settlement with
his guardian. He was undecided i
whether he would settle permanently
there or would go to Charleston, Col- i
umbia or some other part of the south. :
It was at this stage of his career that
the two influences to which I’ve refer
ed settled the question for him. One
of these is now the very charming Mrs.
McLaurin, for he met the young lady
whom he was destined to marry. There
is a pretty romance in it, but that be
longs to him, not to the public.
The other influence was more prosa
ic. A famous road case, the exact na
ture of which I do not know, was at
tracting the attention of the county
that summer when “Johny” McLau
rin’s thoughts were of anything but
the law. There were a number of de
fendants in a series of cases identically
alike, and the prosecution had absorb
ed all the legal talent in the county.
McLaurin was known to be a youth
ful lawyer and the defendants consult
ed him probably because there was
nobody else to be had. An eminent
attorney from down in the state had
been sent for by the defense and he,
after investigating, very wisely inform
ed them that, the law was against
them and they had better get out of
their troubles the best way they could
—which was by entering pleas of
- guilty.
McLaurin said no. With the enthu
siasm of youth he declared that he be
lieved he could win if he could get the
, cases before a jury—and at any rate
they had everything to gain and noth
ing to lose by trying.
[ It was in the trial of these cases that
. the young man demonstrated the pow
ers as a speaker which gained him later
. great reputation as a criminal lawyer
I and which were largely instrumental
■ in winning for him the political prow
l ess that has since come. Case after
- case was tried and although the law
i seemed to the opposing lawyers clearly
i against him, the 'ury didn’t agree with
» them and acquittal followed. Then
r the prosecution threw up its hands in
despair and nol prossed the remaining
i cases.
NOT ON THE MAI’.
- McLaurin’s success here and his suc
-3 cess at Cupid’s court settled the little
matter of residence for him, and his
legal shingle was soon swinging in the
? breezes that blow through Bennetts-
- ville. If you try to reach that tewn
a. by rail you will find yourself wonrler
i- ing how anybody ever had the courage
i, to get into that country; as you pro-
ceed the thought comes that the early
settlers went there before the days of
the railroads, and you forgive, them—
it must have been easier then; after
you reach the pretty little town in the
Pee Dee valley, after you have gazed
out upon the prosperous farms which
surround the town on all sides and
view the many evidences of peace and
prosperity, you wonder why a man
would give this up even for life at
Washington.
A member of the Georgia legislature
who spent a day or two at Marietta
last year came back to Atlanta and
gave utterance to the remark: “No
wonder those Cobb county fellows go
into politics; the land’s so poor up
there that nobody could make a living
farming and they have to do something
else.” To square myself with Chuck
Anderson, Dick Dobbs, Charley Wil
lingham and tne rest the boys, I
want to declare right here that I never
have agreed with that member of the
legislature ; I regard Marietta as the
most delightful place to live in in Geor
gia and 1 believe that fellow was only
jealous. The story is not new, but I
tell it here because my impressions of
Bennettsville were so different.
CRIMINAL LAW AND POLITICS.
By December of that year Johnny
McLaurin had as much practice as any
of the older lawyers. He was known
as “Johnny” then, and he is known as
“Johnny” or “John L.” all over the
sixth congressional district now. He
was successful in all branches of his
profession, but made a specialty of
criminal law, and there was not a case
of note in that section of the state in
which he did not figure. Seven or
eight years ago—l haven’t the date—
he was elected attorney general by
the legislature and had held that office
but a short time when he was given
the nomination fcr congress in his
district.
McLaurin’s entrance into politics
came as a result of his study of econom
ic questions. He is a man who loves
his library and one who uses it to good
purpose. I have had many talks with
him in Washington and from the first
he impressed me as being the possessor
of a greater fund of information than
most men many years older. There is
something in his head. At a time
when the younger men in public life
were devoting their study to the tariff
question, he had seen that the cause of
depression lay deeper—that the blow
which has been given industry by the
demonetization of silver was just be
ginning to bring its harvest. Things
were getting hot in the Palmetto State.
The reform movement was on and the
lawyers from the cities were rushing
to the front condemning it. McLaurin
saw that there was much of right and
justice in the movement, and that the
restoration of the free coinage of silver
which the farmers were demanding
was true democratic doctrine. And he
said so. It was one of the first speeches
on that line which had been made in
South Carolina. Opposition papers
jumped him, opposition critics called
him “populist” and all that, and you
know now a Scot will fight for his con
victions. The criticisms drove him to
the defense of his convictions, and that
means politics.
THE SUCCESS THAT DELIGHTS HIM MOST.
McLaurin has had uniform success
in the field of politics. He has grown
stronger and stronger, not only in his
district, but throughout the state. Not
only has he looked after the welfare
of the people of his district, but many
have been the requests made of him by
people of other districts, and with the
courtesy that is natural to the man,’
these have always met prompt atten
tion. Men who have “had no use” for
others who supported the reform move
ment have felt that McLaurin, though
perhaps disagreeing with them wi.tti
i regard to policies and politics, would
’ represent their interests at Washing
ton. This he has done. He is broad,
brainy and a gentleman.
Strangely enough, though be has
s had success enough in his profession
s and in politics to turn the head of any
j young man, it is not of this success
■ that he talks with greater pride. He
i is prouder far of bis success as a far
- mer. He has a couple of large planta
s tions in Marlsboro couniy, one of them
• the place of his McLaurin ancestors,
*EQUAL RIGHTS TO ALL; SPECIAL PRIVILEGES TO NONE”
ATLANTA, GEORGIA: FRIDAY SEPTEMBER 17, 1897.
and he makes them pay. “There nev
er has been a time when I did not
make them pay,” he told me the other
day. “And the life of a successful far
mer,” he added, with conviction, is the
most compensating life in the world.”
In what I have written of South Car
olina’s new senator I have tried to
avoid everything that would sound
like fulsome flattery. He is all that I
have said of him—a man of breadth
and brain, a student, a fair man in all
his dealings and a successful one ; no
mere politician, but a democrat whose
beliefs in his party's principles are con
victions and who is ever ready to stand
or fall by his convictions.
He is to the front in South Carolina
politics to stay ; and South Carolina is
the gainer thereby.—J. K. Ohl in At
lanta Constitution.
POPULIST “TURNED DOWN.”
Farmers’ National Congress Rejects a Free
Silver and other Populistic Resolutions.
St Paul, Minn , Sept 3.—The Popu
lists in the Farmers’ National Congress
were badly defeated during its sessions.
“Calamity” Weller, of lowa, yesterday
introduced a resolution lor a restora
tion of free coinage of silver. This was
reported unfavorably and rejected
without permitting the minority to
debate.
Then came a resolution favoring the
prohibition of “private monopoly in
public necessities,” even to the extent
of the exercise of the right of eminent
domain and the acquirement of such
necessities by the State. Again discus
sion was denied, and on a call of States
a three-to-one majority against the
resolution was developed.
Another financial resolution was
similarly disposed of after a short dis
cussion to avoid filibustering, which
had been resorted to by the Populists.
Later in the day the Populists were
again “turned down” on the final re
port of the Committee on Resolutions.
Resolutions were adopted commending
the Secretary of Agriculture for his
efforts in behalf of the dairy industry;
favoring Government inspection and
gradirg of butter for export, and the
reduction of official salaries; providing
for a committee to report a plan for co
operation between the States for the
prevention of the spread of contagious
diseases among domestic animals.
Resolutions introduced by Mr. Loucks
favoring the income tax, Government
control of telegraph and telephone, the
prohibition of corporate ownership of
land for speculative purposes and the
init'ative and referendum had been
turned' down in committee, and Mr.
Loucks had made a minority report in
each case. He was allowed to speak in
support of each of the resolutions, and
then the congress overwhelmingly sus
tained its committee.
The congress by unanimous vote de
clared for Government action to reha
bilitate our merchant marine and devel
op our carrying trade by putting differ
ential rates on merchandise imported
in foreign bottoms and permitting
Americans to buy foreign ships and ob
tain American registry under an agree
ment that within two years they shall
construct a like amount of tonnage in
this country for the foreign trade; also
for liberal appropriations for the im
provement of lake, river and coast
routes.
A resolution favoring Government
ownership of railroads, championed by
Weller and Loucks, was overwhelm
ingly defeated, and a resolution barring
questions which have become political
( issues was adopted. y
Small Pox Scare Dead.
The small pox s,qj£e bas died out at
Montgomery, The disease bas
been effectually stamped out and the
danger is over, if there ever was any.
The Yellow Jack Scare.
The scar«r>ver the report of.GOO cases
of yellow at Ocean Springs, Miss,
a resort much patronized by New Or
leans and Mobile has subsided. There
were 60 cases in all and 12 deaths. One
death occurred in New Orleans. It is
claimed the fever came in through the
quarantine station at Ship Island.
Quarantine restrictions are being with
. drawn against other places on the
coast.
GOOD GOVEJNMENT.
Experience is By fir the best
Teacherß
WHAT BRITISH CITIES lUvE DONE,
Greater New York Interested in the Expe
rience of Other Municipalities—
An Amazing and Instructive
Contract.
Greater New York is about to organ
ize a vast new municipal government.
In this as in other matters experience
is the best teacher —comparison and
contrast are the best object lessons.
Therefore the people of Greater New
and the achievements of the other
great municipalities of civilization.
The easiest source of this informa
tion is Dr. Albert Shaw’s two books on
the governments of European cities.
His assembly of facts excites the inter
est, the amazement and the envy of
every American reader. The book de
voted to British cities is especially in
teresting to us because the British peo
ple have met and are meeting the same
problems that now disturb us, and have
solved and are solving them in ways
that are open to us.
Let us look at a few of the facts about
the three chief British municipal or
ganizations—Glasgow, Manchester and
Birmingham. Let us see how their
governments respond to Mr. Bryce’s
test of municipal government —“What
does it provide for the people and what
does it cost the people ? ”
* * *
Glasgow contains about 750,000 peo
pie. Manchester’s population is 520,-
000, but its municipal government di
rectly benefits 3,000,000. Birmingham
has about 440,000 within its corporate
limits. All these cities are newer than
any of the great American cities. All
have had their real growth in the last
twenty five years. All their plans for
good government began about the
time of the close of our civil war—
exactly the period when New York and
the other American cities fell into the
hands of bosses and rings of corrup
tionists.
They are governed by an electorate
that in no essential respect differs
from ours. The masses of the people
vote and have absolute power over
their public servants, the officials
They select a municipal council that
administers the city’s affairs by divid
ing itself into executive committees,
one committee at the head of each de
partment of the public service. These
councillors serve without pay and, al
though elections are frequent, changes
in the council from causes other than
death are comparatively raae.
In their municipal campaigns the
questions of national or other than
city politics are never discussed. Local
affairs only are issues. Party lines do
not exist. Nominations for office can
be made and are made by a petition
signed by ten names—a proposer of the
candidate, a seconder and eight others
Yet there are few candidates, and even
few contests. An official who serves
the city well is practically never oppo
sed for re-election.
All this is the result of a single came
—the complete divorce of politics from
city affairs. “There ought to be no
more sentiment about running a city
than there is about running a dry goods
store,” said Richard Croker in an inter
view in The World the other day. In
these cities this ‘ought to be” is a fact,
and has been brought about by the
driving from municipal campaigns of
such distinctions as Conservative and
Liberal, the English parallel of Demo
crat and Republican, high-tariff man
and the tariff reformer.
In these three cities, and in scores of
smaller Eng ish cities, the cnief source
of revenue is not by direct taxation of
the people, as it is in New York and
Brooklyn. The most of the expenses
of government are paid out of the in
come from public works —water, gas,
electricity, street railways, &e.
The most of the municipal depart
ments are almost or quite self-support-
ing. Many of them pay a large profit
that goes to decrease the taxes for such
necessarily unprofitable departments
as police, fire, sanity and sewerage.
The municipal bonded debts are
large—almost as large in proportion as
those of New York and Brooklyn. But
the interest charge is paid for the most
part out of the profits of municipal
enterprises, and is not collected in
taxes as it is here.
Year by year the taxes there are
growing smaller. In Glasgow there
are now practically no general taxes.
In Manchester and Birmingham the
general rates are small. And the prin
cipal of the debt is constantly decreas
ing.
In New York the debt is growing
year by year. Now a Tweed adds 840,-
000,000 to it in two years. Now aTam-
Tnanv Ha.ll. to “keen down the tax rat.’*
and make a good showing,” jumps it
up 810,000,000 or so in four or five
years. Even a multi-partisan reform
administration has added several mil
lions to the city’s debt. And the inter
est charge falls heavily upon the peo
ple, already burdened by the current
expenses of the government, which are
raised almost entirely by direct taxes
that swell rents and reduce wages.
# • ♦
In Glasgow the street railways are
now owned and run by the city at a
large profit Yet the average fare is
about two cents, and there are work
ingmen’s trains morning and evening
on which the charge is only one cent
Until two years ago the street rail
ways, which were built by the city,
were leased to a private company
which paid its stockholders 10 per cent
dividends after paying the city annual
ly: (1) The total interest charge on
the city’s investment; (2) enough to
accumulate into a sinking fund big
enough to pay off the total first cost of
the roads at the end of the lease ; (3)
enough to reimburse the city for all
repairs and renewals, and (4) an annu
al rental of 8750 a mile. And they were
allowed to charge on the average about
two and a half eents as a fare !
Manchester built its street railways
and leased them to a company which
nays the city interest on the cost and a
net divide ad of 10 per cent per annum.
Yet this company may charge only
about three cents, and must run two
cent workingmen’s trains morning and
evening.
In Birmingham the private company
which has leased the street-car lines
built by the city pays all the interest
charges, is paying off the first cost of
the roads, pays the city in full for
keeping the lines in perfect repair, and
charges about the same fares as those
in Manchester. At the expiration of
the lease Birmingham, like Manches
ter, will own the lines outright, free
from all encumbrances and in perfect
condition.
In New York the street-railway
franchises have been either sold for a
song or given away outright The
street railways charge five-cent fares,
pay the smallest possible heed to pub
lie convenience and comfort, and
altogether bring into the city treasury
about 8352,000 a year. And $200,000 of
of this sum comes from the Broadway
road, which, under the system of the
British cities, would be paying upward
of 83,000,000!
* * •
In Glasgow the gas and electric light
plants are owned and operated by the
city. It has built new works. It paid
off half original debt. Has accumulated
a large sinking fund. Yet it has re
duced the price of gas to 60 cents per
thousand feet, and that too in the face
of the fact that the price of gas-making
coal has greatly advanced. To prevent
the electric lighting from making seri
ous inroads on the use of gas it has
started a system of renting gas-stoves
The cost to the taxpayer of street light
ing in Glasgow is less than 8100,000,
and that sum is constantly reducing.
Like the gas works, the electric-light
plant is on a business basis and will
soon be paying for itself, with no cost
to the taxpayer.
In Manchester the city supplies gas
at 60 cents the thousand feet, and the
gas works earn for the city, over and
above all expenses, 8500,000 a year,
8200,000 of which goes to pay interest
on the gas debt and 8300,000 of which
is paid into the city treasury to reduce
general taxes.
Birmingham bought out the private
gas companies at a huge rate Yet it
at once reduced gas to 75 cents, making
even on that basis a profit of 1170,000.
Gas is now 50 cents the thousand feet.
New York gets nothing from its gaa
companies but a rather inferior quality
of gafc. It pays them and the electric
lighting companies about $1,000,000 a
year for public lighting And citizens
of New York have to pay 81 20 the
thousand feet and are charged for leak
age under the extortionate system of
the Gas Trust.
• * *
Glasgow has a perfect supply of ab
solutely pure water at a pressure so
high that the efficiency of the Fire De
partment is greatly increased. The
<• 'st pf w-ter is a.b'nnt a nnurtpr n-f n I
cent a day for each inhabitant. At this
price the debt of the water works is
being rapidly paid.
Manchester had to go ninety-five
miles for its water supply, and Birm
ingham had to go eighty miles. In
both cities the water works are more
than self-sustaining, although the
water rents are not much higher than
those of Glasgow.
New York, which had to go only four
miles further than Glasgow for its
water supply, will not pay off its water
debt for at least forty years Yet
water rents in New York are more than
four times as high on the most favor
able average as those of Glasgow, And
New York’s system cost far more than
even the Manchester system with its
ninety-five miles of aqueduct.
To check the evils of overcrowding
Glasgow condemned and bought about
one hundred acres of tenements. It
opened twenty-nine new streets, it
widened twenty-five old streets, it
erected model tenements that bring in
SIOO,OOO in rents annually, it laid out
a superb park, and altogether so ad
mirably administered the enterprise
that it is now practically self-sustain
ing. The death rate has been lowered,
the poor people are more comfortably
housed and the city has been greatly
beautified.
Birmingham has imitated Glasgow’s
example with even better results. The
finest street in Birmingham runs
through the land bought for the great
“improvement scheme,” in what was a
few years ago the heart of the slums
In fifty years Birmingham will have
paid for the ninety acres it bought and
will have a clear income from rentals
of about $1,000,000, besides the new
streets and parks.
The only attempts New York has
made in this direction have been the
opening of small parks. And it took
seven years to get title and possession
of Mulberry Bend. Os course under
the New York system all these enter
prises are paid for by the taxpayer.
» # *
Glasgow changed itself from an in
land town to a great seaport by under
taking the improvements of the Clyde
which have cost the city $100,000,000
and the taxpayers almost nothing. A
harbor was dug, splendid docks were
constructed and all the facilities of a
great seaport were provided. Yet by
business administration < ach enterprise
was made self-sustaining or more than
self-sustaining. The city’s credit was
used, the city was made great and
prosperous, and there is a net income
over all expenses of about 82,000,000 a
year.
Manchester, to save itself from Liv
erpool competition, made a private
effort to build a shipcanal into a public
enterprise and expendi d more than
825,000,000 of the SIOO,OOO 000 it has
cost. The success of the canal bas
come slowly, but already the results
justify the expenditure, and the Man
chester taxpayers have not had their
rates raised to any great extent.
» » *
Glasgow has seven great model lodg
ing-houses where the homeless poor
are accommodated at trifling rates. It
has a “family home” where widows or
widowers with children can live until
they can arrange for the care of their
children while they are at work. It
has public wash-houses where all the
(Continued on 3rd Page.)
F" lhe People’s Party Paper
/_t)C To Jan ' 1- 1898 '
*-SEND TO-DAY.**
ONE DOLLAR PER YEAR.
WHOLE NUMBER 365.
HAVE PLENTY MONEY.
Such is the Boast of Our Na
tional Banks.
SECURED BY THE CLEVELAND BONDS.
Ready to Handle the Wheat and Grain
Crops on Money Practically Given
Them by the Government.
Our National Peril.
The Comptroller of the Currency’s
compiled report of the national banks
was out July 23 and George M. Coffin,
assistant comptroller, to a Cincinnati
Enquirer reporter August 25, said:
“The figures showing total resources
and liabilities of all the national banks
on July 23, 1897, just compiled, are full
of strength and promise. They show
to! al resources amounting to 83,568,-
408,053, the greatest amount ever
reached in the history of the system,
the nearest approach to this condition
being a total of 83,510.094.897 on Sept.
30, 1892. . ,1
“The item largely contributing to
the grand aggregate of their liabilities
is that of individual deposits, which
on July 23, 1897, stood at 81,770,450,563,
the highest point ever touched by this
’tern, the next highest having been sl,-
766 422 983 on September, 30, 1892.
“This showing is all the more strik
ing because it is made after the severe
liquidation of the past four years,
which has reduced the number of na
tional banks from 3,830, high watjir
mark on May 4, 1883, to 3,610 on July
23, 1897. -
“In the item of loans and discounts ' ‘
the highest point ever touched wi-.s
$2,161,401,858 on May 4, 1893, just pre
ceding the panic of that year. Against
this loans and discounts on July 23,
1897, were 81,977,553,710, but actual
cash in bank on July 23, 1897, was
$418,518,621, against but $322,£63,304 0.1
May 4, 1893, when loans were most
greatly extended.
“As to the loans of the national banks
expanded about 843,000,000 between
May 14 and July 23, 1897, it is nearly
certain that this movement has con
tinued during the past month.
“But the meaning of the figure? la
that the national banks, as a whole,
were never stronger and better pre
pared in cash resources to furnish all
facilities for moving wheat
and cotton crops that are Xlow/"<pming
to the markets of the world.” f '
June 26 Comptroller Eeklesj in a
ter to the editor of this paper-, showed
that the national banks ba c ! alre-x’j -
taken out $53,690,330 on the ne.. Cleve
land borfds. When it*is known that
this money is given to them by the
government at a a annual tax of only 1
per cent, it is easy to discover the
source of their boasted “power” and
financial strength
No wonder they are ready to handle
the great wheat and cotton crop. The
national banks now are practically the
government. They make and unmake
prosperity, control both dominant par
ties and make and unmake presidents
and elect both houses of congress
Previous to the beginning of the
panic in 1890 and 1893 they had with
drawn 8200.000,000 of their currency
from circulation (see Comptroller
Lacy’s report, 1891 P. 44 & 45) prepar
atory to changing the large volume of
nearly matured bonds for new ones
and a 20 year lease of new banking
life. These 8262,000,000 new bonds they
obtained from the administration of
Cleveland by as corrupt and traitor
ous a deal as ever the enemies of a gov
ernment were guilty.
The total bonded debt now is 5847,-
000,000 and these bonds are practically
all in the control of the national bank
ing conspiracy and are available for an
increase of bank currency. This gives
the national banks direct control if
necessary by issue of about 8800,000,000
or one-half of the volume of the na
tion’s money, and with their deposits
added they control perhaps two-thirds
of the whole volume of the nation’s
money.
Now here is a self-evident truth that
it is high time our business men were
learning. The whole volume of a na
tion’s money, gold, silver or paper
money, because it affords the pricing
opportunity to sell property on the
markets, is the standard of value. Let
it be remembered that national bank
paper money will inflate the currency
as well as free coinage of silver, and
doit much quicker.
Os what use is all this talk of a sin
gle gold standard or a double standard
when we really have a national bank
paper standard. Do you realize our
national peril under such conditions?
—Referendum.
, Gas Well Blows Up.
Nitro Glycerine was let down in a
gas well at Cysnet, Ohio, on Tuesday
to shoot it. The nitro glycerine ex
ploded igniting the gas. The drillers
failed to shut off the gas and another
supply of nitro glycerine in a wagon
near by exploded. Six men were kil
led, houses destroyed and many by
standers injured.
A Negro Almost Beheaded.
Dan Johnson, a negro porter in the
hotel at Clinton, Laurens county, had
his head almost severed from his body
by John Johnson. The weapen used
was a razor. Johnson escaped to a
swamp, but was later captured and
sent to jail.
The People's Party.
The People’s Party is stronger today
than ever before. It grows and waxes
stronger as the cause it represents
grows. Henry County Beformer.
Mail Ilog’s Work.
At Candler, Ga., 5 people have been
bitten by a mad dog. People are going
armed and schools are closed.
«
Yellow Fever in Nicaragua.
Yellow fever has appeared at Leon
in western Nicaragua. Several natives
died of the disease recently and it is
spreading.