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THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER.
Established October 15, 1891.
ATLANTA, GEORGIA.
OUR PUBLISHING COMPANY.
THOS. K. WATSON, - - • President.
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Atlanta, Ga.
Last week, Miss
“ONE OF THE Sallie Chapman,
while visiting friends
GOVERNOR Sj n M aconi G a>l was
PETS ” brutally outraged by
a negro named Char
les Gibson.
The foul deed was done at night, the
ravisher having entered the sleeping
room of the unfortunate girl, and ac
complished his purpose within a few
feet of where several white people were
sleeping, and actually in the presence
of a little white child who had been
sleeping with-Miss Chapman, but who
was wide-awake, and looking on, as
the crime was perpetrated. The child
was too much frightened to make an
outcry, and too small, in fact, to real
ize what was happening.
Was there ever a bolder crime than
this? Was there ever a more reckless
criminal ? Could anything more clear
ly demonstrate the danger of Southern
women, and the infinite daring and
desperation of negro ravishers ?
Gibson committed his crime in the
very midst of a sleening family, in the
heart of a great city, in the presence of
a little white child, and yet when he
jumped from the window and ran
away, no trace whatever was left be
hind by which vengeance could follow
him. He went about the city as usual
fearing no detection, feeling no remorse.
Nobody suspected him. On the Sunday
morning afterward he shot and killed
a negro named Jim Smith; was pursued
by a posse, was brought to bay in the
swamp, fought like a wild-beast till he
was shot down, confessed to the raping
of Miss Chapman, and died at the hands
of the furious captors without showing
the least fear or repentance. He was
a brute to the last, and died not as a
human being dies, but as a wild-boar
dies.
It is believed that he was the man
who outraged Miss Couch, in Vineville,
(a suburb of Macon) a few days previ
ous to the assault upon Miss Chapman
The Macon Telegraph says:
“Souvenir for the Governor.”
“While Gibson was hanging from
the limb, some one in the crowd said
he wanted to get a lock of his hair
when he was cut down to send to the
Governor. This provoked a laugh and
several others said they thought the
Governor would appreciate such a
present from the head of ‘‘one of his
pets.”
We do not know whether the lynch
ers sent the Governor a lock of the ne
gro’s hair or not, but there is something
very terrible in the suggestion that
Gibson, the confessed rapist, was “one
of the Governor’s pets.”
What was the meaning of language
like that? How dared any man, even
in the wildest excitement, to allude to
a negro rapist as a “pet” of His Excel
lency, Governor Atkinson ?
We presume that an allusion was in
tended to the famous “Rape Circular”
of the State campaign of 1896, In that
memorable campaign, it’ was needful
for Governor Atkinson to get the negro
vote of Georgia, because the majority
of the whites favored his brilliant com
petitor, the Hon. Seaborn Wright.
In order to influence the negro vote
in Atkinson’s favor, various faets were
published, and circulated among the
negroes, intended to prove that Atkin
son was practicably the only friend the
negro had ever had. According to
these aforesaid publications, Atkinson
had just about done everything for the
negro that even the most importunate
negro could expect.
Among other things, it was said, in
the celebrated “Rape Circular,” that
Governor Atkinson had pardoned a
negro “who had twice been convicted
of a rape upon a white woman.”
Now, of-course Governor Atkinson
did not mean to say that he had par
doned a guilty man. He had pardoned
a man whom he believed to be inno
cent, and he had pardoned him for that
reason alone; That’s the truth of the
case, and that’s the way the Governor
would have put it had he been talking
to white folks. He would not have
claimed any great credit for pardoning
an innocent man, had be been explain
ing the matter in the ordinary way, at
an ordinary time.
But the Governor was not talking to
the white folks. He was not content
to explain the matter in the usual
way.
No ! he wanted credit for pardoning
that negro, and he wanted it from the
negroes.
Therefore like a good pleader he
states his case in the way which will
most v.vidly impress the negroes. He
doesn’t dwell on the innocence of the
accused or the un justness of the ver
dicts, or upon the newly discovered
evidence which established the inno
cence of the negro.
No ! He put the case in such away
that every negro in the land will be
profoundly impressed with the fact
that Governor Atkinson had saved from,
punishment a negro whom the other
whites wanted to punish, and would
have punished, had it not been for
HIM.
“A negro who had been twice con
victed of a rape upon a white woman !
Why mention the color of the woman?
Why mention the double conviction?
Why mention negro rapist and white
woman in such deadly connection ?
For political effect, and nothing else.
It was a desperate, unscrupulous, bid
for the negro vote, and it succeeded.
The negroes elected Atkinson the
second time. Fraudulent election re
turns elected him the first time.
During that horrible campaign of
1896, the “Democratic Negro” stump
speakers who were so numerously
abroad in the state never failed to ex
pound and glorify the Circular;”
and after detailing the incident in full,
they would clinch the point by exclaim
ing,
“And be it remembered that the vic
tim of the outrage was a white woman”!
Since the campaign of 1896 closed,
there have been four times as many
outrages upon white women, and four
times as many lynchings as ever before
in the same length of time. We do not
mean to say that Atkinson’s ‘Rape Cir
cular” is responsible for the mcrease.
We do not know whether it is or not.
But we do know that many a Demo
cratic editor, last year, condemned the
Rape Circular in the most vigorous
terms, and predicted that an increase
of rapes and of lynchings would be the
natural consequences of that inflam
matory and diabolical circular. We
also know that Populist speakers, both
white and black, condemned the circu
lar for the reason (in addition to the
others) that it would cause the depraved
of the negro race to think that Gov.
Atkinson would come to the rescue of
other negro ravishers, just as he had
saved the “negro who had twice been
convicted of a rape upon a white
woman ”
In other words it was thought by
many in 1896 that the “Rape Circular”
wou'd make a false impression, an im
pression Gov. Atkinson never intended
it ‘o have, and that it would encourage
the vicious to believe that the pardon
ing power would come to their rescue,
even after they had “been twice con
victed of rape on a white woman.”
We do not say that Governor Atkin
son should be held responsible for this
impression. We do not know whether
he should or not. It all depends upon
his intent at 'the time he issued the
“Rape Circular.”
We do think, however, that the
lynchers of Gibson were not justified
in calling this negro ravisher “one of
the Governor’s pets.” We hardly think
the Rape Circular goes quite so far as
that.
Nor do we believe that the lynchers
should have sent the Governor a lock
of Gibson’s hair. Even the "Rape C.r
cular” cannot fairly be construed to
uphold the belief that the Governor
would be gratified by the gift of a lock
of a negro ravisher’s hair.
At the same time this gruesome in
cident shows how deep and how last
ing, and how evil an impression may be
made by unscrupulous political meth
ods. It is a mistake to suppose that
the wrongs done during a political
campaign pass out of existence when
the election is over. They do not do
so. They live and do harm for years
to come.
The crimes against fair elections and
liberty of opinion committed by Demo
cratic bosses of Georgia to keep them
selves in office will continue to hurt
the state for a decade to come.
Just as good deeds leave behind them
a halo of splendor, and an influence for
good, so do evil deeds breed miasma
and moral disease, long after the evil
doers pass away.
With the honorable ambition of a
young and talented man we know how
to sympathize, but there is such a thing
as paying too dearly for one’s whistle.
The “Rape Circular” more than any
other one thing elected Atkinson the
second time, in our judgment but we
greatly fear that its evil effects will be
felt amongst us for many years to come.
T. E. W.
Labor fills the world with wealth,
yet labor has to beg wealth for a
chance to earn something to keep alive
on.—Tacoma Sun,
THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPE:R ATLANTA. GEORGIA: FRIDAY. SEPTEMBER 17, 1897.
When Mr. Bryan,
CRAZY-QUILT or some editor devo
ted to his cause, ad
pq |-j*lg vocates the union of
all the reform forces”
in order that the gold standard pro
gramme may be defeated, we admit
that they present the case plausibly.
The sound of the thing is musical, not
to say seductive.
Here is the way they rattle it off:
“Let us all get together,—we refor
mers. Let us sink party and hoist
principle. Let*us rise above party for
the sake of a bleeding country. The
human race is in a bad way. The gold
bugs have got it where Waller had the
hen.
Let us rise to the occasion and save
the country.
Come, ye Silver Republicans, come ye
Populists, and join hands with us Dem
ocrats. It is true that the said hands
of us Democrats are red with the blood
of Free Silver which we slaughtered in
1892, 1893, and at divers other times
before and since, but yet we are the
men to trust, and we must all quit
bickering and get together.
Divided we fall and get no pie. Uni-
we stand and carve pie till you
can’t rest.
Come brethren, rise above party, and
put your memory of our numerous ras
calities under the bed, and let us all be
brothers, and release suffering human
ity from the grimy grip of the greedy
gold bug.”
Now as we have already stated, this
doctrine sounds well enough. Tested
by ear, there’s no fault to be found
with it.
When bad men conspire, good men
should confederate. That’s correct
gospel.
/Thousands of Populists, good men
and true, havs been led astray into
boggy Butlerism and Bryan befuddle
ments by not stopping to analyze the
true meaning of the fusionist, and to
expose his infernal selfishness.
We can readily see how a national
movement to unite all the various re
form elements might have been hon
estly conceived, and boldly carried for
ward to success.
Before such a movement could have
been made possible, however, it was
absolutely necessary that the people
should have been led to it by candid
statements, sensible arguments, honest
methods and fair dealing and a union
of all the reform elements in one par
ty.
The politicians went at it wrong
They caucussed secretly in Washing
ton, agreed upon a plan among them
selves, secured the secret connivance
of a fe w Populist leaders in the West,
(where the Democrats needed us,) and
then laid low until the trick could be
sprung upon the People’s Party Con
vention at St Louis.
“Union of reform forces” was the cry,
but the real purpose of the Washing
ton politicians was to capture the
People’s Party, or disrupt it. They
never for one moment meant to honest
ly strive for a union of all the reform
forces in all the states. They meant
to unite with the Pops where they
needed the Pops, but they never inten
ded fusion to go a step further. Where
Democracy needed our help, fusion
was all right. Where Populism needed
their help, fusion was all wrong No
Democratic politician or editor has ever
advocated fusion except in the locality
where Populists had all to lose and
nothing to gain by it.
In localities where Democracy has
anything to lose by fusing, Democracy
does not fuse.
In Nebraska where Populism has
three votes to Democracy’s one, Bryan
eloquently preaches “patriotism” and
a “union of all the reform forces.”
In Georgia and other states where
Democracy has a vote—counting ma
chinery which makes it independent of
oppositon, the Bryanites tell the Pop
ulists to “go to the negroes where
they belong,”
All over the West fervid orators are
now proclaiming the beauties of unit
ing the reform elements. Curses are
called down upon the heads of those
who stand in the way of this blessed
unification.
But why is it that Democracy finds
no loveliness in the policy of fusion
except in states where the majority is
against her ?
Why did Mr. Bryan’s friends so con
temptuously spurn the Populist fusion
ists in Virginia when those patriots
rose above party and offered to sell
out for one little bob-tail office ?
Why didn’t Mr. Bryan rush down to
Virginia and labor with his unpatriot
ic Democratic friends ?
Why is it that the beauties of fusion
fade away, like the colors of the dying
dolphin, the moment we strike a state
where Democrats do not need fusion ?
In the Nebraska Populist Convention
Mr. Bryau shook his finger at the Pop
ulists who opposed fusion and cried
“Woe unto you who oppose this union
of all the reform forces, ”
Why didn’t he rush to the Democratic
Convention in Virginia and cry “Woe
unto the Democrat who opposes this
union of the reform forces ? ”
In Nebraska the Pops were so anx
ious to rise above party that they let
the Democrats walk off with the only
important office then at stake. Os the
three factions to that deal, the Popu
lists alone had any strength. The
silver Republicans amount to nothing.
Like the so-called “Silver Party” of
the campaign of 1896, the Silver Repub
licans amount to a mere noise in the
atmosphere, and that’s about all.
The Democrats of Nebraska are com
pletely at the mercy of the Populists,
so far as voting strength goes. Had
the Populists stood their ground and
never fused with the Democrats, there
would now be no Democratic party at
all in Nebraska excepting the J. Ster
ling Morton brethren.
But with each fusion deal the Demo
crats grow stronger, advance in their
price, and exact a more shames ul sur
render from the Populists.
In the deal made under Bryan’s per
sonal supervision week before last, the
Pops, who were absolute masters of 1
the situation, had to take the same <
sized slice of pie which the silver Re
publicans got, while the Democrats ]
got the only important pea in the dish.
The Democrats got a Supreme Judge i
while the Pops and Reps got a wretch
ed little college “Regency” apiece !
And there was Bryan in a Populist
Convention, shaking his finger at, and
denouncing “Woe” upon any Populist
who dared to object to the deal in
which the Democrats got the only
office worth havingl
Patriotism of this sort is very refresh
ing.
Between his parleyings with Nebras
ka Pops and his counsellings with
Tammany Hall chieftains, Mr. Bryan
is weaving quite a tangled web. His
plan of campaign for 1900 is taking on
the looks of a crazy quilt.
We shall observe the developments
with interest.
The candidate who can successfully
ride two such different horses as Wes
tern Populism and Tammany Hall
Democracy in the same race, is not
wanting in confidence in his own
agility.
Tammany Hall is perhaps the vilest
den of professional political thieves on
the face of the earth. Mr. Bryan
knows this, just as all other well in
formed men know it
If he can make himself solid with
the Populists as well as the Tammany
ites, he will have broken the record in
uniting things which should never be
joined. Populism stands for reform,
for honesty, for economy, for purity,
for home and country, and better laws.
Tammany stands for rottenness and
spoiliation, for organized plunder of the
taxpayer, for official partnership with
vice and crime, for corruption reduced
to a science, for rascality made inso
lent by success.
Anybody who can remember what
Tammany was under Tweed, as shown
up by Tilden and what it is now under
Croker as shown up by Parkhurst and
Lexow, cannot feel very much elated
as they see Mr. Bryan hobnobbingin
brotherly relations with the knaves of
that infamous organization.
It is quite a patchwork—this Bryan
plan of Campaign, with its “silver
party,” its “Silver Republicans,” its
“regenerated” Democrats, its “fusion”
Pops, and its Tammany thugs.
But Mr. Bryan is a politician of won
derful adroitness, and out of these dis
cordant elements he may be able to
evolve a triumph which will put him
in the office he is so passionately eager
to get. T. E. W.
We compel foreign-
SOME DEAD ers to pay a license
before they can offer
MEN AND their goods for sale
THE TARIFF in this country. This
license, on an aver
age, is equal to half the value of the
goods. In many and many a case /the
license is double the value of the go|>ds;
in many others it is treble.
Whatever license the foreigner has to
pay, he of course adds to the price of
the goods, and we pay the same back
to the foreigner when we buy his
goods. This license fee is called the
Tariff.
When a merchant living in your town
can prevail on the Town Council to
compel outsiders to pay a license-fee
before they can sell inside the town,
the merchant inside the town gets the
advantage of that arrangement does he
not? It shuts off competition, to the
extent of the license fee, does it not ?
It gives the merchant a monopoly in"
side the town, to the extent of that
license-fee, does it not?
Suppose the butcher outside the town
has to pay a license fee of five cents
upon every pound of beef he sells in
the town, will not the butcher inside
the town get more for his beef than he
could get if the outsider did not have
to pay the license fee ?
The butcher inside the town can sell
beef at 6 cents per pound and pocket
the whole sum as his own.
If the butcher outside the town sells
at 6 cents he pockets only one cent, for
5 cents must go to pay the license fee.
But if the butcher outside sells beef
at all he must sell so as to make a
profit: hence he runs up his price to a
sum that will afford him a profit after
paying the license fee.
The butcher inside the town runs
up his price likewise: both butchers
making a profit, and the customers
being compelled to pay to each a high
er price than they would pay to either
were it not for the license fee.
Precisely so does our Tariff work.
We charge the foreigner a license fee
to sell: he adds it to the price of his
goods : we pay the license-fee when we
buy the goods: and the home manu
facturer of the same class of goods gets
an advantage over the foreigner, and
likewise over us, to the extent of the
license fee.
This being the case, it would seem to
be a fact that these license fees, or
Tariffs, are exacted for the benefit of
the ‘‘butcher inside the town,” —for the
home manufacturer.
For one hundred years we have been
compelling the foreigners to pay high
license for the privilege of selling their
goods here. Somebody has been bene
fittedby these laws, else the Privileged
classes wouldn’t clamor for them so.
Who is this somebody ?
Most of the old party politicians say
it is the laborer. They tell us that the
Government has for a hundred years
been shutting out foreign capital from
competition with home capital for the
benefit of the laborer.
It wasn’t done for the benefit of the
home capitalist at all, it seems.
And during all these hundred years
in which foreign capital has been shut
out, entirely or partially, from compet
ing with home capital, foreign labor
has been loudly, constantly and urgent
ly invited to come in and compete with
home labor.
This was for the benefit of the home
laborer, we are told.
The unemployed of all nations have
been brought here to compete against
the employed and unemployed of our 1
own kith and kin. •
This was done to enrich the home 1
laborer, it seems.
And what are the fruits of this
strange tree ?
Somebody has grown marvelously ,
rich on these laws. ,
Is it the laborer?
Or is it the capitalist? Look and see.
Yonder is the capitalist with his
palace for summer and his palace for
winter; his par’or car for land travel,
and his yacht for the sea; his 38,000
acre shooting-ground in Scotland, and
his $10,000,000 bribe to buy an English
lord with,as a husband for his daughter.
That’s one picture. The other is too
hideous for description. The homeless
laborer, his wretched life, his squalid
family, his degrading surroundings, his
pitiless taskmasters, his unheeded wail
of despair,—all these are but too
familiar to us.
While Carnegie, the capitalist, was
shooting pheasants on his 28,000 game
preserve in Scotland week, twenty
odd of the laborers were shot down
like dogs in the public highway by the
“deputies” whom the courts and the
capitalist have put there to subdue the
laborers who dare to demand wages on
which a human being may decently
live.
The Tariff has been “protecting”
these laborers 100 years, and yet they
starve; the Tariff has not “protected”
the capitalist, and yet he rolls luxu
riously in millions.
Something queer about this Tariff,
is’nt there?
Those dead men in the public road,
shot down by the hirelings of the
Priviledged Classes are a memorial to
all ages that a more damnable false
hood was never told a people than that
Tariffs “protect” American labor.
Tariffs shut out the competition of
foreign capital thus enriching the
Carnegie crowd. >
Free Immigration laws bring in
foreign labor to compete with home
labor, thus impoverishing both.
Every one of these poor wretches
murdered last week were foreigners,
Hungarians. They had been brought
here to beat dowp the price of home
labor. They had beat it down. And
when they had beat wages down to
where no human being could decently
live on them, they struck for better
pay. Even Hungarians are human,
you see, and reach the point where
, flesh and blood cannot endure corpora
tion greed.
And then the federal judges, crea
tures of the corporations, got hold of
them, and enjoined them off the face
of the earth.
And when the Hungarians didn’t
vanish into space, but continued to
walk down the public highway un
-1 armed, but hungry and unhappy, 100
deputies “opened upon them with
■ Winchesters, and shot them down like
! dogs.
The Protectionist who tries to har
monize these dead laborers with our
1 beloved Tariff will find Jordan a hard
• road to travel we believe.
T. E. W.
_ In another column
MR. BARKER’S will be found a nota
ble editorial from
* EDITORIAL. Wharton Barker's
“American.”
It should have a wide circulation. It
1 is timely and true. Mr. Barker sees
the situation just as it is.
The Republican party does not mean
to do anything for the people : its mis
sion is to serve the classes.
The Democratic party does not mean
to do anything for the people; its mis
sion is to keep on pretending that it
will do something, and thus stand in
the way of a real People's party.
The only hope of the masses is The
People’s Party ! and the only hope of
the People’s Party is to go back to
Populism, casting off this infernal
Nessus-shirt of Fusion. It is poisoning
us to the very vitals. It degrades us as
men. It dishonors us as patriots It
ties us to the foes we swore to fight.
It fastens us to policies we were
pledged to resist. It gives the lie to
every Populist speech that was ever
spoken. It is a grave in which Demo
cratic politicians are burying us as fast
as they can hire the Populist leaders
to lead us up to it.
Mr. Barker’s editorial is a bugle call
It should be heard all along the line.
It should rouse every Populist to re
newed energy and purpose. It should
nerve us to one more great effort.
Let the People’s Party take the ini
tiative as it was wont to do. Let it go
ahead regardless of other parties, and
paying no attention to jeers on this
side or sneers on that, to howls here or
io scowls yonder.
Let us all be Populists once more, as
we used to be before that small gang
of conspirators got together in Wash
ington City in 1895 and agreed upon
our betrayal T. E. W.
Populism, Democracy and Political Chaos.
He who dares not lead and compro
mises cannot be trusted with leader
ship. When a great issue is developing
and new questions arising, when men’s
minds are in a formulative period and
there is chaos of views among even
those striving for the same general end,
when party lines are changing and the
necessary re-alignment lacking in di
rection, then is the greatest need for
leadership to bring order out of chaos,
to give direction to that which lacks
direction, but then too is the greatest
trial to those who essay leadership,
then the greatest temptation for would
be leaders to compromise and avoid the
responsibilities of leadership where
announcement of convictions may
mean the wrecking of personal ambi
tions, then the smothering of convic
tions by those who are cowed by the
shadow of their own amltftions. He
who seeks to shape his convictions and
views toward great and rising ques
tions by the effect that such shaping
of views may have on his self advance
ment and who, unable to forejudge
what shaping of views will best pro
mote his personal ends, comes, so far
as the public is concerned, to no con
victions at all, is unfitted for leader
ship.
Two generations ago the struggle
for the err ancipation of the negro from
chattel slavery was growing into
prominence, superseding all other is
sues. Henry Clay, weighted -down by
his own political ambitions, ambitions
that cramped his judgment and made
him a coward, essayed to gain leader
ship by compromise. He sought to tie
down the question to one of demarka
tion between slave and free states to
be carved out of the national domain
and he sought to make that demarka
tion by compromise. But the question
was not compromisable. If chattel
slavery was wrong north of a ceriain
parallel of latitude it was equally
wrong south of it, if slavery was repug
nant to the great truths on which our
R-public was founded in one part of
the country it was equally repugnant
in all. And so the issue would not be
narrowed despite all that timid lead
ers could do. The issue broadened,
and would-be leaders who sought to
narrow it, fearing that bold announce
ment of opposition to the institution of
slavery would make enemies and inter
fere wiih the attainment of political
ambitions, lost the respect and confi
dence that can only come with true
leadership and went down to defeat as
they deserved. *So it was that Henry
Clay failed in the leadership he essay
ed. He failed because, fearing to lead,
he was unfitted for leadership. Not
until a true leader came forward, a
man with great ambition, but with
ambition to serve his country rather
than himself, whose ability to lead was
not cramped by personal ambition,
was the struggle for the emancipation
of the negro from chattel slavery
crowned with success.
The new and greater struggle for
emancipation, emancipation of our
producing classes from industrial sla
very, is no more compromisable than
the old struggle for emancipation of
the negro from chattel slavery. The
new struggle can no more be narrow
ed than the old. The would-be leader,
the party that would strive to narrow
it cannot be trusted. The enslavement
of our producing classes to an oligar
chy of wealth and the struggle for
emancipation is developing, and as it
progresses new issues arise. And these
issues must be met by the party that
would lead successfully. To tie down
the question of emancipation from in
dustrial slavery to one issue, whereas
the channels by which the moneyed
oligarchy seeks to accomplish the en
slavement of our people are several, is
quite impossible.
The aggressions by which it is sought
to grind our producing classes down
into the poverty that presages indus
trial slavery are made through several
agencies, separate and distinct, and as
these aggressions have developed, so
have new issues arisen. And all of
these issues must be met. The eman
cipation of our industrial classes can
never be accomplished by meeting one
and passing the others by, never be at
tained by checking the aggressions of
oligarchy at one point and leaving it
free to pursue its aggressions at all
others, never be accomplished by over
throwing one of the agencies, severing
one of the bonds that ties our people to
industrial slavery and permitting the
welding of other bonds for their en
slavement. No more can we accom
plish emancipation from industrial
slavery by meeting one issue raised by
that enslavement and cringing before
others, than it was possible to settle
the struggle for emancipation from
chattel slavery by demarking the terri
tory in which the institution of slavery
should and should not spread.
Os the several agencies made use of
by the moneyed oligarchy for the en
slavement of our people the two most
important are our monetary and-trans
portation systems. It will, not do to
reform the one, so that it will not
serve those who seek to enrich them
selves by preying upon the fruits of
the other’s toil, and not the other. To
stop short with reforming our monetary
sjstem, with taking.it out of the hands
of those who seek to use it for their
own enrichment and the impoverish
ment of the many, is to stop short of
protecting our producing classes from
despoilment, for they are despoiled
through the agenev of our transporta
tion systems as effectually as they are
despoiled through a dishonest moneta
ry system. Therefore it will not suffice
for those who seek to direct the strug
gle for the emancipation of our pro
ducing classes from the slavery of pov
erty, to tie themselves down to the
issue raised by the abuse of our mone
tary system. The issue raised by the
abuse of our transportation system
must be equally met and the issues
raised by the abuse of our protective
tariff system, which has been made a
monopoly tariff system ; by our system
of national taxation which throws an
undue share of the burdens of govern
ment on the poor and by the usurpa
tion of legislative and executive au
taority by the courts, in the interest of
centralized capital, cannot be ignored
The party that ties itself down to one
issue involved in the emancipation of
our producing classes from industrial
slavery, when there are many, cannot
be trusted with leadership, and it is
down to one issue involved, and that
one issue the silver question, which is
in fact but a part of the monetary issue
that Mr. Bryan and others seek to tie
the Democratic party. Thus led, the
Democratic party cannot be trusted
with leadership for it is unfitted to
lead with success, unfitted to accom
plish the emancipation of our produc
ing classes even if crowned with au
thority, unfitted even as was the Whig
Party under Henry Clay, to lead in the
struggle for the emancipation of the
negro from chattel slavery.
It may be that Mr. Bryan and other
Democratic leaders who seek to tie the
Democratic party down to the silver
issue, and make the struggle for the
new emancipation on that inadequate
issue alone, are not blind to the aggres
sions of the moneyed oligarchy on the
rights and liberties of our producing
classes made through the arm of our
transportation system and the indus
trial monopolies built up by the abuse
of transportation facilities. It may
be urged that the Democratic party en
trusted with power, after a campaign
narrowed down to the silver issue,
would develop in office though failing
to develop out, arise to the necessities
of the occasion, combat the aggressions
of the moneyed oligarchy wherever and
however made, preserve the industri
ous from despoilment through the me
dium of our transportation system as
well as through our monetary system,
bring about the national ownership of
our transportation facilities and do
whatever else was needed to bring
about the emancipation of our people
from industrial slavery.
Indeed it is said, “let us get into the '
saddle on the silver issue, and then we
can take up the other issues.” But the 1
party led by men who lack the courage
to avow their position on other great I
issues than the silver question, whose 1
convictions on those questions are held i
so subservient to the thirst for power
that they willingly stifle them, in the •
fear that announcement would inter
fere with dreams of self advancement,
cannot be trusted in the saddle. Men -
who have not deep enough convictions .
on great questions to stand or fall by
them when seeking office, cannot be
trusted to stand unwaveringly by such
convictions after election. Such men
cannot command the confidence that
makes successful leadership, are unfit
ted to lead in the greatstrugg’e for the
emancipation of our people from indus
trial slavery, as unfitted as were simi
lar men to lead in the old struggle for
emancipation-emancipation from chat
tel slavery. There is chaos among
those struggling for emancipation; and
the men and party that can subcessful
ly lead must not cringe before this
chaos, fearing that to take the bold and
advanced positions demanded of leader
ship would lead to the wrecking of
personal and party fortunes, but must
give direction and force to the chaotic
movement.
Among our producing classes who
are deprived of an equality of opportu
nity by discriminations in transporta
tion rates and facilities given by our
railroads to clique ridden enterprises,
trusts and combines; who are cursed
by an inequality of burdens through
an appreciating dollar; who are, by
these means ground down to the pov
erty that keeps the wage earner in
constant fear of dismissal and makes
him the slave of his employer, there is
an unrest and common wish and pur
pose to secure release from thraldom
to the moneyed oligarchy that has
been built up since the war on their
impoverishment, but there is lacking
that direction and unison of purpose
that can alone give force to numbers,
make felt the influence of the chaotic
and unrestful forces seeking relief, and
make possible the success of the strug
gle for emancipation from industrial
slavery, a slavery built on unjust mon
etary and transportation systems that
deprive men of the fruits of their toil.
To give direeti»n to the chaotic forces
longing to be freed from the drv Jgery
of poverty, a drudgery entailed upon
them through no fault of their own,
' save it be acquiescence in injustice that
they have it in their power to remedy,
is the task that lies before the leaders
and party that would direct the move
ment for emancipation with success.
And this task the Democratic party
shuns, the leaders fearing to essay to
lead the way out of chaos, fearing
their leadership would not be followed,
and so result in the defeat of the party.
But if that leadership was not mista
ken, and it would not be mistaken if
grounded, not on a basis of expediency
but upon convictions as to what was
for the country’s weal,not primarily for
self and party, that leadership would
be followed and what was undertaken
with the un fl n ching purpose of serving
the country without rega-d to dreams
of personal or party victory would be
found the best way of promoting both
self and party advancement.
But there are weaknesses in men’s
characters, weaknesses in a party that
make this true leadership impossible
and success under the leadership that
is offered impossible. And to these
‘ weaknesses the leaders of the Demo
cratic party, have shown themselves to
be a prey. Therefore it is that the
Democratic party has shown itself in
capable of giving direction and force
to chaos and weakness, unfitted for
leadership because its leaders seek to
narrow down the new struggle for
emancipation to one issue, to severing
one bond of the new industrial slavery,
to compromising that which is uncom
promisablA,
The Populist party has the force to
give direction to the chaotic elements
seeking emancipation, for it has the
spsrit of true leadership, a leadership
that can be true only while directed,
not for the attainment of personal or
party victory, but for the advancement
of principle without regard to personal
ambitions, that can only be successful
while the leaders stand ready to sacri
fice self if avowal of conviction and
steadfastness to principle demands it.
If the Populist party makes of itself
the vehicle for promoting personal am
bition it cannot unify the forces that
must be unified and directed if emanci
pation from the slavery of poverty,
that now grinds down our producing
classes, is to be attained. If it makes
its first end the promotion of the inter
ests of country, the uplifting of our
aggrieved and down-trodden producing
classes, and supports no leaders who
will not lend themselves to this end
it can be this unifying force. Party
successes and the advancement to posi
tions of honor and trust oi leaders who
prove themselves true, leaders who do
not cringe before the dangers and res
ponsibilities of leadership as place
seekers do, will come with such unify
ing of the forces, now looking longing
ly for emancipation, but such successes
and such advancements must be the
incidental aim of the party. Leaders
must be put forward to serve ends of
general and public policy not the aims
of the party twisted so as to .%erve
leaders. Pursuit of the low ideal of
party will lead to defeat, pursuit of
the high to success.
The opportunity to unify the chaotic
forces struggling for emancipation
stands before the Populist party. Let
it seize that opportunity. To seize it,
it has but to show itself worthy of
leadership. It now stands without
general leadership and rent with dis
cord. To show itself worthy of leader
ship it must heal its discords, cast
aside those would-be leaders who would
have the Populist party serve them
rather than they the party, and put
forward a leader who will command
respect and show himself worthy of
confidence and leadership. This the
Populist party cannot do too soon, for
the time for unifying the forces strug
gling for emancipation from industrial
lavery is now, and this unification
« annot be accomplished without leader
ship. Before the Congressional cam
paign of 1898 opens the Populist party
should heal its discords, take the posi
tion and make the declarations of
of principle that will give direction to
chaos and put forward its leader. Be
fore the Congressional conventions of
1898 the Populist party ought to hold
a national convention and lay down
the lines for tlie campaign, not only of
1898 but oi 1900. By so doing it can
make itself the unifying force in the
struggle for emancipation from indus
trial slavery. Will it seize that oppor
tunity ?—Wharton Barker’s American.
HE FOUGHT UNDER LEE.
The Plea of the Old Soldier.—Can Yon
Help Him ?
Editor People’s Party Paper :
“I am an old soldier, left Forsyth,
Monroe county, July 15, 1861, served
through the war with Lee’s army to the
surrender, only what time I was on
wounded furlough I was wounded at
the second Manassas battle, was shot
through both legs, the bones shivered
all to pieces in one, was on crutches for
eight months. I was put on detailed
duty before 1 was off my crutches and
went back to my command before my
wounds healed and went through to
Apomatox, coming home like all other
poor men, had nothing and in my crip
led condition, I have not been able to
do much, to make a living, growing
weaker year by year, until five years
ago I failed entirely and am now to
tally unable to work, and am without
any means of support I have two
daughters and two small grand-chil
dren on my hands. Thfere is no work
for my daughters to do, only in the
field to make a support My wounds
were not sufficient to get a pension
une'er the first act of the State and
under the indigent act I think lam
entitled, and'so does the Comptroller. I
am a People’s Party man and have been
since it was launched at Omaha, and I
can’t call to mind a single instance
where a Pop is drawing on this late act
So it brings to my mind more forcibly
the scripture: we are persecuted for
his name-sake I hate to reflect on the
party in power, but if I was a Democrat
I would now be drawing a pension.
Mr. Watson, my object in writing you
this, is to get you to take the letter and
from the contents draw a short petition
to the People’s Party all over the
South for help for me.
P. S.~ Mr. Watson, do all you can
for me. Any sum, matters not how
small, will be thankfully received, as I
am in a destitute condition. Do not
think me an imposter. I will give you
some names as references as to condi
tion and character: B. F. Ward, I W.
Cochran, C. A. Towles, all at Cork, so
i in conclusion would ask you to do your
best for me. Yours truly,
T. V. Smith.
Cork, Butts Co Ga , Sept. 7, ’97.
“Not Made of that Kind of Mu<|.”
Slayden, Texas, Sept 2, 1897.
I clip the following from the Galves
’ ton Daily News of yesterday, which
has been given extended circulation
1 throughout Texas:
“WATSON TO RETIRE.
He will Quit Politics and Make a Fortune.
New Orleans Picsyune Special.
Atlanta, Ga., Aug 27—It is announc
ed, on unimpeachable authority, that
Thomas E Watson, late populist can
didate for the vice presidency, will soon
sell his paper to a western politician
and forever retire from politics. Mr.
Watson is led to this determination by
the belief that the populists of the
west will combine with the free silver
democrats and that the southern wing
of the party will not be able to stand
alone. Again, he has made thousands
of dollars recently in his law practice,
and wishes to divide his time between
that and his liteary efforts, having now
in construction a history of France
and Joan of Are. He expects to con
elude the negotiations which he has
under way in a few days and then he
will put his present plans into execu
tion. His action comes as a thunder
bolt to those most intimate with him,
as just a few days previously he had
declared his intention of stumping the
state in the fall elections. Some local
politicians allege that Watson is influ
enced in His action by the controversy
which has been proceeding between
himself and Senator Butler for the
last few months, but Watson denies
this. He says that demands for his
assistance as a legal adviser are daily
growing so strong that he can not con
sistently with his personal interest ig
nore them.”
To Populists who are at all informed
this statement needs no contradiction
it only serves to show how carelessly
some people handle the truth.
Texas Populists believe that Tom
Watson is “not made of that kind of
mud,” and that he would have to be re
born before he would quit defending
the cause of the people.
It may be possible that Watson, like
many others of the advance guard of
reform, may become so much impover
ished in purse as to be unable to give
so much of bis time to campaigning as
heretofore, but as far as his ceasing to
advocate Populism is concerned, Texas
Populists believe “he is not built that
way.”
Jno. L. Mooney.
WEEKLY PRODUCE LETTER.
By the Shaw-Fincher Commission Com
pany.
FRUIT AND VEGETABLES.
Apples, in better demand, $2.00 to
$2.50 per barrel for good stock, for
cooking apples, 50c to 60c per bushel.
Pears, best, $2 00 per barrel. Figs 7c
to 8c per quart. Grapes, very scarce
and selling readily. Good varieties 5
pound ba kets 15c to 20e; 10 pound 20c
to 30c Peaches, scarce with the excep
tion of California goods, and selling at
81.25 to 82 00 per crate. Sweet pota
toes, 60c to 70c per bushel. Irish pota
toes. 80c .to 90c per bushel for fancy
stock nicely packed in sacks. Onions,
81 00 per bushel for Northern, and 80c
to 81 00 for Southern grown. Cabbage
are not moving very well and few are
arriving in good shape except those
shipped in car lots, best worth in small
lots 81 25 per 100 pounds. Dried apples,
3%c pound.
POULTRY, PRODUCE, ETC.
Chickens are scarce and are bringing
be tter prices than for years past, all
receipts being sold on arrival at about
25e higher than four weeks ago.
Ducks, Pekin, 25c each, Puddle 15c to
20c. Eggs 13c to 14c dozen- Butter,
(Tennessee) in cans 12c to 15c pound.
Creamery Butter, in paints or small
wood tubs 18c to 20c to 22c pound.
Honey, 10c to 12c pound in frames 8 to
10c pound, in bulk, in small cans.
Cheese, He to 12c pound. Hams 10c
12c pound. Shoulders, 7c to 8c pound.
Navy, Beans $1.75 to 82.00 per bushel.
We advise all parties with chickens to
ship, to do so while the market is good,
The Only Cure tor Catarrh.
It has been found by experience and
scientific observation, that the only
way to reach and cure catarrh, satis
factorily, is by inhaling the proper
remedy in the form of smoke. Dr.
Blosser who is the discoverer of this
mode of treatment, is meeting with
wonderful success.
He offers to send to any sufferer a
three days’ treatment, free by mail.
Address Dr. J. W. Blosser <fc Son, 11, 12,
& IS, Grant Building, Atlanta, Ga.
Carrier pigeons will be used hereaf
ter to transmit news from war ships to
the Navy Department,