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THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER.
Established October IS, 1895.
ATLANTA, UKOROIA.
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OFFICIAL ORGAN PEOPLE’S PARTY
STATE OF GEORGIA.
A Hard Nut to Crack.
Did you know that the government
has refused to redeem its own postage
stamps in gold or any other kind of
money? Aye, worse than that; it
won’t even exchange other postage
stamps for them. The facts are that it
looks as though the post-office depart
ment is getting most damnably stuck
up and independent. A few days ago
one of our many admiring friends sent
us a dollar’s worth of nice, new, clean,
never-had-been-licked-and-stuck post
age stamps in payment of his subscrip
tion. Being in the postoffice shortly
afterward we called at the window and
asked the stamp clerk to give us the
cash on them. With a look of disdain
and with an importance that comes
only from long service in a public ca
pacity he informed us that he was
selling postage stamps and not buying
them. We then requested him to ex
change and give us one-centers for our
twos. He simply pointed to a printed
notice that Uncle Sam does not even
exchange stamps. We, expected that
as soon as the word got out, stamps
would depreciate and be worth possi
bly less than the paper upon which
they are printed. So we hurried to a
drug store and found, to our surprise
and pleasure, that postage stamps
were still worth their face value. That
has been several days ago and we are
told this morning that they are still
selling all over the city at the same
old price. It seems kind o’ strange
how this is. Why, they are not a legal
tender for anything; they are not fit
for money even if they were, because
of the nasty stickum-tight on their
backs; the government won’t have
them after it sells them once; and still
they are worth two cents apiece, and
it now looks just like the price is go
ing to stay up right where it is There
is only one use that anybody can make
of the things, and that is to pay post
age; and still they don’t depreciate.
There seems to be some sort of a law
back of them which keeps up the price
Well, as you cannot pay postage with
anything else but stamps, we wonder
why somebody hasn’t got a corner on
them? Why don’t some of these smart
bankers get together and buy all the
postage stamps at two cents apiece
and then raise the price? Possibly
they have not thought of it. But they
have thought of everything else; won
der why they have not thought of this?
They corner on the government’s mon
ey and make Uncle Sam dance around
and beg like a little puppy dog and
make him issue; bonds and do lots of
other humiliating things, but somehow
they have never thought to tackle the
postage stamps. After looking it up a
little it seems that Uncle Sam got it
into his old head that he could run the
post-office without the aid of the bank
ers. He seems to have forgotten to
make any provisions for his banker
boys in the matter, and so he keeps his
postage stamp mill going all the time,
and if they buy all the stamps he has,
he simply prints some more and some
more, and some more, and keeps right
on smiling; and the more they buy,
the more he smiles. If they should
conclude to buy up a big lot of them
and ship them to “Yurrup” he would
keep right on smiling and smiling and
printing more stamps. The supply of
stamps seems almost inexhaustable. It
looks like Uncle Sam might get tired
of it after awhile and delegate the issu
ing of his stamps over to the banks as
he has done in the matter of money.
Then he could take a much-needed rest
and his banker boys could have a real
picnic. They could have a regular
high old time, and there would be a
“hot time in the old town,” you bet
your life. The boys would put the
price of stamps down till they got pos
session of what are on hand; then they
could “bull” the market and make a
nice pile. They could limit the supply;
they could slip them off to Europe, and
a great many other things they could
do. They could give Uncle Sam lots of
pointers m business, Stamps could be
used just like the money is if Uncle
Sam was not such a blasted old moss
back as to stand right in the way of
progress. Funny, isn’t it? Suppose
you put in about five minutes thinking
this over.—Warren Foster's Paper.
There are only a few men in business life today over
ANCIENT, BUT sixty years of age, but there are quite a number of
men living who remember the panic of ’57 caused by
TIMELY, READING, the state banks of that day suspending specie payment.
Few of the present generation know how state banks
were organized before the war.
Here is a fair example taken from the records of file in ytfur state capitol:
The bank (Atlanta Bank) was incorporated on the 27th day of January 1852,
with some of Atlanta’s best citizens as incorporators. Capital stock $300,000 !
the incorporators were allowed to elect five directors as soon as $20,000 in gold
and silver was paid in ; they were permitted to issue three dollars in notes for
every dollar of stock paid in but were not allowed to issue a single note until at
least SIOO 000 of stock was actually paid in specie into its treasury. The Gov
ernor was empowered to close the bank if either of these provisions of the
charter was violated. The bank got in bad repute somehow or other, and in
1854 the Governor waa instructed by the legi»lature to have the concern investi
gated. Logan E. Bleckley, who was then Solicitor of the circuit was commis
sioned to make the investigation, and obtained evidence from the incorporators
showing that a stranger named Smith subscribed for $200,991 of stock in his own
name, four shares of SIOO each in the name of four other men, non-residents ;
the remaining five shares were taken by four of the original incorporators citi
zens of Atlanta. Not one dollar in specie or other money was paid previous to
the election of Directors, except an unaccepted and unendorsed bill of exchange
on some firm in New York for $21,000 payable in gold. None of the other sub
scribers to stock paid anything. It was proven that the bills of this bank were
put in circulation b fore it had any place of doing business or any President or
cashier in Atlanta. Mr. Bleckley addressed a communication to the President
and Cashier, asking when and where they were elected President and Cashier ;
by whom; where they resided ; what amount of specie the bank had in Atlan
ta ; from whom and where was it received ; when and where the first bills,
notes, or checks were issued; what amount was issued and how disposed of;
when was the bank opened in Atlanta and what amount of notes, bills or
checks had been issued previous to that time. To all of which the President
and Cashier coolly declined to answer.
Mr. Bleckley made a report to the Governor, the Governor to the legislature
of 1856, and the legislature referred it and the sworn returns of the bank, made
July 2, 1853, to a special committee of Francis H. Cone, Wm. P. Beasly, James
P. Scriven. @3 ’!«■'
The special committee reported: that the evidence showed conclusively that
Smith intended to issue bills on the bank contrary to the provisions of the
charter, and without having any place of transacting business in Atlanta ; that
the bank had no specie in Atlanta, and no place to redeem its bills I that it was
clearly proven that bills were in circulation before any money was paid into
the bank by its stockholders; that the President and Cashier arrived in Atlan
ta in June 1853, and commenced to do business on the 9th day of June; on that
day they made out a statement of the bank which was sworn to on July 2, 1853;
from this return it appears that the bank had in circulation $179,000 and only
$41,657.39 in specie in its treasury. As this was their first day of transacting
business in Atlanta it was incumbent on them,»in order to comply with their
charter, that there should be SIOO,OOO in specie in their vaults and from the
sworn statement of their President and Cashier there was no such amount
there.
From all the facts furnished the committee it declared it the duty of the leg
islature to pass a resolution requesting the Governor to issue a proclamation
declaring the charter of said bank forfeited, and that the officers of said bank
be prosecuted on the criminal side of the court for violation of the penal code.
Was it ever done ? No !
After the committee had agreed upon their report, the Senator from Fulton
county was appointed upon the committee and made a minority report in
which he admitted there had not been a faithful compliance with the require
ments of the charter, yet the bank had built an excellent and safe granite
building which supplied the community with a safe depository for money;
received large deposits ; discounts liberally, and had redeemed $1,500,000 of its
bills 11!
How it redeemed mere bills than its charter allowed it to issue, as claimed
by the Senator from Fulton, was too trivial a matter for investigation, and the
legislature got rid of the whole matter by postponing the whole business indef
initely.
Tnere is the record of how one bank was organized in violation of the state
banking laws ; did business without any capital; violated the penal code and
escaped punishment, and it was no exception to a score of other banks organ
ized under state laws—the facts pertaining to this one case accidently got on
the public records.
Gan you frame a more stringent statute against dishonest money changers
than existed when the Atlanta Bank flourished ?
Can you frame a penal code superior to the one which these “sharpers”
openly violated ?
Will you ever have a Governor to enforce the same more censeientious, up
right and capable than Hershel V. Johnson ? > i
Will you ever have a more efficient solicitor to prosecute violators of your
penal code than Logan E. Bleckley ?
Will you ever have a legislature as incorruptible as that of 1855 and ’56 ?
No I
Then why advocate a return to a banking system, that could not be controlled
by law, when there was more wealth and less stealth in the land than exists
today.
Your state laws of today are as openly violated by the banks and money
changers as were the laws of 1852.
Any prosecutions ? No, not one,
Why ?
Money is more powerful than the law and growing more powerful than your
government.
Individuals and States are growing poorer and weaker while the money sharks
and corporations are growing richer and stronger.
Take the report of your bank examiner, and you will find that the law against
usury is violated every day and publicly sworn to once a year, and the affirm
ing affidavit duly filed in the Executive Department.
Any one prosecuted for it ? Not as we ever heard of. Mac.
There never was a state or national banking system
FINANCIAL honorably administered by bankers or a corporation of
bankers.
PELLETS.
There never will be a banking system devised that
will be honestly executed by a corporation of monied men or bankers.
The history and experience of this country, under state and national bank
laws, is authority for these assertions.
It required old “Hickory to unthrottle the liberty of this country from the
avaricious graap of the money-changers of the United States banking system.
It took a stubborn “Rail-Splitter” to teach the Bankers of Wall and Lombard
street that Uncle Sam’s notes could preserve this Union and fight its battles
without the aid of the British Lion
It remained for a drunken Democratic fisherman to cripple the industries of
this great country by demonetizing half ot our constitutional money/ and en
slaving the present generation by burdening them with a bonded debt to be
paid in European money.
Get on “the eagle bird by chance” and the roulette gambler pays you twenty
seven for one. Get into a state bank corporation and the business suckers of
the community will be compelled to pay you three for one, or assign. The law
out-laws the former and legalizes the latter.
If you are a poor mountaineer and make moonshine whiskey and get caught
you have to pay some one to defend you in the U. S. court. If you are a rich
banker like J. Gunby Jordan you can make wild cat money and the State will
pay for your defence in the U. S. court caught or not caught. This is moral —
not class—legislation.
If the Bankers were made to pay tax on their holdings like me and Sam
Jones there would be more cursing than preaching abroad in the land. Wouldn’t
there, bud ?
Georgia can and does borrow money to pay her bankers and her officers while
her public school teachers have to borrow their own money and pay the bank
ers and state officials for the privilege. Thanks to democratic legislation.
If 16 ounces of silver equals lof gold how much taxation will it require to
equal Rev. Sam Jones with our best first-class cussers ? Next.
Political economy used to teach that capital was the product of labor. Polit
ical essayists of today teach that labor is the servant of capital.
Wharton Barker says in the “American”: “In 1879 it would have taken the
product of a cotton plantation of 52 acres to pay a SI,OOO government bond ; in
1897 it would take the whole product of 100 acres. Clearly the public creditor
is getting the product of 48 more acres of cotton than he is entitled to. * * *
The injustice done the cotton planter by enforced payment in appreciated gold
is twenty-four times that which would be done the public creditor by payment
in 50 cent silver dollars ; yet we are told that to pay our obligations in other
coin than gold would be a blotch on our national honor. To pay them in gold
to the exclusion of silver is rather a blotch on our “common sense. ” Grover
was a blotch of the latter variety.
Every government bond outstanding and unpaid is by contract on its face
and in law payable in coin-gold or silver. The men who demand they be paid
in gold is a swindler and a repudiator.
Brothers, of the Democratic household, prepare to join the swindlers and
repudiators, or the People’s Party.
A cracker trust has been formed and the price of crackers advanced. This
in no way affects the Georgia crackers who attended the Newnan Possum
supper.
Hon. Martin V. Calvin, of Richmond county, expects to land at the head of
the State agricultural department by cultivating capitalists and harrowing
wild-cat banking schemes. Mac.
THE PEOPLE’S PARTY PAPER; ATLANTA, GEORGIA? FRIDAY, JANUARY 14, IBPB.
“Dear Veterans ofCamp Walker: Being too ill to
HON. T. R. R. COBB write, my wife takes down this letter for me.
An all-wise Providence has touched me and I have
WRITES CAMP relinquished one cherished thing after another without
WALKER VETS. com P lain t.
I tell you this, that you may know how your dear
message of sympathy reached me like a balm and talisman, soothing a heart
burnt with fever —a heart that will be grateful to you as long as it beats.
I noted your resolutions, giving me the credit for bringing the reunion to
Atlanta.
Many of you were at Nashville and know how the veterans made me believe
as you do. You heard the states vote my name with that of Atlanta ; you saw
the soldiers crowd around me from every state in the south, and some of you
pressed my hand and thanked me. Even before the balloting was ov ermy
noble friend, General Clement A. Evans, put his arm about my shoulder and
said : “Tom, you have carried it to Atlanta ; your speech did it.”
And you know how the papers in Nashville and elsewhere and in Atlanta also
gave me credit at that time.
But, veterans, when I returned to Atlanta (the city I love most in the world),
I was brought to feel that it was a strange dream about my doing anything for
the veterans, or else “a Drophet is not without honor save in his own country.”
So, at last, I fell into Atlanta’s way of thinking andjthe dear, harearned honor
passed from my hopes.
But, my friends, your resolution avowing again that I did bring the reunion to
Atlanta made a sick man’s heart throb with pride; a proper pride, I trust.
Yet, dear veterans, Atlanta still differs with you, as is witnessed by the action
of the executive committee. When that committee received your generous com
munication, requesting them to send sympathy for my illness and asking them
to give me a vote of thanks for bringing the reunion to Atlanta, the committee
expressed the sympathy, but withheld the thanks. Many of that committee
are my friends, and I thank them for their sympathy.
I have lost too much recently to complain if this honor also be taken from
me. I have never claimed it, but others claimed it for me in the past, and you
claim it for me now.
Veterans, it I do not deserve this honor, I should not, and do not, want to
wear it, either as a laurel for my brow or as a wreath upon my grave. But if I
do deserve it, Providence and the veterans will guard it for me.
As for you, Camp Walker, I venture my feelings in these lines from Burns:
“The monarch may forget the crown
That on his head an hour hath been;
The bridegroom may forget the bride
Was made his wife but yestere’en ;
The mother may forget the child
That smiled so sweetly on her knee;
But I’ll remember you, Camp Walker,
And all that you have done for me.”
Faithfully yours,
Orlando, Fla., Jan. 7, ’9B. Tuos. R R. Cobb.
The readers of this paper who have learned to love
HON. T. R. R- COBB, and admire the brilliant young man above named will
be pained to know that he is ill, in Florida, and will
join with us in a hearty prayer for his restoration to health.
We do not believe that there is, in the State of Georgia, a more promising
representative of her ambitious youth than Mr. Cobb. We are quite sure that
no warmer hearted gentleman, one more courageous and loyal in his friendship,
or manlier in his antagonism, ever lived. Essentially noble in all his aspira
tions and gifted with boundless energy, we look to see him rise high in the
esteem of his countrymen.
Not long since, this paper published, “The Georgia Colonel,” a sketch by Mr.
Cobb, of that very especial knave and humbug, L. F. Livingston. The article
attracted so much attention and was so widely read, that it was published in
booklet form, handsomely illustrated by the gifted artist, Mr. W. F. Henderson.
This sketch of “The Georgia Colonel,” deserves to live, and will live. It
merits a place, just after the sketch of Ned Brace in “Georgia Scenes.” With
the exception of Ned Brace, it excels any sketch in “Georgia Scenes.”
We are sure that all our readers will be glad for us to assure Mr. Cobb that
the Populists have not forgotton his generous support in the last campaign,
and that if any sincere sympathy of theirs could bring back strength to his
limbs, health would bloom on his cheek again, and at once. T. E. W.
Foetal Savings-Banks.
In his annual report Postmaster-
General Gary, according to expecta
tions, advocates the establishment of
postal savings-banks. The creation of
such institutions has been recommend
ed bya number of Mr. Gary’s predeces
sors, and finds many supporters in the
newspapers of the country. Yet it is
apparent that, as in the past, strong
opposition exists against the establish
ment of this new branch of postal ser
vice, Opponents of the plan insist that
the success of such institutions under
other governments is no guaranty of
success under our government
Mr. Gary goes into considerable de
tail to prove the necessity and feasi
bility of creating postal savings-banks.
He cites the growth of the money-order
system as a striking argument in favor
of providing bank facilities in connec
ti with the Post-Office Department
He says :
“Private enterprise in this country
has left the people of many old commu
nities, and in a few cases of almost en
tire States, without any facilities
whereby they may protect and invest
their hard-earned savings. The sole
convenience which these people have
enjoyed and are using to-day is the
facility for exchange afforded by the
money-order system of this depart
ment. If additional argument is ne
cessary for a postal-saving scheme, it
can easily be deduced from the opera
tions of this remarkable system. Dur
ing the current year more than 52,000,-
000 transactions were made in the 21,-
000 offices of this class, and nearly
$200,000,000 was received, transmitted,
and paid out Millions of money
orders were bought to be used by the
buyers as drafts, and certified checks
are employed, for safe and convenient
carriage. ... It must be apparent,
therefore, that as a medium of exchange
the banks, numerically, fall far short
of the money-order system, and, dis
tributively, their failure is even more
pronounced. If, by appropriate legis
lation, these offices could be converted
into saving depositories for the people,
they would soon afford infinitely more
facility for receiving interest-bearing
deposits than the interest-paying banks
do now. The system furnishes the
machinery which, in its equipment,
methods, economy, and comprehen
siveness, could be adapted with the
smallest possible friction or increase of
agents to the duties of a postal-savings
depository.”
For the investment o f the deposits in
the postal savings-banks, this being
the point which critics consider the
most vulnerable in the scheme, Mr.
Gary suggests public buildings. In
the Post-Office Department alone, sl,-
300,000 is paid out for rentals equiva
lent to 2 per cent, interest on an in
vestment of $65,000,000 of deposits.
Among objections to postal banks,
appearing in the press, should be noted
the allegation that there could be no
warrant that funds deposited would
be invested in the localities where
added facilities are supposed to be
most needed. It is farther declared
that the experience with postmasters
in the more sparsely settled districts
shows so much incompetence in the
handling of money-orders that it
would be scarcely practical to entrust
them with the handling of additional
funds in the shape of deposits. Special
evidence of opposition to postal-banks
comes from Maine, where the state
bank examiner, speaking for the pri
vate savings institutions of that region,
attacks the competition of the Govern
ment in this business, and it is report
ed that the Maine Congressmen, in
cluding Speaker Reed, will oppose
Postmaster-General Gary’s plan in
Congress.
System Safe and Practical.
“In order to understand the opera-
tion of the system, it is best to exam
ine the systems of Great Britain and
Canada. There are in Great Britain
ten thousand post-offices at which de
posits of one shilling and upward,
within certain limits, are received.
Deposits must be made in multiplies of
a shilling, not amounting to more
than £SO ($250) in one year, nor may
the total on deposit exceed £2OO
($1,000). Jn Canada the limits are
SI,OOO and $3,000 respectively. The
rate of interest on deposit in Great
Britain is 2J£ per cent., in Canada 3
per cent Two per cent would proba
bly bring deposits in this country, on
account of the absolute safety. Regu
lations could easily be made for the
repayment of the deposits—which
would always be small in amount —at
any post-office. The deposits could be
invested by the Government in United
States bonds, or, if necessary, in state
or municipal securities.
“The greatest benefit of the system
has already been pointed out, and is
the bringing into circulation the sav
ings of country people, especially in
the South and far West, remote from
responsible savings-banks. In a large
part of those sections, safe, reliable
banks are few and far apart. The peo
ple have not sufficient confidence in the
integrity of business judgment of
wild-cat bankers to entrust savings in
their hands. With the postal system,
deposits would be as safe as any earth
ly possession could be and as secure as
the Government itself. The apparent
benefits of teaching businesslike ways
and saving habits to the people in
general and the promotion of thrift
and industry are too obvious to require
more than a mere mention.
“No one need fear that the Govern
ment will go into the banking business
or enter into an unfair competition
with the banks. The rate of interest
would be so small that the business
would be really conducting a safe de
pository and that only where there is
no commercial agency to discharge
that function. The loss to the legiti
mate banking enterprises would
amount to nothing.”—The Dispatch
(Rep) St. Paul.
Congredlonal Committees vs. Sentiment.
“The press of the country is almost
unanimous in support of postal savings
banks, and there can be little doubt
that it represents popular sentiment.
It does not, however, follow that the
new law will be passed by Congress at
the coming session or put into immedi
ate operation. Under our congression
al system, especially as recently inter
preted by Reed, neither Congress nor
the people can get what they want
unless the Speaker of the House and
the chairmen of the committees are
favorably disposed. The chairmen can
pigeonhole or kill any bills that come
before their committees and prevent
these measures reaching a vote in Con
gress. It is said that both the House
and Senate chairmen of the committees
on postal affairs are, for special or per
sonal reasons, opposed to postal sav
ings banks, and can be counted on to
kill any friendly measures that may
come up iu Congress or prevent their
consideration. Thus while the outlook
for postal savings-banks is favorable
from one point of view, it ig bad from
another; and unless the press and
people are very emphatic and deter
mined and defeat the pigeon-holing
practise and control of legislation by
committee, there is danger that we
will have no postal savings-banks for
the present at least. The fight is not
with Congress, but with the chairmen
of committees, and a determined effort
ought to be made to restore to the
Senate and House the law making
power they once enjoyed.”—The Times
Democrat, New Orleans.
“Uncle Sam’s Department Store.”
“The expansive powers of the postal
service seem to be illimitable. Upon
what branch of private business enter
prise will it next seek to trench ? It
furnishes printed envelopes to mer
chants cheaper than the country sta
tioner or printer can afford to sell the
unprinted stock. Who knows but
what it will very soon be writing life
insurance and issuing accident tickets ?
“Any enlargement of the paternalis
tic principle, no matter how innocent
looking, is dangerous and greatly to be
deplored. If the Government is to be
come the stationer, the printer, the
banker, and investor of the citizen,
why not his shoemaker, his baker, his
butcher, and candlestick-maker ? It is
a strange and menacing conception of
governmental functions that makes
the country a powerful centralized
competitor of the private citizen in his
legitimate business undertakings.
“Some localities have no savings
banks, and some that do have them are
victimized by dishonest and incompe
tent management. But is government
ownership or management to be the
cure for every business vacancy and
every business failure or fraud ? It is
true that the postal savings-bank would
be an accommodation to communities
without any facilities of the kind, but
would it not be a detriment to the
places whose savings it draws together
and sends off to the money centers in
stead of putting it out again in local
business investments and enterprises
as the savings-banks now do ? ” —The
Free Press (Nat. Dem ) Detroit.
S. C. Sparks, Blue River, Oregon.
The writer hereof has been a sub
scriber to the P. P. P. for some time.
In fact I have given freely of my limi
ted means, to the reform press gener
ally. And I presume, should be bran
ded, middle of roader.
If you see fit to grant one of the boys
a little space in your valuable paper
he will promise your readers not to
make any nominations for president.
We believe such matters should be left
to the people to be settled in their res
pective primaries.
If the People’s Party believes in di
rect legislation, let them demonstrate
that fact by making an application of
the same principal in nomination of
candidates. There is too much valua
ble time wasted in wrangling over the
question as to who is the proper and
most fit man for the standard bearer of
the People’s Party.
If the friends of reform would only
stop this everlasting, Infernal, internal
warfare, and get right down to honest
effort in bringing together the vast
army of reformers (the divided) forces.
It would be at least an indication that
reason and common sense, had taken
up her abode in the reform cause.
There is one question, and a very per
tinent one too, which must be answer
ed before reform comes to our distract
ed country. It is not as to who shall
be the Moses to lead the great host to
victory, but the question is from
whence cometh the great host. Show
an aggregation of voters whose num
bers can not be overcome by any other
party—and you can depend upon them
raising up a leader for the occasion.
Let us not drive away reformers
whose co operation is essential to the
success of the People’s cause. What
does it signify whether they have trav
eled the middle of the road, or whether
(hey have been lost in the big woods or
not. There is a popular song whose
refrain is “Think it Over.” And if we
are to profit from said refrain, by
thinking it over, we can reach the
common sense conclusion and fact,
that if this People’s Party are to be
successful at the polls, they must
gather together an army of some 6,000,-
000 votes. These are facts, that re
formers must face and solve. We will
take the 2 000,000 votes the Populist
polled in ’92 and ’94’and it will leave
4,000,000 short. True, then what’s to
be done ?
There is no question as to the reform
element being great enough to carry
our next national election if they can
be brought into one harmonious body.
So now comes the tug of war. How
are we to bridge over the barriers
which separate these reform elements ?
Shall we shout middle of the road and
persistently crib all who attempt to
gain the road ? Or shall we go to
work and widen the road ? Let us
turn sappers and miners and do a little
needed road work in order that there
may be room for the 4,000,000 recruits
necessary in order to tree the coon.
There should be no still hunt about
the matter. Let every man who be
lieves in reform resolve himself into a
committee of one, and demand that
instead of a nominating convention to
nominate a presidential candidate that
a conference of all reform parties and
forces be convened, and an organiza
tion perfected, whose force will make
the old parties tremble. United we
stand, divided we fall, is as true today
as of old. Bring the reform elements
together, place direct legislation at the
mast head, and victory will crown our
efforts.
Don’t set in the middle of the road
and shoot Watson, Barker, Donnelley
and Norton, but get up and go to work
and make it possible for a leader to
lead to some purpose and success.
The Initiative, the Referendum and
the Imperative Mandate, is the plat
form upon which the people can be
united.
Let us not quibb’e over party names,
but give us results. Broaden the road,
and clasp hands with whosoever may
come to travel therein lest we get lone
some and discouraged on the way.
The only thing new about the “new
and purified” democracy is the new
promises it made, and it has already
broken them.
The trouble with some people is
they always wait until the cat is going
to jump, and often the cat jumps so far
they get left.
The government won’t redeem its
postage stamps in coin or any other
kind of money, but they are worth dol
lar for dollar all the same.
The difference between the Demo
cratic party and the Republican party
is, the Democi atic party gave us the
“present existing gold standard,” and
the Republican party wants us to con
tinue it.
The last two or three issues of Sena
tor Butler’s paper have been filled up
with affidavits to prove that Butler
hasn’t said anything calculated to hurt
the feelings of Democrats.
The policy of the politicians of the
two old parties is to vote one-half of the
voting kings against the other half, and
rob them while they fight each other.
And the voting kings seem to enjoy it.
LIBERAL CLUB OFFERS.
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NATIONAL PAPER CLUB, Atlanta, Ga.
Dollar Club No, 1,
Watson’s Story of France, Vol. 1-
“ Roman Sketches.
“ R. R. Question.
“ Milledgeville Speech.
“ Campaign Book.
President John Smith-
National Platforms, (Raynolds.)
Dollar Club No. 2,
Watson’s Campaign Book.
“ Roman Sketches.
“ R R. Question.
“ Milledgeville Speech.
National Platforms. (Raynold.)
President John Smith.
World Almanac 1898 (just out)
Dollar Club No. 3.
Farm and Home, (Semi-Monthly.)
Appeal to Reason, (weekly).
Farm Journal, (best printed.)
Morgan’s Buzz-Saw.
Dollar Club Mo. 4.
Whither are we Drifting, (186 pages.)
(Thousands of copies sold,)
Story of France, Vol. 1., Watson.
President John Smith.
World Almanac 1898, (just out)
Dollar Club No. S.
Farm and Home, (Semi-Monthly.)
Farm Journal.
Watson’s Story of France, VoL 1.
“ Roman Sketches.
“ Campaign Book.
Dollar Club No. 6.
Whither are we Drifting.
President John Smith.
National Platforms, (Raynolds.)
World Almanac, 1898,
Watson’s R. R. Question.
“ Milledgeville Speech.
“ Roman Sketches
Club Offer No. 68.
Story of France, Watson, VoL 1. $1 00
Campaign Book, Watson, - 25
Roman Sketches, Watson, - 25
Railroad Question, Watson, - 10
President John Smith, Adams, - 25
National Platforms, Raynolds, - 25
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Club Offer No. 69.
People’s Party Paper, -1 00
Story of France, Watson, Vol. 1. 100
Roman Sketches, Watson, - 25
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Missouri World, - - 50
Morgan’s Buzz Saw, - 25
Story of France, Watson,JVol, 1. 100
Roman Sketches, Watson, - 25
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Story of France, Watson, Vol. I. 100
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People’s Party Paper, - -1 00
The New Time, -1 00
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dab Offer No. 60.
People’s Party Paper. -1 00
Story of France, Vol. 1, Watson, 100
Railroad Question, Watson, - 10
Roman Sketches, Watson, - 25
Milledgeville Speech, Watson, 05
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Club Offer No. 62.
People’s Party Paper, - - 100
Chicago Express, - - 50
Story of France, Wataon.JNol. I. 100
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People’s Party Paper, - -1 00
Missouri World, - - 50
Story of France, Watson, VoL I. 100
One Year’s Club Membership, 1 00
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Club Offer No. 64.
People’s Party Paper, >- ■ 1
National Platform, Raynolds, 25
World Almanac, - - 25
Roman Sketches,. Watson, - 25
Campaign Book, Watson, - 25
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Club Offer No. 3.
People’s Party Papor, - -1 00
New York World, tri-weekly, 1 00
Morgan’s Buzz Saw, - - 25
One Year’s Club Membership, - 100
Regular Price, - - 8 25
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-a*
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People’s Party Paper, - -1 00
Southern Mercury, -1 00
Chicago Express, - - 50
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Club Offer No. 3.
People’s Party Paper, - 100 I
Missouri World, - - 50 j
Morgan’s Buzz Sawi" - 25 i__
Chicago Express, - -
One Year’s Club Membership/ 1 00
Regular Price, - - 8 25
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Club Offer No. 66.
People’s Party Paper, - -1 00
The American, Wharton '{Barker, 2 00
Morgan’s Buzz Saw, - - 25
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CLUB PRICE, $1 75.
Club Offer No.
People’s Party Paper, 100 fl
New York World, tri-weekly, - 100 fl
Missouri World, ... 50 fl
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~LUB PxwxCE, $2 90. uI superior'
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The American, Wharton Barker, 200
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Handsome Morrocco Bound Bible $2 50
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Calton Cotton Cultivator $5 00
People’s Party Paper 1 00
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Practical Repair Outfit 8 00
New York World 1 00
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