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POETRY.
CHEROKEE HYMNS.
Come let us praise. 8. J.
Meeting of Christians. 8. J.
INDIAN EMIGRATION.
SeeecH oF Mg. Woobs.
-~ [ConNcLUDED.]
I must claim the indulgence of gen
tlemen {ov a moment, while I refer to
the documenis now in my hand, for
the purpose of holding up to their rep
robation, and the reprobation, the
practice of our government in its in
tercourse with the ludians. Tt is
time, sir, to arrest this policy, if ever
it 1s done. Procastination in our de
cision will put it out of our power to
remedy the evil. Look, sir, through
this diplomacy. Look at the practice
which is here avowed, or but too
slizatly coucealed, and ask yourself—
ask the American People—whether
they will, for one moment longer, tol
erate this vile treachery? We have
arrived at a point from which we can
not go forward in this course, without
the most glaring light to the nation,
and to the world. = Sir, need I turn to
the irresistible evidence which these
oppressed People have given of their
unwillingness to leave the country in
which they live—the homes of their
ancestors; and the masterly arguments
by which they have defended their
rights, and covered our agents and
commissioners with disgrace, by ex
posing our insincerity and injustice?
Read, Sir, the Choctaws and Chicka
saws to our Commissioners, in 1826,
who had in their hands ‘‘the large a
mount of means as an auxiliary aid,”
and answer whether there is nothing
in these negotiations deserving the
reprobation of the American People.
If one set of Commissioners have not
money enough, they are followed by
others with more. Agents are em
ployed, and sent to prepare the minds
of the Indians for the operations of the
Commissioners. They are sent from
house to house, to-buy off the allegi
ance of these sons.of the forest, who
are induced, by your arts and money,
to sell their countrymen and brethren.
Sir,. we have been told by the gen
tleman at the head of the Indian' bu
‘reau, who has lately visited several
of the tribes, that he was ‘“‘aware of
“the settled dislike of these People
“to any thing in the shape of a direct
“proposition for their country, and
“that revent negotiations, though con
“ducted by three distinguished eciti
¢“zens, chosen no less on account of in
“telligence, than for their admitted
¢‘knowledge of the Indian character,
“had totally failed, and that the large:
“‘amount of means placed at their dis
“posal as an auxiliary aid, had been
“equally inoperative.” Yet, Sir, this
gentleman is sent as a special agent
to these very nations, to effect, in
some way, the ¢ery same object
which the Commissiouers, with all
iheir intelligence and great knowledge
of the Indian character, and the aux
iliary aid in their hands, had totally
failed to accomplish. Sir, what does
this mean? Is this the open, frank,
and manly pelicy of a great and mag
nanimous nation, towards these weak,
scattered, and dependent tribes? Oh
no, sir; I repeat it, our policy towards
the Indians has been marked by fraud,
and insincerity, and treachery, and
baseness. 5 ‘
The Commissioners who were sent
to treat with the Chickasaws and
Choctaws, and proposed directly to
purchase their country, and to give
' them, West of the Mississippi, acre
for acre, were met by a prompt, deci
' ded, and manly negative to all their
propositions, not only from the Chiefs,
| but by the Indian People, to whom
. they appealed. But if; by the man
| agement of ougAgents, the Chiefs and
' leading men canbe prevailed on, by
- any means, to sell their Country and
| Nation. retaining to themselves, with
|in the States, reservations, our ob
l ject and wishes would be effected.
| Such a conditional agreement, it ap
‘T pears, has been made with one of the
Nations. But with all the diplomatic
| skill and ingenuity of this gentleman,
| no way, not even a solitary avenue
| could be found, by which he could
|approach the Choctaws, with any
| proposition, for the sale of their coun
try. Yet, from motives of pure and
| disinterested friendship, he proposed
' to enable six of their Chiefs to take a
“tour of pleasure, and at the expense
. of the United States, with a suite of
our Agents at their heels, to travel by
the way of the Missouri, and the
Northwestern Territory, to see their
friends and brothers in the Arkansas,
Territory! ¢“The Chiefs” and repre
sentatives of the Nation ‘““were bound
“‘to reject openly any proposition to
“sell their Country, or bring upon
*‘themselves the rebuke, if not the
‘‘chastisement of the Nation.” Yet,
sir, ‘“‘under cover of this pretext,
‘ground is to be broken!!” We are
by this appropriation unblushingly to
saaction, the secret agreement or un
derstanding, by which the Chiefs,
‘under cover of this pretext,’ are
to take measures for seiling to us their
country. Look, sir, at the report of
the Commissioners, sent during last
year, to the Cherokees and Choctaws,
one of whom was formerly a member
of this House, and at the head of the
Committee on Indian affairs, [Mr.
Cocke.] - The proposition was openly
made these Nations to sell only a
small part of their country, and every
possible argument used to induce them
‘todo so; but our Commissioners met
a prompt and decided refusal from the
Indians. 'These Nations arenot ‘‘gov
‘erned by a few white men and half
breeds,” of whose intelligence and in
fluence we have heard great com
plaint,” by the friends of this project,
but by the Indian People themselves,
who exercise the elective franchise;
and have turned out and disgraced the
Chiefs whom we had corrupted by
our Agents and base instruments.—
Yes, sir, we have been told by the
proper representatives of the Indian
People, that they will not sell their
| country—their homes—the graves of
their fathers. Yet, in spite of all
I this, gentlemen urge us to adopt this
| system, and appropriate one hundred
‘ thousand dollars (the sum asked by
' the amendment now offered by the
' gentleman from South Carolina) to
\purchase the country of these very
Nations. To me the bold and daring
| course of violence, - which openly a
vows its object, is preferable far pref
erable, to the false, deceitful, insid
ious policy, by which we degrade the
Indians and disgrace ourselves. We
have even heard loud complaints be
cause one of these Nations has formed
a Government & written Constitution
for themselves upon free and liberal
principles. This Constitution is itself
a full triumphant refutation of the
assertion that these Indians are in a
wretched and degradéd situation, and
canbe saved by removing them. It
proves that, if we do justice, and
cease to oppress them, they will be
a free and happy People.
While the Indians in the most posi
tive manner, refused to sell théir coun
try, and spurned all the kind, humane,
and disinterested propositions which
have been made to them, and have.
‘“strange as it appeared” to our
Commissioners, refused even to look
at the proffered “last home.” though
~we propose to pay them well for their
{ trouble, there is one plan which they
have not refused to sanction and a
dopt, and which experience has pro
ved to be the only one which wili save
them from extin-tion. ~The Indians
have not refused to permit you to es
tablish schools in their country, to ed
ucate their children. They have not
refused to permit you tosend farmers
and mechanics among them, to teach
them husbandry and the mechanical
arts. ‘They have sanctivned and ap
proved of the system commenced by
the annual appropriation of SIO,OOO
for these objects. This is, in my opin
ion the only correct system which we
can pursue. The sums expended un
der the act of 1819, for the civiliza
tion of the Indians, have been produc
tive of more beneficial effects than
the whole sum of $250,000 paid to
them in annuities. The expenditure
of this small sumis more honorable to
the nation than five times the amount
paid for the support of your Military
Academy, and many other objects of
appropriations. Sir, by this expen
diture more than one thousand two
hundred Indian children are taught
whatever is valuakle, or necessary
to be learned by the common classes
insociety. They are taught- to read
and write, to plow and reap, and all
the branches of business necessary for
the prosperity of a new country.—
The females are taught all the domes
"tic duties which belong to their station.
The advantages derived from this
small appropriation have -been much
enhanced by the ‘‘auxiliary aid” of
the Missionary Establishments exist
ing in the Indian country. By a prop
er increase of this fund, and “‘with
“proper and vigorous efforts, under
“the system, of education which has
“been adopted, and which ought to be
“put into extensive and active opera
“tion, the Indians may receive an ed
¢ucation equal to that of the laboring
“portion of our own commnnity.”
(Docs. of 1821—2, vol. 4, Doc. 59.)
This, Sir, is the sytem adopted,
and put into active operation, (so far
as the limited appropriation would ad
mit, )by the gentleman then at the head
of the War Department [Mr. Cal
houn.] It is the system in which I
most cordially concur. lam willing
to appropriate whatever sum may be
necessary to give complete success
to the benevolent and liberal views
and wishes of the American People, in
behalf of the original lords of this
Continent. Two or three years ago,
the Committee on Indian Affairs were
directed to inquire into the expedien
cy of repealing the law making the an
nual appropriation to which I have
alluded. And what, sir, was the re
port on the subject presented, I be
lieve, by my friend and colleague
[Mr. M'Lean] who is now at the
‘head of that committee? In that re
port, we are told that ‘‘it requires but
¢“little research to convince every
‘‘candid mind, that the prospect of ci
‘tvilizing the Indians was never so
“promising as at this time; never
“were means for the accomplishment
¢“of this object so judiciously devised,
¢‘and faithfully applied, as provided in
“‘the above act, and the.aids which it
“has encouraged.” The committee
are assured ‘‘that the centinuation of
the appropriation, seconded by the
“liberal and increasing aids which
“are aflorded by volutary con
“tribution, will, gradually and
““most effectually, extend the be
“pefit of the law to the remotest
“tribes who inhabit our extensive do
“main.” The progress of this work
“may be more rapid than any person
‘‘can now venture to anticipate. No
¢‘one will be bold enough to denounce
“him as a visionary enthusiast who,
“under such auspices, will look with
“great confidence to the entire accom
¢“plishment of the object.” This, Sir,
is the deliberate opinion of the com
mittee, expressed with great force and
propriety, after a full examination of
the subject. Ifis to me an irresisti
ble argument zgainst the scheme now
proposed.
Mr. Chairman, I wish to turn the
attention of the Committee to the ex
expense which will attend this mea
sure. Ifadopted, whether successful
or not, the expense must be incurred.
This experiment is to be made at the
hazard of human life. The happi
ness, my, Sir, the existence of one
hundreg thousand People, depends up-]
on the foubtful success of this untried
project. But, if all the arguments
and reasons opposed to the scheme and
its practicability can be successfully
answered, still it may be proper to ex
amine the subject in relation toits de
mands upon the Treasury, and our dis-‘
position to meet these demands. I
will present to the Committee the es
timates which are made by the iriends
and advocates of this scheme, & will
then ask gentlemen whether they are
prepared to go forward. 1 will not
take into consideration the expendi
ture necessary to purchase the indian
title to the lands which they siill hold
in Georgia. This matter has been
pressed upon the Committee, but 1
will not stop toexamine it. lam rea
dy and willing to fulfil all our obliga
tions to Georgia, so far as we can do
in justice to others, and without the
violation of other rights. If, sir, I a
gree with my neighbor to convey to
him a clear title, in fee, for your farm,
and you should obstinately refuse to
sell your land to me, what am I to de?
Have I a right to turn you off’ your
land, and out of your house, and to
seize upon your property? No, Sir;
I become responsible to my neighbor
for the damage he may have sustained.
I will forfeit the penalty of my obli
gation; but your title remains good.—
I am ready to pay Georgia the penalty
of our obligation, if we have violated
it. But I willnot do flagrant injustice
to the Indians, even to gratily a sove
reign State.
The estimate now presented to us of
the expense of removing the Chicka
saw Nation of 4000 persons, amounts
to nearly half a million. This embra
ces the sum proposed to be paid for
their houses, farms, shops, horses,
and other articles of personal property;
and if we calculate that the farms,
houses, & property, of other tribes, is
as valuable, in proportion to their
numbers, as that of the Chickasaws,
it will require more than six millions
of dollars for this part of the expense.
The estimate made for the subsis
tence of the emigrating Creeks, is
twenty cents per day, or $73 per an
num for each individual. The a
mount of this item of the expense
would be about four millions of dol
lars. Thus we have the sum of more
than ten millions of dollars as a com
mencement; without including ¢‘con
tingencies;” and the whole expense of
supporting the Government to be crea
ted in this new territory; and the ar
my to be sustained for its defence;—
without adding the sum necessary for
the establishment of schools and other
means of education.- This is not my
calculation. It is furnished to us by
the Indian Bureau: by the friends of
this scheme—as tue foundation or da~
ta upon which we are to make this ap
propriation. I refer gentlemen, who
wish to examine this subject in detail,
to the report of - the Commiissioners
“sent to'treat with the Chickasaws and
Choctaws in 1826, printed by the
' Senate, pages 13 and 14; and to the
' documents accompanying the Presi
l dent’s message, page 177; also, to do
cument 44, page 6. I ask in behalf
of the Indians only for a pittance of
these enormous sums, te be expended
i establishing schools among the In
dians, in teaching them the pursuits of
agriculture and the mechanical arts,
and in establishing proper regulations
for their government, and for the dis
tribution and security of their proper
ty. Sir, m the language of the late
Secretary of War, let ‘‘the system
“which has been adopted, be put
““into extensive and active operation,”’
and the result will be infinitely more
honorable to us; the prosperity and
happiness of the Indians will be more
effectually promoted and secured,
than by any new invention for their
benefit.
Before we carry the eighty thou
sand Indians, now on this side of the
Mississippi, over that river, I conjure
gentlemen to look at the situation of
the two hundred thousand which are
already there. I ask the friends of
this measure to prove the correctness
of their theory, by organizing these
tribes under their new system of Gov
ernment, by teaching them to respect
your laws, and by learning them to
pursue the occupations, and adopt the
laws and habits of civilized man. Let
gentlemen do this, and come with the
evidence of their success, and I will
then believe in their theory; [ will then
vote for this measure. But, Sir,
while T know and have the evidence
before me, to prove that the most pow
erful of the Indian nations, now West
of the Mississippi, living upon the ve
ry territory to which these are to be
removed, are still more miserable
and destitute than the most degraded
of those for whose benefit gentlemen
are urging us to adopt this measure, I
will not comsent to drive the - eighty
thousand now among us, enjoying the
comforts of their homes and native
land, into the country, where they
can meet nothing hut death, either by
the hand of their enemies or by the
lingering sufferings of famine. Our ut~
most efforts could not preserve them
in this wilderness; which is already
filled with all the horrors of Indian
wretchedness. The Indians already
in that region are enjoying the fruits
of our benevolence and hamanity, by
an accumulation of misery and suffer
ing beyond a parallel. Sir, I draw no
imaginary picture. I cannot portray,
in language sufficiently strong, the
wretchedness of these People, now
West of the Missisippi, where we
promise their brethren ‘‘a last home,”
where they may flourish in peace and
happiness! T will read to the Com
mittee an extract of a letter from
Gov. Clark, superintendent of the In
dians West of the Mississippi. He
says, “the situation of the Indians
“West of the Mississippi is the most
¢pitiable that can be imaginedi Du
ring several seasons in every year
“they are distressed by famine, of
“which many die for want of food, and
¢“during which the living child is often
“buried with the dead mother, be
“‘cause none can spare it as much
“food as would sustain it thro’ its
“helpless infancy. This description
“applies to the Sioux, Osages, and
“many others; but I mention these,
“because they are powerful tribes,
““‘and live near our borders; and my
‘official station enables me to know
“the exact truth. It is in vain to
“talk to people in this situation about
¢“Jearning and religion. They want a
“pegular supply; and, until this is ob
“tained, the operations of the mind
“must take the instinct of mere ani
“mals, and be confined t 6 warding off
“hunger and cold.”
I have now, Mr. Chairman, in a
disconnected and imperfect manner,
urged the reasons which induce me to
oppose this measure. Ihave endeav
orec to prove that the evils to which
the Indians are now exposed would be
increased by their removal; and that
we may, by justice on our part, and
the establishment of a liberal pelicy
towards them, secure their prosper
ity. Ihave not failed, Sir, to ex
press, in decided terms, my opinion of
the conduct which our Government
and its Agents has pursued towards
these people. I have shewn, that the
execution: of this scheme, if at all
practicable, would involve us in a
‘most prodigal expenditure of millions
of ihe potiie traasures e i Teimree
proved the wretchedness and want of
the Indians already inhabiting the
country West of the Mississippi.—
Firmly convinced of the correctness
of the views and arguments which I
have presented to the Committee, I
cannot vote for this measure; I cannot
agree to send the remnant of our In
dians to share the fate of those beyond
the Mississippi. Sir, let us rather do
them justice; let us allow them a part,
not of what we have already taken
from them—-no, Sir, but of the little
they have yet left. Our interests, the
appeals of the States, the “settled po
licy,” of the Government, may be urg
ed in favor of the measure here, but
not at the bar of justice, or before the
world. If we sanction this measure,
the blood of these People, reduced
by us to the condition of wretchedness
and horror, in which ¢the living child
¢is buried with the dead mother,”
will be upon our heads.
More Troup-ism.—Governor For
syth, the successor of Governor
Troup, has isued a proclamation call
ing upon the constituted powers of the
state of Georgia to resist the opera
tions of the Cherokee Indians, who
have made themselves a constitution
of government, and have thence as
sumed an attitude of independence.——
Tuscaloosa. Sy 3
Eatraordinary Calamity.—The fam
ily of Mr. Nathaniel Underhill; in the
interior of this county, consisting of
eight persons, all arose one day last
week, ina state of mental derange
ment, and, from the last accounts,
still continue so.. The case is wor
thy of the most serutinizing investiga
tion of the medical faculty.—Dutchess
True American,
Slander.—A case of slander, Cap
tain A. Pullen 2s. John Donaldson,
was lately tried in Georgia. The
jury gave verdict of 10,000 damages.
The defendant having announced his
inability to pay so large a sum, the
plaintiff struck off s9oooleaving Mr.
Donaldson SIOOO to pay for sla%éring
his neighbor.
CHEROKEE ALPHABET.
Neatly printed and for sale at this Offieé. ᏗᎧᏃᎩᏍᏗ.
1. ᏞᏉ, ᎢᎦᏢᎢ,
ᎡᏗᎸᏉᏕᏍᏗ
ᎧᎬᏫᏨᎯ ᎢᎦᏤᎵ;
ᎦᎸᎳᏗ ᎡᎯ
3. ᏥᏌ ᎦᎶᏁᏛ,
ᏘᏍᎩᏰᏂᎲᎦ
ᏘᎧᏃᎩᏛ ᏧᏄᏬᏚ Ꭹ
ᎦᎸᎳᏘ ᏤᎯ...
8. Ꮀ ᏧᏬᏚᎯᏳᎶ”
ᏂᏓᏂᏪ ᏦᏒ;
ᏂᎯᏆᏗ ᏨᏒᎯᏳ”
ᎨᏣᎸᏉᏗᎭ.
Ꮞ. ᏫᎾᏍᏔᏮ ᎠᏴ
ᏕᏨᏃᎩᏍᏗᎭ;
ᎢᏨᎨᏳᏎᏍᏗ ᎠᎴ
ᎧᏉ ᏂᎪᎯᎸ.
Ꮑ1. ᏗᎦᏖᎬᎰᏳᎯ;
ᏃᎯ ᏕᏖᏠᎯ;
ᎦᎸᎳᏗ ᎤᏩᏒᎯ’
ᏗᎨᏅᏒ ᏦᏒ..
2. Ꮭ ᏴᏖᎪᎯᏥ
) ᏙᏫᎢᎪᎮᏍᏘᏉ
ᎢᎩᎪᏓ ᏫᎦᏁᎸ
,. ᏕᎸᎳᏗ ᏦᏒ
3. ᏥᏌ ᎦᎶᏁᏛ
ᎢᎦᎫᏴᎮᎢ;
ᏕᏘᏃᎩᏍᏗᏍᏢᏍᏗᏃ
ᎡᎦᎫᏴᎲᎯ.
Ꮞ: ᏞᎩ ᎦᎸᎳᏘ
ᏫᎪᏛᏓᏠᏏ,
ᎿᏉᏃ ᏂᎪᎯᎸᎢ
““ᏫᏐᎮᏍᏗ ᏦᏒᎡ.
9. ᎦᎸᎳᏗ ᎮᎯ;
ᏍᎩᏍᏕᏢᏍᎨᏍᏗᏉ;Ꭲ
ᏘᏗᏦᎸᎢ ᏬᏥᎦᏘ
-ᎦᎸᎳᏗ ᏦᏒ.
ᏣᎳᎩ ᏗᏕᎶᏆᏍᏗ ᎠᏂ ᎦᏃᏘ,
