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dustrious practical farmer does not stand in
need of any such prompters, to enable bitn to
understand his interests, nor does he stand in
need of such politicians to protect his interests.
He desires men to represent him who will
support the Constitution of the couutry, not
destroy it.—He is unwilling to move one step
towards the violation of that sacred instrument,
which, so far as he is concerned, has afforded
him satisfactory protection. If ever the period
shall arrive, when the government of this coun
try shall be eon\erted into an instrument of op
pression too greivous to be borne, the indus
trious yeomanry will first try to reform if
through the ballot box ; if that fails, then they
will shoulder their muskets as did their fathers
before them, and not resort to this deceptive doc
trine of nullification for redress. From the time
the American people declared themselves to be
free and independent, they seem to have enjoyed
fixe, peculiar favor of Heaven. All good men
will therefore, in the language of the father of
his country, indignantly frown upon those who
dare attempt a dissolution ot that Luion,
which has elevated us a nation, and. which has
caused the name American citizens to.be a safe
passport in every clime. To the Y olutiteer corps of
Cavalry, through whose polite invitation l make
this address, permit me now to say a few words.
The profession of arms, has always been con
sidered honorable in every nation. The brave
and gallant soldier is an honor to his country
in time of peace, its protection in time of var.
To defend their country with success, it is in
dispensably necessary that both officeis and pri
vate soldiers should understand all those mili
tary tactics incident to their profession. Im
provement should be the common object of all.
Officers commanding Volunteer companies,
should indulge a just pride in the enforcement
of their orders, the private soldier in obeying
them. Before the soldier can command, with
credit to himself, he must learn to obey. Order
is not only necessary for the successful opera
tion of the Government and existence of nations,
but it is equally so for the preservation of every
civil or military association. The brave and
accomplished soldier not only commands the
universal admiration of man, but of lovely wo
man too. Who would not be a brave and ac
complished soldier to win the smiles of lovtdy
woman? Whose mild, virtuous and patriotic
heart permits none but the brave to enter there.
May your arms always be wielded in support
of that cause for which your forefathers labored
with a zeal and confidence that never wavered,
but never in favor of the enemies of the Union
-of our common country, let them be foreign or
domestic.
Questions for Candidates.
Near one hundred of tbe most influential and
respectable men of Elbert county have address
ed the following questions to the gentlemen
who have declared themselves candidates for
the Legislature. The questions are clear and
to the point, and should be put to every candi
date who presents himself to the people for
their suffrages.
Elbert County, Ga. July 4, 1851.
To Benjamin Thornton, Jr., Henry R. Dead -
wyler, Samuel D. Blackwell and Benjamin
C. Houston, and to all others who may be
come candidates for the Legislature in Elbert
county during the present year:
Gentlemen The undersigned, legal voters
of Elbert county, believing that the safety and
peace of the Union are now threatened and t*n
dagered by the efforts of the ultra men at the
North and South, and believing that under such
circumstances it is our right and solemn duty
to know fully and dearly the positions and
views of those Yvho seek to represent us in the
next Legislature; we, therefore respectfully re
quest each one of you to give us through the
columns of the Chronicle A Sentinel, as early as
possible, plain answers to the following ques
tions :
Ist. I)o you approve the report and the five
resolutions appended thereto, adopted by the
Georgia Convention, in December last ? Was
that report and those resolutions tiie proper
action, in your judgment, that Georgia ought
to have takeu ia the premises ?
2d. The Convention assembled at Milledge
ville on the 28th day of May last, commonly
called the Southern Rights Convention, held the
following language:
“ By the acts of the late Congress known as
the compromise measures, the Southern States,
being a majority in federal numbers, have been
deprived by high-hand, of all their interests in
the territories acquired from Mexico, have been
degraded from their condition of equality in the
Union, have been forced to surrender territory
unquestionably and legitimately their own, to
the use and enjoymentof the hireling States,”
Do you believe this language to be true ?
3d. If you say that this language is true,
what measures, in your judgment should Geor
gia and the other Southern States to adopt, to
redress such grievances ?
4th. The Convention assembled at Nashville
last year, commonly called the Nashville Con
vention, ot which Charles J. McDonald was
President, passed the following resolutions :
“ Resolved, That in our view of these aggres
sions (meaning the compromise measures of the
last Congress) and those threatened and im
pending, we earnestly recommend to the slave
holding States to meet in s congress or conven
tion to be held at such time and place as the
States desiring to be represented may designate,
to be composed of double the number of their
Senators and Representatives in Congress of the
United States, entrusted with full power to de
liberate and act, with the view and intention of
arresting further aggression, and, if possible, of
restoring'the constitutional rights of the South,
and if not, provide for their future safety and
independence.”
Do you approve this resolution ? and do you
approve, advise, or sanction the course herein
recommended to the slaveholding States.
sth. Which of the two parties now organized
in Georgia, that called the Constitutional Union
Party, or that sometimes called the Southern
Rights Party, do you consider yourselves con
nected with, and with which will you act if
elected ?
6th. Are you opposed to all further agitation
of the slavery question, provided the compro
mise measures of the last Congress are fairlv
carried out and enforced i
Ttli. Are you satisfied with, and are vou
w illing to abide by the Union as it is ?
Y’ery respectfully, your fellow-citizens.
A Pointed Reply.
An old fashioned Jackson Democrat, in the Natchez
Fourier, thus respond* to the taunts of some hi
-former friends who charged him with having changed;
“ I have been repeatedly tajmttxl of late, by one in
two of nay old democratic friends, (as tliev say A, s.'iou
having feliea from the good old fetch of tip
y. Now, Sir, lam a man of few w in T ANARUS, j- , i
Leing a working-man. Iff lia* fr changed, thctD-r ei
faithful friends throughout whole country liar,
changed. lasi sure tha£,'f am Senator Cas. on
the Union ran with the ‘YVashingt n
Union,’ our paper on the watch-tower ot
freedom ; larfn wiifi Senator Y\ T . R. King of Ala. with
Howell Qtfob of Georgia, and with the majority of de
mocvfft* in every State of tills Republic. It is tru
that a few have branched off from the Democracy, in
this and other States, calling tltcmselws Southern
Rights men, but their seceding lias not made m<
change. If they are attempting to engraft anew shoot
upon the old democratic tree, my resisting their efforts
does not make me less a democrat. Their attempt to
read me out of the party, because I will not consent
to add to its creed, a doctrine which Andrew Jackson
repudiated and crushed, is but ridiculous. YYbo made
the isms of South Carolina a text book of Dernocra
A ‘ Certainly nunc of the fathers of that faith, noi
any of the National Conventions which have proclaim
ed its opinions.
I ant, where I have ever been, for the Union of these
Stfltcs, and bitterly opposed to anything like secession
or nullification. A JACKSON DEMOCRAT.
From the Savannah Republican.
Hon. Howell (obb.
Below will be found the comments of the
Washington Union on the letter of acceptance
of Mr. Cobb. The present editor of the Union
is a Tennesseean, a slaveholder, and an old
fashioned democrat, and the bosom friend o?
Gen. Jackson. The question for every demo
crat in Georgia to ask himself is, whether he will
heed the advice of such a paper, or follow the
suggestions of the Charleston Mercury and its
secession echoes in this State?
From the Washington Union.
Hon. Mr. Cobb, of Georgia. —Our readers
will find in this day’s Union the admirable letter
written by this gentleman to the committee
which communicated to him his nomination,
by the Constitutional Union party of Georgia,
as a candidate for the chief Magistracy of that
State.
This letter is written with much deliberation,
and contains not a sentiment which conflicts
with the doctrines of the democratic party, as
they have been illustrated by its most able and
venerated disciples from the period of Jefferson
to this day, In respect to the Compromise, the
position of Mr. Cobb is that of the Convention
otGeorgiain 1850, when it was decided that ac
quiescence in that measure of peace was the
duty ot all good citizens, and that resistance
could not be justified unless it became'appa
rent that the factionistsof tbe northern portion
ot the Union would succeed in rendering the
fugitive slave law inoperative. On this plht*
form of justice, duty, and patriotism the de
mocracy in Pennsylvania and in all the north
ern and northwestern States is being rallied as
in days of Jefferson and Jackson, and tbe pros
pect becomes every day brighter and brighter,
that the rights of the South will be not only
vindicated, but placed beyond the reach of dan
ger in the future.
Shall such a prospect be clouded by a useless
agitation, growing out of differences of opinion
about the abstract right of secession? Will the
South itself take the lead in this agitation, and
thus strengthen the hands of those faetionists
against whom she is anxious to array the sound
action of those communities that acknowledge
the authority of Washington, Jefferson, Madi
son, and Jackson ?
It is to he lamented that ultra men in the
South, founding their appeals to the people on
a misapprehension of the state of feeling in oth
er portions of the Union, take for granted that
the fugitive slave law will be repealed, and pick
up the arms of menace without waiting for the
assurances of friendship and support, which are
numerous and satisfactory. It was not thus
that Mr. Jefferson reasoned when he said that
if every infraction of a compact is to be regard
ed as a dissolution of it, none could be formed
which would last a year. The advice of that
lather of democracy was patience, forbearance,
and moderation, giving time for those under
delusion to see the cousequences of their ac
tion.
But even if it be granted that the fears enter
tained by some of the leaders of the South are
just—if it be assumed that the fugitive slave
law will be repealed—is it not better for the
South to reserve her menaces until that day of
evil is upon us? Thrice armed will she be, if
the solemn hour ever arrives w hen she announ
ces her determination to leave a confederacy
which will not treat her as an equal, if she can
say —See with what fidelity icc have performed
our portion of those compacts which made us
one people—see how scrupulously roe have ab
stained from all disregard of that joint authori
ty which toe are now about to dissolve forever —
see with what reverence for the work of onr fath
ers we have struggled against its abuse, until
the wrongs rehich justified them in separating
from Great Britain invite us to imitate their
conduct, and set up a government for ourselves,
whatever may be the castor sacrifice.
It is in this spirit Mr. Cobb stands on the
Georgia platform, ready “to resist icith all the
means which a favoring Providence may place
at her disposal,” if the faetionists of the North
should persevere in their aggressions, and ren
der invalid that provision of the constitution
which guaranties to the owners of fugitive slaves
their right to a summary recovery of them.
Georgia and South Carolina. —We pub
lish some extracts in to day’s paper to show that
the salvation or the Union is dependent upon
the approaching elections in the Southern
States. If the self-styled Southern Rights par
ty prevail even in a single State, it is clear that
South Carolina will secede from the confedera
cy. The election of McDonald in Georgia; or
the triumph of his party in the Legislature of
the State, would be THE FUNERAL KNELL
OF THE AMERICAN UNION. South Car
olina, now in a state of suspense and only await
ing the co-operation of a single State, not only
in her scheme of seceding from the Union for
alledged grievances under the compromise, but
in maintaining her right by the force of arms
to secede at pleasure, will at once apply the
torch that shall hurl the Union into fragments.
McDonald and his friends in Georgia tell her
“ you have a right to secede at pleasure, and if
the general government attempt to “ restrain
you, we will arrest it by force of arms.” Wheth
er they succeed or notin getting possession of
the government of Georgia, they are every
where promising assistance iu the way of money
and volunteer troops in case the government
should attempt to coerce her. Citizens of
Georgia! We repeat it, and urge upon you the
solemn admonition, that upon the issue of the
approaching elections depends the question
whether South Carolina will attempt to secede
from the L r nion that if she does,with a dominant
party in this State maintaining her right to do
so under existing circumstances, and threaten
ing to sustain her by force in tbe exercise of
that right, the Union will either be dissolved
by the abdication of all authority by the general
government, or the most bloody civil war re
corded in history. Think seriously of these
things, and begin to rally to the rescue of the
imperiled Uuion.
Tolicy of the Agitators. —We repeat, we
have not denounced the democratic party in
Tennessee as traitors and disunionists. We
have said, and repeat it, the misguided policy
of such agitators as the American and A. V.
Brown favors the schemes of “traitors and dis
unionists,” whether so intended or not. Why
should we not say this? YVe have the testimo
ny ot the editor of the American, within less
MLan a year past, that the Clay compromise se
res the rights of the South, “as far as Con -
j- can constitutionally secure them.’’ For
up. id entical rvason we defended and advocated
v your yomisc from the beginning. When we
now provisions characterized by the •>”-
thor of xlusVame sentmieivW*a cMat and a
fraud upou we south, what is this but an in
sidious attempt renew agitation to unloose
against all the feamfl elements of sectional con
tention—though he cleclmes in the very next
breath that he is for abiding in good faith, these
provisions. *Tt is not in human nature to qui
etly and contentedly endure what we honestly
believe to be a cheat and a fraud imposed upon
us by a stronger power —unless our Quixotic
fox-fire-eaters have a patent for “base” and
craven submission” lar excelling any thing of
the kind ever yet recorded in the history of
treemen. To stigmatize the compromise as a
“ cheat ’’ which we may endure but cannot ap
prove, and yet to say that it secures our rights
“as far as Congress can constitutionally secure
them,” is really paying a very poor compliment
to the constitution which our republican fathers
framed for us ; and he who expresses such opin
ions, whether he confess to purposes ol‘ agita
tion or not, so far as he infuses a conviction of
their correctness into the minds of his followers
infuses among them the rankest elements of
disunion agitation !
For imposing such inflammatory and stultify
ing heresies as these we are characterized as
obnoxious to denunciation without measure or
decency—as the “ally of abolitionists” d;e. <fcc.
People of Tennessee, four-fifths of you —conser-
vative men of all parties, who approvingly sus
tain the compromise—are equally implicated
with us in this wholesale, incendiary calumny
and detraction. They complain and lament
that the South is not united. Do they expect
such violent and inflammatory criminations to
drive you and us, an overwhelming majority,
into the support of them and their candidates,
and the terrible heresies and stultifying incon
sistencies they represent. Supposing them to
be sane and reasonable men, who weigh their
words and actions, the conclusion is irresistible
that they desire agitation and are reckless of its
conseq uences . —Nashvilie Whig.
Daniel Webster sent this toast to Spring
field, to he read, at the celnbration of the
Fourth of July there:—
“The Union! God in his mercy grant, that
no apocalyptic writer may see the Common
wealth of Massachusetts fall from that Firma
ment.”
CfinwpimktiT.
LETTER FROM MADISON.
Madison, Ga. July 17th, 1851.
Dear Citizen :—Among the numerous effusions of
your spicy correspondents, in various portions of the
country, I do not remember to have noticed any from
tliia growing, _and delightful town. I therefore take
the liberty, unsolicited, of sending yon a brief sketch of
the scenes transpiring here—which, if it should meet
your approval, may not be my last.
It is vacation time with our Colleges at present, and
the absence of the usual array of grace and beauty front
their midst, renders the “classic shades of AcaJernus”
monotonous indeed. But a brief period will elapse,
and we shall again be greeted by the familiar faces so
recently with us ; faces all the more lovely and cheer
ful from the relaxation which vacation will have im
parted them. A few will not return. They have
drank their last draught at these fountains of knowl
edge, and gone forth to grace other spheres, and min
gle in other scenes. God bless the alumni of our Col
leges! God bless the Juniors and Sophomores and alt
who conte hither to be educated.
The scorching heat, and the protracted drought have
rendered the prospects of our fanners gloomy indeed ;
and at this season, the avenue* of trade are usually quiet.
These causes, with the absence of “the jewels” above
alluded to, conspire to render our town unusually dull
at present. Notivithstanding, the indications of pros
perity and of progress are visible on every hand. Num
erous private residences are going up, and the proprie
tor of our hotel is enlarging that establishment, in such
a manner as to render it, when complete, one of the
finest hotels is the State. Our factory is just commenc
ing operations—and all our mechanics arc full of bus
iness ; which is one of the best evidences of a town’s
prosperity.
But with all its attractions —there arc influences op
erating seriously to the detriment of the social charms
of our community. To these influences I regret to re
fer, identified as they are with our most influential and
respectable citizens. But a respect -for common mor
ality and good order, seems to demand a free expression
of the truth.
YY'e have a numerous class, many of whom are “good
and accepted members” of our moral and religious in
stitutions—who manifest an utter disregard for the
principles they profess to cherish, by engaging in those
vefy vices which their Unets prohibit. Jjoring fashion
more than religion, they revel in the Pollies es the for
mer, shielded by the disguise of the latter. Not con- <
tent with the reproach they bring upon themselves,
they bring disgrace and ruin upon the young and un
wary, luring them by their example into the very vices
which they would teach them, by prating precept, to
shun. They give parties where the bewitching wine
flows freely, and teach their daughters, with their
sweetest smiles to beguile e’en those who have resolved to
look no more upon it. Even Ministers of the gospel
have dared to trifle with the souls they are laboring to
reclaim, by placing before their guests at their own fes
tive board, one of the devil's most wily and most potent
emissaries.
Others there are, but little less guilty, who have been
elevated as guardians of the public morality; whose
names even as I write, arc appended to a long array of
resolutions, posted in the street corners—prohibiting
gaming. These men, evade the law against “gaming
with cards' 1 as they have framed it, and prostitute the
more innocent amusement, back gammon, to their pur
pose. Some of these men are too frequently seen
among the common loungers at our stores and groceries,
engaged in the intellectual and innocent amusement,
at five dollar a game. And if they fall out and fight
about the throwing of a die, or the making of a point,
it is not considered a disturbance of the peace, and they
are not lodged with runaway negroes, and other black
characters, in the calaboose, because, forsooth, they are
the Fathers of the Town! God help us! with such
fathers, what may be expected of the children ?
And yet, ours is a “ moral community.” YYe are
accustomed to boast of our purity—our refinement,
and our religion. Y\ r e point with pride to our church
es rearing their spires towards the pure heavens, and
seem to feel that with such sacred tokens of our good
ness, we arc safe. Verily, with all its attractive fea
tures, there is something rotten in
MADISON.
For the Georgia Citizen.
Reply to Southron’s No. 1.
BY ONE OF THE MECHANICS OF GEORGIA.
My Good Sir :—Your comments in tho “Georgia
Telegraph,” upon the principles entertained by the
Mechanics of Georgia, in relation to Mechanical etn
plovjnents in the Penitentiary, are more wordy in style
than cogent in argument. If we have defeated the end
for which we aim, we know not where tho inspiration
of prophecy came from, that enabled you to look deeper
into the furrows of the mill stone than those who are
engaged in pecking them. I pass over your long dis
sertation upon the morality of teaching to felons the
Mechanic Arts. )
You say: —“Do you \the. Mechanics] know of any
reason why in this Republican country, you should have
exclusive privileges ?” No sir, we do not. YY r e have
never assumed to have any. YY e deny that we have,
in any way, or at any time, urged any such stupid pre
tensions. But sir, to use your own language, “let us re
verse the picture, and work on the other side—hear
both parts.” Can you, with all your plausible fairness,
tell us, what reason there is, in this Republican country,
for tfie Meeh.anics to have EXCLUSIVE DEGIIAD A
riOX ? What other professional calling has shared
with the Mechanics the odium of Penitentiary opera
tions ? YY’o don’t care how you share the degradation,
so long as you share it even. The Mechanics think
and know that they have I tad their full share. “ Our
government was formed for all and not for particular
Eight or ten yeau ,*he principal keeper of
Penitentiary, in his report to the Legislature, urged up
on that body the necessity and propriety of abolishing
Mechanical employments in that institution. He con
tended that it had been expensive to the State, and was
degrading to the worthy calling of worthy men in our
Commonwealth. The Legislature, looking forward
to tho change, (See A. A. Dec. 23, 1843,) directed the
Judges in passing sentence upon culprits, for such pe
riod of time as they are authorized by the present code
of this State, to hard labor in the Penitentiary of this
State, “or at such other place or places as the Gov
ernor of the State may thereafter direct .”
The Mechanics of the State have waited for the re
alization of their hopes, with a faith and fortitude wor
thy of mnrtyrs. Nearly forty years have elapsed since
the establishment of that Institution, and they have been
so many years of degradation and insult to the Me
chanics of Georgia. YVe know that there ia a public
sympathy in favor of the Mechanics, which co-operating
with their own efforts, must accomplish their wishes.
YY e notice tokens on every hand which encourage us
to renewed efforts, and concentration of our influence
and }>ower —not to acquire “ exclusive privileges,’’
but to profess and enjoy equal rights, privileges and
immunities. Are not the callings of the Mechanics of
the State as much entitled to the favorable regard of our
laws as any other class of citizens ? Do they receive
it? Are house burners and counterfeiters, horse thieves
and mail robbers, and all other villians. who violate our
laws and are sentenced to punishments, suitable pro
fessional associates for the Mechanics of Georgia ?
Ihe laws of the land, now* particularly proclaim this
fact. Can it be disputed ? The culprit is sentenced to
“hard labor in the penitentiatry.” Let ns go there
and se c what the “hard labor 1 ’ is—making carts,
wheelbarrows, road, Jersey and other wagons, window
sash, door and window braces, chairs and tables, boots
and shoes, coats, pantaloons and other clothing, har
ness, tin ware, painting, gilding, blacksmith’s work,
repairing of all kinds, &e. &c. Now we see what
“hard labor’’ means—it means that the culprit is sen
tenced to learn and practice a mechanical trade ! The
penalty then, stripped of its flimsy legal disguise, is, to
learn a mechanical trade !
In the Report of the Finance Committee of tho State,
dated, Feb. 22, 1851, I notice the following—Read it
over, and ponder well upon its views, for not one of
the Finance Committee are Mechanics.,
“ The idea which many indulge, th mvict in
the Penitentiary, should be taught a ■ v g lanic trade,
whilst performing his sentence, is, we ’ u, a mistaken
one. There is no claim, abstractedly, on the part of
the convict, to such an act of benificeiiee. To attempt
to carry it out, neec-ssadly subjects the institution to an
increased expense —andl if carried out, successfully,
can produce NO OTII Elf RES li LT than that of pil
ling the principal Meclfupic pursuits with men who
have been degraded by ignominious punishment. —
YVe think such a consequence should be avoided by
legislative prevention.’’
Every position which the Mechanics of Georgia hare
ever taken in relation to Mechanical employments in
the Penitentiary, is substantially embraced in the above
extract.
In conclusion, IJo not know who the writer of
“Southron’’ is, neither do I desire to, but I do know
who he is not. lie is not the best advocate for the
principles he attempts toadvanee—he has not had much
intelligent experience and reflection on the subject upon
which he treats—ho is not well caparisoned in capitf.
YY hen youthful or mediocre writers assail the views *
of the Mechanics, they deceive themselves. It is no
childs’ play business to trip up a Mechanic. They do
not deal in rhetorical flourishes, polished periods, or
scraps of poetry, but come down with ar. avalanche of
facts—stubborn and unyielding facts —and it takes men
of mind, experience and extensive practical ability, to suc
cessfully oppose them. “Southron,” is not of this class
of men.
If I can find a grain of argument in the next number
of “Southron' 1 (I will suppose ho means by this South
ern,) I will winnow it out from its chaffy attachments,
and give it attention.
OLD HAND SA\\\
✓
, For the Georgia Citizen.
/ Reply to Southron’s No. 2.
BY ONE OF TIIE MECHANICS OF GEORGIA.
My Kind Sir : The gratuitous assumption in
your first number that Mechanics ask for “ exclusive
privileges ’ was not more fallacious and unfounded
than the proposition you impute to the Mechanics in the
commencement of your No. 2. You say, that said
proposition reads thus:
Negroes shall not be taught the Mechanical arts,
but their labor shall be confined to agricultural em
ployments.’’
Now sir, all the answer which this false statement
deserves, is to show that your premises are wrong and,
of course, any conclusion drawn therefrom, must be er
roneous. Ihe Meclianiys’ Convention passed tho fol
lowing Resolution; \ i
“Resolved, ‘ of t/is body the
’ druclion of , lB of Repairing, done at
“p>f great ‘Til.. . D. ‘.\s
dicial to ns ci S\TlipS.
suits, and is believed to be inftxpu....,
injurious to all classes of the community.”
This was the whole action of the Convention on the
subject of Negro Mechanics, except the argument in the
l reamble adverse to the policy of educating slaves in
this way. Nowhere can you discern any disposition, as
you have alledgod, to confine the slave to agricultural
pursuits or to drive them out of other servile employ
ments. From the whole tone of your remarks on this
point, the intent is palpable on your part, to excite a
prejudice in the minds of agriculturalists and other cit
izens against Mechanics, in order to build up your
charge of abolition against the latter. But such du
plicity of motive and false statement of fact shall not
serve your purpose. r i he Mechanics have no objection
to the employment of slaves in any servile pursuit, either
of the field, the Stable or the household. They never
have objected to slaveholders employing them on their
farms and about their houses, in any capacity, even
that of ordinary mechanical work, necessary about their
habitations. Yea more, there are few who will object
to the policy of Mechanics or those following Mechan
ical pursuits, having slaves trained to aid them in their
own business.
1 will tell you, however, what the Mechanics do ob
ject to. It is to the policy of such gold-mine nabobs
as yourself, who live in splendid mansions, and occupy
an elevated position in society, the result of a fortunate
matrimonial or other speculation , and not of their own
honest labor, buying up negroes to have them instruct
ted in the Mechanics Arts, for the purpose of extra
gam to their owners, without regard to tho welfare of
a useful class of citizens who have not inherited a for
tune ! That is the objection Mechanics have, and
which they are likely to have, till your policy is aban
doned.
\ our artful effort, then, to prejudice the laboring
agriculturalists and the Landlords and denizens of
towns and cities, against the Mechanics’ movement,
will fail of its object. A majority of that class of tbe
community arc with us, and even many of the wealthy
and intelligent planters who own many slaves are op
posed to the practise you advocate of elevating Negroes
above their servile position, as more dangerous to the
institution than any thing else ! In truth, the only
way to make slavery permanent, is to keep slaves where
the God of nature designed them to be, in an inferior
position to the white race—the “-hewers of wood, and
drawers of water’ ior thelr-Miperiors. This is so self
evident a proposition, that “the wayfaring man, though
a fool need not err therein.” And it is a proposition,
too, which the Legislature of Georgia seems to have en
tertained, for years. YY'hy, else, have laws been pass-
cd, prohibiting the teaching of negroes to read and
write ? YY by prohibit their employment in the busi
ness of printing? In this particular, just such men as
you have taken away “privileges” which you claim for
yourself! It is made illegal for a printer to instruct his
slave to set type and assist him in his business, but it is
“a horse of another color’’ when you and such as you,
desire to get S3OO a year for the hire of your Mechan
ic slave! On your theory, this is unwise legislation
against the profession of the printer, and I hope sir,
you will, in your endeavors to elevate the African race
over the white, gave the printer a chance to aid you in
your work of enlightenment, on the principle that ifa lit
tle elevation is good, little more is better!
In conclusion it may be well to say, that tin id ujon
attribute to Mechanics, that *Lvj midu to Tfansfer the
•degradation arising from their association with negro
Mechanics, to the agricultural and other classes, is not
fairly stated, or pertinently set forth. The degrada
tion does not consist in working with negroes who are
owned by the operative in either agricultural or me
chanical pursuits. ’Tis no degradation for a planter or
his sons to work in the fields with his slave, because
the latter is not thereby placed on an equality with
white men. lie is still a slave and subject to his mas
ter’s control and discipline, and his labor goes to enrich
his owner, and his childreu. Not so however, witlt the
white Mechanic who is compelled to associate with the
negro as an equal in every way—even in wages ,
which, though sufficient to keep the slave in the com
forts of fife and give a good profit to his owner, are not
sufficient for tbo white man who has a position to sustain
and perhaps a wife and child to clothe, protect and ed
cate !
Y our policy, however, if carried out, would militate
against the interest of every white laboring man in the
community. You do not now employ white laborers
in your cotton fields, and you are seeking in every way
to make it impractible for a poor white man to live in
Georgia,either as a laborer or as a Mechanic! This
you are doing by pushing the negro into every calling
which now engages the attention of these classes. And
when, sir, you have accomplished your object, what
will be the aspect of the case in its final results ! I will
tell yon, sir. A ou will have a few thousand slaveholders
in the State to manage your hundreds of thousands of
slaves, and among the latter you will have thousands, of
quickened intellect, who will be ready at any time to
turn the tables upon you, and skill enough to lead his
fellows to such a direful consummation ! Then, when
you call upon the stout arm of the free white Mechanic
and free white agricultural laborer—there will be no
answer to your cries, for there will be none of that class
in the State to answer!
In vain, my kind sir, do you then talk upon this
topic and try to make false issues before the people. It
is a subject too intricate for your scalpel to dissect, in
a proper manner. Your own anatomical construction
is too attenuated, and your vision too far above the
plelnan Mechanic to understand his position or appre
ciate his motives. Yet you are not, sir, without a
precedent to show the evil tendency of your doctrines.
You know of one instance, at least, where a negro
brother-craftsman of yours flourished a while back in
Bibb, with great celat. lie practised medicine in white
as well as colored families. Doctor Perry was an ed
ucated slave, or, what you would have all to lx?, an el
evated individual, whose master had a right to have
him instructed in the Doctor’s calling or any other
handicraft, for the pur|Ke of increasing the gains of
his owner. YVell, as soon as Dr. Perry got sufficient
ly acquainted with Drugs, he commenced experiments
with subtle poisons on the bodies of his patients, and
fatally succeeded in one ease, that of his own master,
when he decamped, on a swift horse, to the YY’est,
where for aught I know, he is still engaged in scienti
fic investigations into the nature of arsenic and a
corresponding practise l
YY’ith this hint, Doctor “ Southron’’ I leave you,
hoping that no white Brother Mechanic will ever trust
his life in the hands of one, who is so deadly hostile to
other interests of Mechanics, which to them are far
dearer thay life !
/ OLD HAND SAW.
; LETTERS FROM TIIE NORTH—NO. R
K New Haven, July 11, 1851.
Dear Doctor :—A fellow by tho name of William
J. Young, who calls himself ‘An Industrial Con
gressman,’ lias recently written an article for the New
York Express, in which lie says that the South is des
tined, sooner or later, to mix her blood with the Ne
gro race, and that wherever there are two races, the
one inferior to the other, the superior one will, by mix
ing itself with that one, eventually become merged
into it and lost. This is all Abolition Logic —the
very kind of logic about which 1 wrote you some tiino
ago; but, very unfortunately for this presumptuous
Logician, cannot be found in Wliately. They premise
with a lie, and, according to their own principles of
reasoning, must conclude with the same.
There is no such thing in History as this man pre
tends to suggest in his letter. He cannot show, in
either sacred or profane history, where a white race
lists become extinct by merging itself, through amal
gamation, into a black one. Why, this fellow must
be the most arrrant goose that ever cackled nonesense
to an offended world ! Where is his authority for this
saying ? Where all the Abolitionist find their history
—in the back of their heads ! O ’ what an Owl—
not oncol’ Minerva’s birds, but a real horn-eyed, who ,
who—jfjoho arc you ?
Tins is the truth of the whole matter. It was in
tended by the Deity that the Negro and the Caucasian
races should remain distinct. It was also intended
that the relation between the two should be that of
Master and Slave, far in whatever country this rela
tion is subverted, there is a loss of balance between the
distinctness of the perpetuity of the two race*. This;!
is remarkably true here )at the North—the only thine
ort ] For Rheumai this very relation’ of fitatU
j Back, exists here just in as full force]
i' J H 11 ‘of Hie power of transfer , as it docs
uil.i. But as the climate and masterly coer
cion (necessary to the life of the negro among whites)
arc wanting, the race mttot, necessarily, in time, become
extinct.
Whenever man, that is, the Caucasian race , sub
verts this relation of master and slave, as established
by the Deity, lie does not elevate the negro, as lie
vainly pre-supposes , but degrades his own dignity
down to his level. This is the object of this Indus
trial Congress, as it is called, about which this sublime
pliilospher and squeamish humanitarian pretends to
write.
There can be no such thing as equality of associa*-
tion between the negro and the whitemnn. This ref
lation cannot be established- here at the North, any
more than it can at th^South —for this very reason,
namely, that God never intended it should be. If any
such thing is ever commenced, here, the best way to
test its modus operandi will be to make these phnr
isaical humanitarians and hypocritical traitors the
only associates, as they deserve to be, of the negro—
thereby reversing that decree of God, very well known
to man, namely, ‘That birds of a feather will
flack together ’ —by the whole of them becoming pole
cats in a lump.
Whenever any set of men, under the name of In
dustrial Congress, attempts to reverse this God
established law of the two races, they-not only virtual
ly, but actually disown their natures.
The city of Albany not only disowns her own name,
thereby assuming that it ought to be changed into that
of negropolis, but, by* establishing the Industrial Con
gress there, degrades, by disowning, her own white
citizens.
YY hat can this Miss Edwards, who arrogates to her
self the right to degrade her female soul, think of
the mission of a true woman ? YY'hy, this poor de
luded creature is not only entirely ignorant of all the
duties incumbent upon her, as a woman, but totally
destitute of every female grace. The truth is, no
woman could begin to think as she does, were she
not lost totally lost-— to all that makes the nature of
woman glorious. /
If Miss Edivfirds would sit down by the side of the
black skinned Mr. Bowers and inhale the native funki
ness of his Ethiopian carcass, she would have no parti
cular objections, (were he to urge his suit)---to lie
down by the side of him out. of this aforesaid Bedlam
of amalgamation-—for the woman who would first
make'., living lie of her nature, would not hesitate,
were suitable inducements offered, to do any other
kind of lying. ~ - .
In the first place, women have no business with white
men in an Industrial Congress , lot alone with 1 Nig
gers’ ns black as Erebus. Home is the place for the
pure woman ; and none but one who lias lost all her
womanhood, could be caught in an Industrial Con
gress id any kind.
I went last week to hear Mrs. Emma Gillingham
Bostwiek, about whom I wrote you my last, sing in her
second Concert, at Brewsters’ Hall in this city.
I wrote you in my last, ami I now repeat it again in
this letter, that there is not a lady in America her su
perior in Iter peculiar line.
Her first Song, ‘My home, my happy home,’ by
Dodson, was rendered with great sweetness and tender
pathos, although she was laboring under a severe cold
-ts- *Ji.v time.
The Violin Solo, Le tremolo, by De Benot, of Mr.
Bristow, of New York, was nothing more nor less
than a mcracobweb of sound woven to catch invisible
flies. It reminded me of the ventum textilium of
A pm lins.
The Recitativo and Aria, ‘On mighty pens,’ from
Hayden’s Creation, was beatifully rendered by Mrs.
Bostwick. But the gem of the evening was the l Va- j
riations Concertantcs'-—\ oice and violin—by Mrs.
Bostwick and Mr. Bristow, from Pacini.
This crystollino music sparkled and burnt into the
soul with its serene vibrations, like the silver light
nings of the evening Star through the ether of Heaven.
The trilling of Mrs Bostwick was as tremulously
clear as the golden pipings of a Lowland Werste.
I went last night to hear Moses Gustave Krallman
and his wife play and sing in a Concert hold at Brew
ster’s Hall, iu this city. He is, beyond comparison,
the greatest Violinist in America. I have never yet
seen any man, with exception of Ole Bull—the Bul-
Bul from Norway, who could do what he can on that
king of all instruments. llow insignificant every in
strument appears by the side of this Memnonian re
velator—for no sound ever elicited from tbe renowned
Memnon by the radiaut fingers of the dawn, could equal
some soul-uplifting tones which he rained down
upon our souls out of the sunny heaven of his long
cherished and dearly-beloved violin. llow he made
her laugh and cry ay the pathetic rc-citit.il of her own
joys and sorrows, only be known to hint who knows
all those beautiful treasures which lie hidden deep
down within the crystalline sea of the soul. Then her
screams of exultation how full of the divine madness
of transport! At one time she was Cecilia drawing
the Angels down from Heaven with the sweet strains
of her voice*—at another, piling the thunder on thun
der of pure passion up to the very gates of God.
The grand Concerto , from Yieux Temps, was admir
ably rendered. So was his triumphant variations on
the well known Song called ‘Buffalo Gals.’ The
Souvenir De Niagara, composed by himself, was
equal, in many respects, to the best passages from Ole
Bull’s Niagara. But the Gem of the evening was
“The Carnival of Venice.’ This was a giand per-
Ibrance Lea Serenade, composed by Shubert, and
sung by Madame Krallman, was the best Sung of the
evening. She is a beautiful singer, hut not equal to
Mrs. Emma Gillingham Bostwick, whose crystalline
voice sparkles, when she sings, like the fiery flashings
of an Oriental Ruby.
An Epistolarian, writing for the Boston Museum,
thus discourses about the Daguerreotype Portrait of
tbe late Edgar A. Poc : ‘For a number of yurs pre
vious to Poe’s death, the Literati of New )Jb>rk tried
their utmost to induce him to sit for his likWiess, &c.’
This lie says in a portrait be sa- v of Poe,
at Samuel Masury’s, in Providence. But ‘ Pet me in
form hffjf that the Litsfali of Gotham wffoU just as
soon liUve looked upon the face of the very IVevil him
self, as upon the Portrait of Edgar A. Pdß&They did
not like th • man himself, and what did tlieJ J'ant with
his Portrait i They not only did net but
they absolutely him —not because he\ became
‘intoxicated,’ as Miss Walter, formerly of th t:\Boston
Transcript, used to say ; but because he waSmtirely
too smart for them. They had no idea ofjtseoing
the New Odin, the glorious inventor of the .\&>dern
Runes, so soon —in fact, not for the next three (, iou
sarid years to come —so, his coming was like thefcre
mature appearance of the Star in the East to the .\\igi
—it completely ‘ nonplussed ’ them. Mas not the
perfumes of Paradise poison to the Dives, and made
them melancholy l Then ichat did they want with
his Portrait ? This gentleman, who calls himself
‘ Quails,’ is entirely mistaken about the matter. Mr.
Poe was never called upon by any Gothamite for his
Portrait, If lie had been, lie could very easily have
shown him one, taken by Plumb, which I saw in 1845,
and which, no doubt, Mrs. Clemm, now basin her pos
session. Then, how can Mr. ‘ Quails’ say that this
one, in tbc gallery of Samuel Musury, at Providence is
the only one of that ‘ eccentric genius T now in exist
ence 1
But he is not more mistaken in his Portrait, than Ire
is in the features and character of Mr. Poe. lie saps
liisyfiead ‘resembled Shakspeare's What an idea!
1 K: says that his hair looks as though his fingers were
the only comb that had been used for many days.’
Mr. Poe teas remarkable fur his neatness. He calls
his ‘mouth small. 1 lie must have puckered it, then,
while sitting for his Portrait, for Mr. Poo's mouth
was not very small, lie calls his ‘eyes snappingly
brilliant'and black as the Raven so graphically de
scribed in his Poem.’ Oh ! tempura Oh J mores !
What do you tliink of this ? Mr. Poe’s eyes were
of the neutral violet tint, rather inclining to hazel.
His eyebrows did look rather ‘heavy’ when he scowled,
and if one of them was drawn down at the outer end ;
as he describes it, then Mr, Poe was either ‘intoxicat
ed, 1 as Miss Walter says, or drunk , when the likeness
was taken. lie did have a good forehead, it is true;
but it did not resemble Shakspeare's, any more than it
did Lord Brabham's. Viewing it directly in front, it
looked hot'”" 8- “ 1 wide; but this magestic appear*
i', * Jby the animal organs behind.
■ookss, well in a Portrait —-better,
Yvdrrie any', tilJm it t!<tl in the living subject. But what]
has this to do with his genius ? Just nothing at all
for, if all the heads in N. York and Providence both
were thrown into one, it would not make the head of
Edgar a Poe. In the satirical retort of Paracelsus, lie
had more knowledge in the sole of his foot, than
than could be found in all their Universities.
T. 11. C.
IMPORTANT FROM CUBA!
OPENING Os THE CUBAN REVOLUTION ! !
By the brig Luthern. arrived at New York from
Nuevilas, letters have been received, from which
the Sun derives the following interesting facts.
I’he Sun saya the locality from which the news
comes is the neighborhood of Coscorro, a village
between Principe and the port of Nnevitas.
Accounts arrived at Principe on the 28th June,
states that a guerilla party of about fifty men, from
Principe, under a resolute commander, had com
menced operation. On the 25th of June, a detach
ment of 110 men, consisting of fifty lancers ana
sixty infantry, previously sent out from the gar
rison at Principe, by General Leimery, had arrived
at the village of Coscorro, in pursuit of the guer
illa patriots. The latter were manoeuvring within
short dip.since of the goverment troops, endeavoring
to draw them into an ambush and destroy them.
The next news expected is the capture of all the
government troops.
It is proper here to state that the Pinanuciamcn
tool the people of Principe had not been given, but
was expected to be made on the 4th of July!
The patrriots already gathered in the mountains
of Coscorro are receiving every assistance from
the surrounding people, who send them provisions,
money and men. and inform them o f all the move
ments of the goverment. We await with anxiety
fresh advices, and it is possible that the steamer
from Havana, now due at this port, may bring us
further new’s, though the scene of hostilities is
450 miles from the capital.
The garrison to Principe consists of 2,400 men,
under the command of Gen- Leimery. The troops
are quartered iu the friars, there being no fortress,
and the city being without walls, open in every
direction. The troops would stand a poor chance
ofsucess against the combined rising of the
inhabitants. The excitement among the inhabi
tants is universal and deep.
The Spanish war steamer Pizarro arrived at this
port yesterday afternoon, from Havana and is at
anchor ofF the Battery. What may be the object of
a second visit of this steamer to our port, within
so short a time, can only be conjectured. It. is not
improbable that she is on the look out for “filibus
ters,” or to gather reports from the Spanish spies
in this city.
Baltimore, July 22—8 p. m.
The Cherokee, arrived at New York last night,
brings intelligence that GOO persons at Port an
Prince had revolted against Lite Government, were
attacked next day and repulsed the troops with tiie
loss of 28 men. The insurgents had retreated to
the mountains, where they were joined by large
numbers of young men. Many persons, lietween
Puerto Principe, and St- Jago, had declared against
the Government.
I he Rome (Ga.) Courier , of July 3, savs:
“'ln some sections the seasons have been fev%|
and the crops are more promising than they have/been
for many years 5 while in other sections the weather
lias been very dry, and the pro-peet is not so flattering.
The YY heat crop, however, which has been haijvested,
exceeds both in quantity and quality, that of np.y former
year. Our account* of the growing “Cotton indicate m
•erj tun yield, though there are many causalties to
which it is yet subject, and any MtiiilCte us to the crop
might be materially changed. terop in some
places has been an entire and is generally
short. * *
In portions of Cherokee Georgia we have been
blessed with occasion:! 1 bowers, and vegetation is in a
growing condition ; but the rains have not been general,
and some places even in our immediate vicinity are yet
suffering from the drought.”
The Greensboro’ Deacon, of the 21st ult.. after an
nouncing abundant and refreshing rains says :
Corn on the sandy land had suffered very much,
in fact we do not recollect ever to have seen the Corn
in this immediate vicinity look more unpromising than
it did before that rain. Should wo get one or two
more good rains befor the Ist of August, tolerably |
fair crops may be made. In the biaek lands the Corn !
is generally very promising. Cotton is doing well, I
though the weather for a few days nMtUu.
cold for it.” ra;b e
Proverb Illustrated.-—At Peoria Til
12rh ult., Rev. Mr. Pierce married Mr ’ H ’ 00
Seine to Miss Ellen Hurd. The bride Wt*
EiSzziiss! a jtssx*”
THE CrEOEGIA CITIZEf.
L. F. W. ANDREWS, EDITOR
MACON, GEO. JULV
UNION NOMINATION^
FOR GOVERNOR,
II(W. HOWELL COBB
OF CLARKE.
UNION CONGRESSIONAL CANDIDATE^
THIRD DISTRICT.
ABSALOM H. CHAPPELL,
OF 8188.
FIRST DISTRICT.
CHARLES 11. HOPKINS
OF m’iXTOSH.
FOURTH DISTICT.
CHARLES MURPHY,
OF DEKALB.
FIFTH DISTRICT.
E. W. CHASTAIN,
OF GILMER.
SIXTH DISTRICT
JUNIUS HILLYER,
OF WALTON.
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
ROBERT TOOMBS,
OF WILKES.
inion Senatorial ~~
Districts. Counties. Nominees.
Gth. Montgomery and Appling, John Mcßae,
10th. Laurens and Wilkinson, James Rots,
16th. Harris and Troup, David Read,
17th. Houston and Pulaski, Hugh Lawson,
26th. Monroe and Bibb, S. \V. Burney,
32nd. Butts and Pike, N. B. Johnson,
40th. Cass and Paulding, Lewis Tumlin,
41st. Cherokee and Cobb, M. G. Slaughter,
-11th. Lumpkin and Union, John Butt.
To < orrespondfits.
£s)'” ‘‘Zt ke Homespun” in ovr next.
Report of the Y isiting Committee of Weslevaa
Female College, unavoidably deferred. Also several
communications. Editorials, News Items, scc.
Mr. Chappell’s Appointments.
lion. A. 11. CiiArrELL will address the voters of the
Third District as follows viz; at
Culloden, on Wednesday, July 30tb.
Knoxville, “ Tuesday, Aug. s<lt.
Irwinton, “ Saturday, Aug. lull..
Zebulmi, “ Thursday, Aug. 2lst.
Thomas ton, “ Thursday, Aug. 28th.,
Talbotton, “ Saturday, Aug- 30th.
Forsyth, “ Thursday*, Sept. 4th.
Jackson, “ Tuesday, Sept. lGth.
The appointments left for Japer, Jor.es and Twiggy
be will made hereafter. Col. Chappell will also hold Kmi
self ready to attend at any place in the District, at which,
arrangements may be made for him to address the peo
ple, not conflicting with the above appointments.
L3F” Wc requested to state, that the lion. 1 lowed;
Cobb will speak at Culloden, Monroe county, oa
Wednesday the 30th ins*,
Judge \J;mHT*B invite st
fetiTioiTTo fins document w *on the
Ist page of to-day’s paper. It will serve to show what
were the opinions of the Union Republican Party of
Georgia nineteen years ago. We are happy to add that
there Is “ no variableness nor shadow of turning’’ it>
the sentiments of the author on this subject, in that
long period of time. As an enlightened Jurist and
member of Georgia’s highest tribunal, he entertains the
same opinions which he did in the earlier years of bis
professional career. When such patriots speak, let
time-servers, place-seekers and disturbers of the public
peace hearken and be wise !
Macon Mechanics’ Society.
At a regular Meeting of this Association on Satur-.
day last, at the Library Room, the following personjk
were elected officers for the present term :
A. F. Sherwood, President.
Atnos Renton, Ist. V. President.
J.J. Harris, 2d. V. President.
David Touccy, Recording Secretary and Librarian.
L. F. W. Andrews, Corresponding Secretary.
Augustus Conway, Treasurer.
Library Committee. Dr. .T. W. Benson and the
lion. J. 11.11. Washington, of the Honorary Mem
bers, and Win. C. Wilson, J. J. Harris and Wny.
Monds of the Regular Member*.
State Fair.—Judge Garnet Andrews */ Wilkes,
will deliver the Annual Address before the Ceatral|
Southern Agricultural Association at its next meeting
in this city. Rt. Rev. Bishop Elliott, will deliver u
Address on the subject of Horticulture and Floricul
ture.
\0 BiI!.->-4n the case of the State tt Z. T. Con
ner and W. W. Taylor, the Grand Jury, on Wednes
day last, brought in a true Bill oft Indictment sgainvt
Mr. Conner for breach of trust,y>r something of that
sort —but failed to find a Mr. Taylor, who
has thus been exhoncrated fronfall suspicion of fraud
in the late transactions in whicltShe firm of Conner and
Taylor were involved. When rftjg considered that H
that an unrelenting creditor a bonduman could
to indict Taylor was persevering^*prosecuted, it is IJgk
ly satisfactory to the friends of alter, to know that hf
has been honorably acquitted participation in
dishonorable or criminal of his I*'* pafinrr,
and is justly entitled to the rather than the
censure of the public, on aceounSof that, to him, unfor-.
tunate business connexion. 1
Sentenced.—J. w. ciiffoVb who xa, uwwipt4.
last week, of :m attempt to simple larceny w*f
sentenced to four years in the Peitß:
tiarv.
Allen (the slave) hasj/ccn sentenced to be whipped
and branded, for thcjwmnieide of a fellow slave.
s
- Giy'i-'tiF.Asox.—“The Path Finder says that*
womanAkcd credit in a store in that city, one day last
week/on the ground that she hid never stolen an WP*
brella nor cheated a printer J”
And better credentials she could not have presented
of her honesty of purpose or worthiness to receive cred
it- Os course, the merchant trusted her.
Alabama.—Mr. Shields has again declined being
candidate for Governor on the Union 6idc in Alab* 01 '*
and our friends seem at a loss what to do, at this lat®
stage of the canvass, for someone wherewith to best
Collier—the Janus faced incumbent, we will t** l *
the liberty of calling their attention to one of their
tingaiahed citizens w ho, we think, couUl win the
for them, even at a short notice. ; A-” -That rn3D
the Hon. Henry IF. Hilliard. Why not cad o F*j a ,
him in the emergency ? Patriot as he is, he ®urfc
vvill feel bound to respond favorably, if prop cr - T
vited.
Will yon do It ?-~Stieklers for the abs . ;r
rigAf of Slate Secession, hearken to our voice.
admit this right in all its length and breadth, what
you do about it? Will you exercise the right <*.
you not ? Or is it not one of those points of 0 ,
• • *fc merit? i
which once yielded, closes all discussion on its 1 -
We pause for a reply. Shall we ever got it •’
ful.