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Pumpkin Pics.
BY A VERMONTER.
Let some folks boast of spicy mince,
Care not a fig for such do I;
Or largely talk of sweetened quince,
Fine as the luscious grapes of Llntz :
Plums doubly dipped in Syrian dye—
I deem them tasteless all as flints,
Compared with one good pumpkin pie.
I know our pumpkins do not claim
The honored growth of foreign soil;
They never felt the torrid flame,
And surely they are not to blame,
Though reared not, by the bondsmen toil,
In climes where man to burden tame,
111 paid consents to tug and broil.
Talk not of vineyards breaking down,
And fields that droop with oil and wine ;
“Where burning suns with ripeness crowu
The sweets that man’s best manhood drown,
By lying poets sworn divine.
I rather have than all—don’t frown—
The product of my pumpkin vine.
See, on yon melon-covered height,
My chosen fruit, like globes of gold,
Lies ripening in the sunbeam's light;
Ah, ’tis a stomach-staying sight.
And soon, to house them from the cold,
Shall farmers with strong hands unite,
Boy laborers and freemen bold.
And then the girls who make our pies,
Bless them ! all other maids outshine ;
Their raven locks and hazel eyes,
And cheeks whose over-changing dyes
The lily and the rose combine,
Make mad the hearts that lose the prize
Os all this loveliness divine.
Vermont! thou art a glorious state,
Though small in acres and in skies ;
But ’tis not length that makes one great,
Nor breadth that gives a nation size.
Thy mountains and thy mountain air
Have reared , noble race of men,
And women, fairest of the fair,
Their 1 A>rs and their love to share.
Where shall we see thy like again ?
1 love thee all, which most I shan’t advise,
Thy mountains, maidens or thy pumpkin pics.
Pavilion N. Y.
Letter from’Judge,John Belton O’Aieall.
Springfield, July, 1,1851.
Gentlemen : I regret that I cannot meet you
and my many other friends of Greenville of the
4th inst. Mj engagements prevent the possi
bility’ or my auemiauce.
er, of them, I think propriety forbids my ad
dressing the people on the political question
now agitating and seriously dividing them. A
Judge, liko any other citizen, has the right to
think as ho pleases on political questions, and
also to express his opinions thereupon in any
way he pleases. But a painful experience, aris
ing out of our nullification troubles, satisfies me
that a Judge best consults his duty, as a public
officer, by r not entering into the arena of a pub
lic discussion. You are, however, entitled as
friends and (I may’ very well say) as neighbors
to know rny opinions.
lam a native-born Carolinian. I have paid
less tribute to the other States than almost any
other man. 1 have been raised and educated
amid slave institutions. I am the owner of
slaves, and, in common with the other citizens
of the State, have a deep interest in every thing
connected with the State. I shall rejoice in her
prosperity, honor, and success,and 1 shall weep
bitterly over her adversity, disgrace, and disap
pointment. I believe now South Carolina was
never more prosperous and happy’ than she is
at present. If she could have quiet .and peace,
in five years her population and resources would
he doubled.
This State of peace, happiness and hope is, I
fear, not only to be jeoparded, but absolutely
ruined, by separate State secession , which I un
derstand those high in authority declare to be
a “fixed fact.” To you, and I presume to the
State at large, my opinions are not entirely un
known. It may be, and I doubt not will be,
declared by many to be of very little conse
quence whether they be known or unknown;
still those who desire to know them have the
right to be informed correctly.
I have always believed the proposed action
of the State to secede from the Union to be the
result of one of the strongest delusions which
has ever taken possession of the public mind.
There i& an old and practical illustration of an
absurdity familiar to every one —that of cutting
off one's nose to spite the face. Is not separate
State secession carrying out that very’ thing ?
AVhat beyond it can result from it ? We are
out of the Union! What then ? South Car
olina is a nation ! She must have anew con
stitution. Who can tell what are to be its
provisions ? She is to have a national govern
ment! Her Governor must become the great
head of a nation, with his long train of secreta
ries! She must build a palace for her ruler;
she must have her army and navy; she must
have a postal arrangement of her own; she
must have treaties with the United States and
all other countries, and ambassadors to each and
all! Imagine the expense, and then ask for
what has all this been incurred ? You will be
told it was to secure your freedom and preserve
your property. I ask how will this be accom
plished ? What particle of freedom will you
have then which you have not now ? I confess
lam not able to discover it. It is true the leg
islation which, by the admission of California,
excluded us from the right of occupying it, and
with slaves, w T as unkind, unjust. But by going
out of the Union do we remedy that ? Cer
tainly not. We lose all interest in California
and all the other States and Territories of the
U nion. We are aliens to them all !
How does it secure property ? Slaves are
“hat is meant. Secede, and how stands Slave
ry • South Carolina has her slaves perpetually
within her bosom ; they may increase until
tlieir labor is profitless! What can be done ?
Not one can be sold out of the State. Not one
can be carried out of it. The constitution of the
United States forbids that.
Instead of then having the guarantees of the
constitution cf the United States to protect this
P'operty, you have the very men who have
|jeen goading us on to this mad act of secession,
$ addling with that which did not concern
t iem, reaching out a hand from every point
a| ound your defenceless borders to snatch a
s from the owner.
This, say our Irieuds, will be cause of war ?
Be it so. Is war, civil war , a blessing or a
curse ?
I am old-fashioned enough to believe that the
constitution of the United States, the product
of the great meu who were tried in the crucible
of the revolution, is the best safeguard of free
dom and property which we can ever obtain.
I still believe that there is a virtue and patriot
ism enough in the great body of the American
people, in the executive and judicial officers of
the United States, and even in Congress not on
ly not to violate it to our prejudice, but also to
maintain and enforce it to oar benefit.
The notion that South Carolina, in free trade,
is to become the emporium of the world, and
that a tide of wealth is to roll from our seaboard
to the mountains, is about as visionary as the
notion of the professor who declared that he
I had located under the mountain in the moon
many pleasant acres for his future residence.
The ports of Carolina will be closed by her own
act of secession. Hie trade which once visited
Charleston will be found at Savannah or Wil
mington. What will then be the fate of South
Carolina ? She will be poor indeed !
I object to the secession movement, because I
believe it is the very thing sought by the aboli
tionists. They wish to divide slave owners
from the glorious stars and stripes of’76. Is
the Palmetto State to be forced to such an act of
folly by the fanatics who have set themselves up
as the high law parly ? Let them know they,
not us, must quit the protection of the flag of
liberty.
It will be said, as it has been, judges are un
fit to be the leaders of revolution. It perhaps
is true that they are not rash enough
to suit the policy of some ; but I hope they
have learned in the discharge of their duties the
importance of the maxim “ audi alteram par
tem’" 1 before they decide; and when they do
decide, to be sure they are right. For one, 1
can most conscientiously declare that I have
never been able to find the possibility of an ad
vantage in separate State secession; but, on the
contrary, it seems to me to be the certain ruin
of the State and people, whom, I may be al
lowed to sav, 1 have alone served , and to whom
my affection is as securely bound as that of any
other mau.
With much respect,
1 am your fellow-citizen.
JOHN BELTON O’NEALL.
From the Southern Recorder.
Old Documents are Dangerous Things.
Charles J. McDonald believes that the odious
tariff of 1828 was constitutional and beuefleial
to the South.
In the year IS3O, Mr. McDonald in a debate
in the Legislature “ contended for the constitu
tionality of the Tariff of 1828, and declared
that it had produced no injury to the Southern
States, and that on the contrary it had been a
yteert bvHCjit >0 thorn nrul tr. tho if hi Jo. coun
try UP’
[See Southern Recorder, Dec. 18, 1830.]
Howell Cobb believes that the tariff of 1830
was unconstitutional, and so far from doing the
South any good, did it a great deal of harm.
Charles J. McDonald believes that the States
have got no sovereignty, but what the Supreme
Court of the U. States will allow them!!! In
the year IS3O, Mr. McDonald said in debate
in the Legislature “that the Supreme Court of
the United States is the POWER, having AU
THORITY to determine on the SOVEREIGN
TY of the States!!!” •
[See Southern Recorder of same date.]
Mr. Cobb regards this doctrine as political
heresy.
Chales J. McDonald said in 1830, that a sov
ereign State could commit treason and rebel
lion!!! and now he is urging the people to
commit treason and rebellion !!
Hear what Mr. Beall of Twiggs said as testi
mony against Mr. McDonald and which he did
not deny.
“ Will the gentleman out of his abundant
learning, his extensive research into the princi
ples of international law, inform us from what
author he is able to deduce the doctrine, that a
*• Sovereign State can commit either reason or
rebellion.” “The gentleman must reduce Car
olina to the condition of a Province and es
tablish an unlimited Supremacy for the Gener
al Government before he can apply the doctrine
lie has contended for on this occasion.’’
Now, when Charles J. McDonald is trying to
induce the people to destroy the Union and
form anew State over which he may rule as
King Charles the first! hear how he changes
his tone —
In his letter of acceptance, he says :
“ The right of a State, in virtue of its inde
pendence and sovereignty, to secede from the
Union, whenever the people thereof, in their
sovereign capacity, shall determine Such a step
to be necessary to effect their safety and happi
ness, flows necessarily from the nature of our
governmental organization.”
Messrs. Editors, I will let the Disunion can
didate rest a spell; when he shall have answer
ed these vile heresies satisfactorily to the peo
ple, I will present a few more of his odious sins.
CHARLEY, J.
‘‘Txie Stuff an Ultraist is Made of. —
The Greenville (S. C.) Patriot, thus drives a
long nail into the body of secessionisin, as it ex
ists iii the Palmetto Kingdom. The hit will
tell in many other sections we know of. It is
one that finds a proper mark in almost every
place where secessionism has votaries.
“ ‘We said, too, that the largest slaveholders
in our country had not been the most prominent
in this agitation. It looks bad to see a little
fellow, who does not own a slave in the world,
making such a fuss about not being allowed, by
the general government, to involve the country
in a revolution and war because this right has
been denied him by the people of California
themselves. At the same time, his neighbor,
who has hundreds of negroes, does not feel that
his property is injured or his rights or his honor
affected by the action of California.’ ’’
We have noticed the same thing in our coun
try as that mentioned above in that able Union
paper, the Greenville Patriot. There are many
who are inclined to make “a fuss, generally,”
for the benefit of slaveholders, who do not own
a slave themselves. This is exceedingly gen
erous iu those “little fellow.” and ought to re
ceive its due reward. Indeed the most sensitive
men on the subject of Southern Rights, appears,
to be those who have never owned slaves and
probably never will own them! Witness the
purely disinterested conduct of the Quaker ed
itor of the Southern Press, the chief guardian
of our rights, who never owned a negro in his
life, and who boasted that “he was as much op
posed to slavery as the most enthusiastic aboli
tionist of tho day,” He is not a whit behind the
“ IMi'fmiktt in till tilings —Mnitml in untying.”
MACON, GEORGIA, SATURDAY MORNING, AUGUST 9, 1851.
Simon pure trio in Mississippi, who were chosen j
by the Governor, out of all the State, to repre
sent the interest of slaveholders in the second
Nashville Convention, and who never owned a
ne yes, we believe the three did own one
negro between them, but he was not worth
much, being subject to fits. These three gen
tlemen, (for very worthy gentlemen they are,)
were the representatives of the slaveholders of
Mississippi—the chosen and confident friends of
the Governor. A wonderful appropriate dele
gation ! They complained that their rights had
been trampled upon, and that the government
should be revolutionized in revenge. Now, we
have read of men devoting themselves to their
country, but this excels any thing we ever read.
It out-Curtiuses Curtius, all hollow.—Missis
sijtpi “ Citizen ’
The Banner of Disunion.
“For our own part we are for secession —for
resistance, open, unqualified ‘resistance. ‘The
argument being exhausted we must stand
to our arms.’ ’ — Macon , (Ga.) Telegraph.
‘We abandon the Union as an engine of in-
Lmous oppression. We are for secession,
< pen, unqalified, naked secession. llence
foith we are for war upon the government ; it
has existed but for our ruin, and to the extent of
our ability to destroy it, it shall exist no long
er.’ — Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel.
‘ It will then, there can be no alternative, de
termine upon resistance. * * It may be
that the Convention will decide upon separate
action by the State, in other words, immediate
secession.’ —Milledgeville (Ga.) Federal Union.
‘ Our own first choice will be for secession,
and our votes and efforts will be steadily given to
effect that end. * * * We go then
for secession—quietly, if let alone, forcibly if
made necessary. * * * The only
effectual remedy the case admits of, is for the
Southern States immediately to get out of a
Government, that has not only failed to protect
their property but has become tire agressive 10b
ber of it.— Columbus (Ga.) Times.
‘The deed is done that must inevitably re
sult in a dissolution of the Union at no distant
day.’— Jackson Mississippian.
‘The deed is done ! —The equality of the
Union is destroyed ! * * * * SLAVERY
AND THE UNION CANNOT LONG CON
TINUE TO EXIST TOGETHER. The can
non of Northern Abolitionism and Southern
Submission have responded to each other, and
now the alternative is presented to us of resist
ance or submission. AVe declare for the former,
and never will w r e bow at the footstool of North
ern power.
‘ We re-commenced State secession ; it is a
constitutional, peaceful and safe remedy. *
* * AVe see but two ways—secession or sub
mission. * * * Let our legislature at
oiico iccall our Senators and Itep resen tut Ives,
;uid call a State Convention, and let the issue
be presented fairly to the people—secession or
submission.’ —Natchez (Miss.) Free Trader.
‘AA r c will vote for secession ; get a majority to
vote w ith us, and then we will see who whll
fight.’ —Natchez Free Trader.
4 We must and will secede from this Union.
Either we must submit to disgrace, and soon
to Abolition, with all its horrors, or we must
prevent it. There is but one way to prevent it,
and that is by secession.— Woodville {Miss.)
Republican.
‘ I am not appalled by the cry of disunion.’
‘There are things more terrible to me than the
phantom of disunion.’ ‘lf the demands here
set forth be denied, and that denial manifested
by any act of the General Government, we ought
forthwith to dissolve all political connection with
the Northern States.’— lion. A. G. Brown,
4 Resolved , If we have to choose between
submission to these acts, [the compromise acts]
and secession, we prefer the latter. — R. Barton.
4 lf we cannot obtain concessions in Califor
nia South of 30. 30., and amendments to the
Constitution, I do not hesitate to express it my
decided opinion, that prompt and peaceable se
cession is the only remedy for the aggrieved
States.—Quitman.
Great States Becoming Small Ones.
There is great truth in the following remarks,
which we extract from Sir lienry Bulwer’s elo
quent speech at Capon Springs :
‘ 1 do not, however, agree with some preced
ing speakers, that it is altogether unnatural or
uncommon to find in yreat Southern States
men who speak with indifference of the possi
bility of those yreat Slates becoming small ones,
[Sensation.] There are such men in my own
country, and I am not astonished at it. If you
want to know the value of health you must not
expect to ascertain it from inquiry of the strong
and robust. It is the invalid who will tell it
to you; and thus it is with nations. If you
wish to learn the value of national power and
national greatness, you must ask the question of
the Pole , the Venetian , the Genoese—of thepco
pic who, owing to their divisions and their weak
ness, have lost a national existence ; or you must
direct your inquiry to the people of those small
States in Europe or America , which still exist,
but while they enjoy the name of independence ,
are alternately under the dictatorship of do
mestic factions or foreign force. [Applause.]
Honor, then, to the man who collects from the
aggregate wisdom of a great community a suf
ficient moral power to assuage local passions,
and keep within appropriate limits, party dis
contents. [Applause.]
Sir Henry Bulwer has made many happy
hits in his various festival orations in this coun
try, but never hit the nail more plumplv on the
head than in the above sentiments. The ](re
sent generation has never known any thing but
national health and strength, and hence it is
that some among us talk with flippant tongue
of the fatal malady of Disunion. Let them
look at Poland, Venice and Genoa, and see the
insignificance and obscurity which must follow
division.
Secession is Submission.— . Judge Upshur,
of Virginia, in 1833, while discussiing the ques
tion of Nullification and Secession, used this
language. “In one way, indeed the evil may
be arrested by secession : the usurped power
may be rendered nugatory, by withdrawing
from its reach all the objects upon which it can
exercise itself. lean scarcely imagine, howev
er, that this tame and submissive idea was en
tertained by the statesmen of I<9B. It ap
pears, to my humble understanding thafraeces
sion, so far from being a form of resistance to a
usurped power, is precisely the reverse: it is
neither more or less than running aioay from
the oppressor , and so far Irom “ arresting the
progress of the evil, it encourages and invites
the evil, by removing all restraint from the
wrong door. In this view, therefore, it is not
within the resolutions of 1798.”
From the Providence Herald.
AVords to be PoNDERED.-The Massachusetts
Democratic Address contains a passage which
condenses a truth, which Democrats every where
may profitably reflect upon.
4 The country has reached the point of tran
sition, where sectionalism, if persevered in,
becomes disunion.’
By heartily, thoroughly, and on all occasions
supporting the Coirq. roruise of ’SO including
the most important part <a it to the South, the
‘fugitive slave law,’ ’jvitho.jft actual or mental re
servation, or equivocation,.we shall discharge
our duty to the national Democracy. And all
who hesitate are resolving for themselves anoth
er question, whether they shall abandon the
Democratic party, or not. The idea that there
are two kinds of members of that party —one
who are for preserving it and fulfilling its obli
gations—and another kind for fulfilling them as
far as they please, and for stirring the fugitive
question, and negroism, when they please—is
the greatest of delusions. Every Rhode Island
Democrat must be for or against bis party on
this question of nationality aud of maintaining
the Compromise of ’SO. If against it, he aban
dons it and will be abandoned by it—ls Demo
crats were about to sit to-morrow in Convention
at Baltimore, would they adopt specifically the
Compromise acts ’SO as part of their platform,
or would they not? No mau will hesitate to
say that they would. How then can any man
professing to belong to that party hesitate one
moment in shutting the door against the ’fugi
tive’ agitation ? How can he lend the slighest
countenance to the agitators, by admitting for
a moment that this is an open question, one
side of which is as Democratic as the other ?
The Democrats will have a mojority in the next
Congress. Does any man doubt that ? Is it not
as sure that the Compromise acts will be sus
tained, and that the agitation of them will be
voted down? AA 7 hy then encourage tlie sligh
est movements of factionists, who can accom
plish only one thing —the renewed defeat of the
Democracy, until we shall be oliged to add one
other thing, the dissolution of the Union ? Any
Democrat who is for stirring the ‘fugitive’law
will not find himself at home much longer in
the Democratic party. They who are not for,
are against us, and must in the nature of things
find their home at last in the bosom of Disun
ion, to which all the lost tilings of Democracy
tend-
Absenteeism—A Capital Rebuke.
AVhilo we cannot agree with the ‘ Southern
Standard,’ of Charleston, in its political views,
we can and do subscribe most heartily to such
sentime. its as are cc I *in tfty. following ar
ticle. The ‘Absenteeism®!!’ which it complains
is not confined to South Mrolina. And it seems
to be a prevailing the learned doc
tors of the Secession school. While they hold
forth most lustily upon all occasions against the
abominable ‘Yankees,’ they rush in crowds to
A’ankee springs, patronize Yankee tradesmen,
send their sons to A’ankee schools—in a word,
at the very moment they preach secession and
resistance,they hurry to A ankeedom, and volun
tarily place the ‘sinews of war’ in A’ankee hands.
But to the Standard :
‘ One of the greatest curses that can be in
flicted on any country is the perodical emigra
tion of a largo body of its wealthy citizens.
To this cause more, than any other, is to be at
tributed the distress and poverty of unhappy
Ireland. A large portion of her soil is owned
by wealthy proprietors, who spend most of
their time abroad, drawing the hard earnings of
peasantry, to be spent in enriching the people
of other lands. This cause operates to a very
great extent at the South. At the approach of
every Summer, our people swarm in flocks to
Northern cities and Northern watering places:
the Southern stream of travel, like the Nile, en
riching the whole country which it overflows.
The tax paid by Southern travelers annually at
the North, we will venture to say, exceeds the
whole amount exacted from the South by the
much-abused tariff, If this vast amount was
spent at home, what a great change would be
effected in this appearance of our Southern
country. Fine hotels would grace our inland
hill tops —the busy stream of travel would en
rich our railroad and stage lines. The farmer
would find a ready market for his products at
his own door—our country villages would be
built up and tilled with storekeepers, jewelers,
milliners, and all the other accessaries neces*
sary to supply the wants of fashion. Our sea
islands, with their noble beaches and refresh
ing sea breezes, would be covered with fine ho
tels, filled with gay visitants, giving life and ani
mation to wliat are now almost as deserted as
the deserts of Arabia. Sullivan’s Island would
rival New Port, and Charleston storekeepers
and fancy dealers have the benefit a fine Sum
mer business.
‘There is no excuse for this absenteeism. Our
mountain air is as cool and salubrious as the
most favored Northern climes—Old Ocean wafts
her breezes as gently on Sullivan’s Island as at
Newport, Rockaway, or long Branch. It is one
of the follies of our people to think that they
must seek enjoyment abroad. A Northern editor
remarks, with justice, that as long as Southern
travelers fill their hotels and watering places,
they have no fears of the Union—that Sarato
ga, Newport, Niagara, and numerous other re
sorts, too great attractions for even the most
zealous advocate of Southern Rights to resist.
Another great cause of complaint we have to
make is, that so many send their children to
Northern Seminaries and Colleges for their edu
cation. I3ut, say these gentlemen, the system of
education at the North is so much better than
ours ; their Colleges are more richly endowed,
and are enabled to command a higher order of
talent in their Professorships. Granted. But
why is this ? Those mean, money-loving Yan
kees we despise so much, look upon education
as the main foundation of character, and you
can scarcely take up a paper but you read of
some munificent bequest or donation for edu
cational purposes. Let the money spent at the
North for education be spent at home— let
Southern chivalry vie with Yankee meanness in
liberally endowing schools and colleges and the
necessity will not long exist of sending our chil
dren to Northern Seminaries, to be taught that
their fathers and mothers are men stealers and,
not fit to hold communion with civilized people.
‘ Some may think we use harsh language —
that we hit hard at many of our citizens who
practice regularly what we find fault with. We
intend to do so. We intend to aet our seal of
reprobation on those who, whilst they preach
hostility to the North, practice the worst kind
of treason to the South, by giving aid and
comfort to our enemies.’
From the Florenee (Ala.) Gazette.
Tlie Xasliville Convention a treasonable
Meeting.
That the Convention that assembled at Nash
ville in June 1850 was a convention gotten up
by the enemies of the Federal Government and
the American Union, is a sentiment that has
impressed itself upon a large portion of the
citizens of the Southern part of this Confederacy.
And that the ulterior object of the prime work
ers in that movement was a dissolution of the
Union of States composing and making the
American Government, we have for some time
firmly believed although lacking, those clear
developments and explicit avowals that would
lead to establish the fact beyond all refutation
and denial. But the subject was relieved of
all ambiguity, by Gen. Foote, in his great
speech delivered at Eastport Miss, on the 17th
of last month.
It is hardly necessary to say that Gen. Foote
was a devoted personal friend of Air. Calhoun
up to the time of Mr. Calhoun’s death and also
a staunch supporter of Air. Calhoun’s course
until the design of the Nashville Convention
was avowed. Gen. Foote says that previous to
the assembling of the first Nashville Conven
tion, Mr. Calhoun and himself were in the habit
of holding frequent conversations about the
posture of public affairs, and the alarming as
pect the slavery question was then assuming.
Air. Foote contending in those conversations,
that some plan should be started and adopted,
by which the rights of the South should be se
cured, the Northern section of the Union satis
fied, aud the slavery agitation quieted. But Air.
Calhoun in one of those conventions, boldly told
him, that the day for settlement had passed,
that we had nothing to expect from the north
but continued aggression; that the only hope
for the South was a separate government and
in fact that the Nashville Convention had been
called for the express and only purpose, of unit
ing the Southern States in such counsels and
action as would produce an immediate dissolu
tion of the Union. And Mr. Calhoun to prove
himself and friends, were not waiting for con
tingencies to happen but that disunion was a
foregone conclusion and fixed fact, he stated to
Gen. Foote that he then had in his pocket pre
pared and writen out a Constitution for a
Southern Confederacy.
Is it not monstrous, is it not horrible to con
template such unhallowed ambition, such in
fatuation, such treachery as was here evinced ?
To see one the great intellects of the country
and age, in the unholy pursuit of office and
high place, call into existence conventions, set
on foot plans, bring into play appliances, that
were intended to shiver in a moment,into splin
ters and dust, that governmental edifice that
George AVashington aud his glorious associates,
reared for the protection and happiness of their
posterity, forever ?
But although Air. Calhoun had a movement
in operation, that he thought, would surely
and quickly bring about disunion, he was still
afraid to jeopardise his character for statesman
ship and patriotism, and forfeit what national
fame he had, by proclaiming in the Senate of
the U. S. lie merely contended for an amend
ment to the Constitution; things entirely im
practicable, and as he well knew if persisted in,
would result in nothing else than a dissolution
of the Union; but his propositions bore the
likeness of plausibility if not of fairness, and
furnished that assistance that they intended to
afford in deluding the country with his pretend
ed love of the Union until the Nashville Con
vention should have performed the task assigned
it. And here the good genius or guardian
spirit of Air. Calhoun, seems to have interposed,
and saved his name from that everlasting infamy,
that would have surrounded it, had he been
permitted to have consummated his conceptions
and plans that would have eventuated in an
irreparable disruption of the American States.
At this critical hour of his reputation, ho was
called to his final resting place with the dead,
and when those turbulent spirits, that ho had
called, assembled at Nashville, the Evocator
himself was not there, the master spirit had
gone, the leader that was to counsel, direct, give
strength, cohesion, and unity to their move
ments, had passed from the scene of action.
Hence the fiery confusion that marked the do
liberations of the Nashville Convention; for
though a majority of that Convention, showed
plainly enough, their hatred to the Union, still
they were unable to devise a scheme, that would
unite the Southern States in producing the dis
solution they desired; they wanted the power
and prestige of Mr. Calhoun's name.
Understand us not, as saying, that all that
attended the Nashville Convention, were ac
quainted with the object for which it was con
vened; on the contrary it is presumed that few
of the delegates, besides those from South Car
olina had been let into the secret, for we knew
that many of them went there in good faith,
anxious to co-operate with others, in bringing to
bear some system of action, by which the anti
slavery agitation could be quelled, but never
dreaming that the Union was to be broken into
pieces. And whenever the end was clearly
perceived for which the disunionists were strug
gling, those that had come up with fealty to the
government, protested against their course and
refused to march any longer with them. We
couhU-anie Gen. Pillow, Coleman, Nicholson,
Sharkey .and others that repudiated the
convention whenever its designs were evident.
But we do say this, that Mr. Calhoun's friends,
in the Nashville Convention, evidenced their
intention so plainly and boldly, as to leave no
man any room to doubt: and that he who after
such intention was clearly seen, justifies the
proceedings of the Convention, if not cognizant
of Mr. Calhoun's designs, he shows by that
justification, that he has the same end in view,
and is equally culpable with Mr. Rhettand Mr.
Calhoun. And we hope the people of Alabama
will not forget, this year,that the Nashville Con
vention was a treasonable meeting, and that any
man that will defend and endorse it, it matters
not what may have been his partisan connections
or his social moral, intellectual or professional
position in life, —that man is unsafe to entrust
with office of any kind or description,
Handsome Toast.— The following is a toast
given by Col. A. A, Adams, at the 4th of July
celebration at Warren, Ohio:
Uncle seam. The gentleman whose birthday
we now celebrate; with a family of 30 millions
of handsome girls and boys, and land enough
to give them each a farm, and have plenty left
for his grandchildren,
Important Admission.—The New Aoi k
Tribune, that since ihe passage of the Fugitive
Slave Law, has most bitterly assailed that
measure, and endeavored to rouse the cry ot
repeal in regard to it, thus formally proclaims
in its issue of Monday iast, the utter hopeless
ness of its warfare, and retires from the tie lei.
“We look in vain for the probability of a
repeal or modification of the Fugitive Slave
Law. That law we suppose is destined to re
main on the Statute book. AVe could wish it
were otherwise. We could wish to have it
modified in many particulars, especially try the
introduction of a jury trial among its provisions.
But there is not the least indication that such
a change will be made. The next Congress
will not make it. There is no where a great
party demanding it. Public sentiment regards
it with comparative indifference. ‘There is
no such overwhelming popular movement in
favor of repealing or changing this law as
there was at the north in 1848and “49 against
the extension of Slavery. How then can the
law be touched?”
A Noble Sentiment.—That true and Up
right Whig, General Vinton, if the Whigs are
regardful of their principles and duty, and loyal
to the Constitution, will be of a verity elected
Governer of Ohio. At a late gathering of the
people in Zanesville, lie concluded a speech
replete with high toned and patriotic appeals,
with the following noble sentiment:
“While we must exact from all others a
faithful observance of the requirements of the
Constitution, we must ourselves be equally
ready and willing to respect all the rights that
are secured to them by that instrument. It is
ouly by the observance of this rule, on all
sides and in all parts of the country, that we can
hope to get on and preserve our national ex
istence.”
An Accurate Calculation. —Upon look
ing over an old file of papers recently, we
found the following, which appeared soon
offer the return of the census of 1840 :
“The editor of the Cincinnati Chronicle has
been examining the six retuins of the census
taken at intervals of ten years each, since that
adoption of the constitution. The investiga
tions show some curious facts:
“1. The population of the United States
increased exactly 34 per cent, each ten years,
which doubles it every 21 years. ‘The law is
so uniform and permanent, that when applied
to the population of 1790, and brought down
to the present time, it produces nearly the very
same result as shown by the census of 1940.
Aud thus we may tell with great accuracy what
will be the census of 1850. It will be nearly
23 millions.”
‘That was a close shot, was it not? The
consus ot 1850 shows 23,267,499. — R.Rcp.
44 A Failure.” —The,Greenville, S C. Patri
ot, thus happily replies to the report of the se
cession papers, that the late anti-secession de
monstration at Greenville was a failure :
Everybody, except a few secessionists, was
pleased and delighted with the celebration.
And yet “it was alia failure!” Well, well,
if this be a failure, as the Irishman said, we
should like to know what you would call suc
cess.
Once afore a time, as the story goes, a gen
tleman carried a young Irishman with him, to
see a very handsome,modest and wealthy young
lady, and said to him, now is your time to make
a fortune and get a wife. In order to give an
opportunity, the gentleman withdrew fora lew
minutes, and on his return he found the parties
silent and both seated where he had left them!
After they left the house, he upbraided his
Irish friend for his bashtulues and timidity in
not saying something to the young lady. “ And
what do you call something 7” said Paddy. “I
kissed her twice and hugged her three times,
and I thought that would do for the beginning of
a courtship !’’
So think the people of Greenville—that four
thousand persons, a preamble and a string of
resolutions unanimously adopted, an able
speech of two hours, attentively listened to;
prayers, Washington’s Farewell Address,
twenty-two letters from the distinguished men
of” Carolina, a handsome barbecue, patriotic
toasts, and the encouraging smiles of five hun
dred ladies, will do very well for‘the beginning’
of an anti-secession movement in South Caro
lina.
From the Savannah Republican.
“The Right to Grumble.”
Among the most amusing items of political
news (for it is really new) which we have lately
noticed, we tind in the following article, from
the Albany (Ga.) Patriot, a McDonald organ:
“ VVe are not disunionists. We want noth
ing but our rights, and we want these in the
Union, and under the Constitution. We want
an honest man for Governor—one who has not
become corrupted by Federal office, and who
is not suspected of a coalition with our enemies.
We want the privilege of grumbling token we
have been cheated out of our rights , and we de
sire to let our enemies know that there must
be an end to their aggressions and encroach
ments upon our rights.”
It will be seen, that the editor has introduced
anew issue into the present canvass, and has
appended to his bill of rights, the sacred and
inestimable right of grumbling. Wo suppose
the editor has lately been reading the Constitu
tion, and finding there no right of secession or
revolution mentioned, he has determined to
place his party at least on one Constitutional
ground, and, therefore, he falls back upon that
clause of the Constitution which prohibits the
abridgement of the freedom of speech. It is
certainly clear, that the people have a Consti
tutional right to grumble, and from the noise
and confusion that are kept up by this Daily,
we never should have dreamt that they did
nbtenjoy the largest liberty in this respect, if
the Patriot had not complained of it. We se
cond the motion of our cotemporary. We go in
for the right to grumble. A sick man finds re
lief from groans—why should not the oppress
ed and downtrodden find relief from grumb
ling ?
Coming to their Senses.— The New York Journal
of Commerce says that the New School Presbyterian
General Assembly, which recently assembled at Utica,
New York, refused to take any action in regard to the
fugitive slave law. A resolution pronouncing the re
quirements and provisions of said law, “entirely oppos
ed to the impulses of humanity, to the principles of jus
tice, and to the precept of the Bible,” was rejected,
with only three dissenting voices.
Svhpatbt. —The Savannah Georgian says there is
scarcely a man living to whom the South owes a heav
ier debt of obligation than to El wood Fisher, tht tejtior
editor of the Southern Press. It is a great pity that the
editor of the Georgian, atul all of like kidney, do not
: belong to Fisher, soul and gizzard, find have not a
country to inhabit,where the names of Washington and
i his compatriots were as odious as they desire. Elwood
Fisher, an abolitionist of the meanest kind—one who
has sweltered in his woolen through the dog days mere
ly because cotton is grtnvn by negroes, lias become a
great favorite with some folks. And why is he now en
titled to the obligations of the South ? For liis ser
vices as editor of the Southern Press. And what has
that paper steadily advocated since its establishment ?
I A DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. It is there
fore entitled to the gratitude of the Georgian, of Mr.
McDonald,and the abolitionists of the north. —Atlanta
Republican.
Cnrrrcponltfnrc.
LETTERS FROM THE NORTH-NO. 19.
New Haven, July 25, 1851.
Dear Doctor : —1 have seen the Greek Slave. She
is not an Epic nor a Lyrical Poem—but a sculptured
hymn to the glory of God. If you ask me what she
looks like, I can only say, she looks like the Incarnation
of the Divine Dove. When old Sebastian Frank was
asked wbo'God was, he answered— l God is an unutter
able sigh breathed from the depths of the soul’ A
world of spiritual meaning lies hidden in the undercur
rent of this beautiful saying—for this Statuejmight well
be called an embodiment of the pathetic sigh of the
soul of genius. She looks as serenely contemplative
as the mother of Christ after the reception of the salu
tation of the Augel—or as Eve did when she first
discovered Adam.
Shall I call her an embodiment of the graces ? This
would not do, because she is not a compound of the
purely Ideal. Shall I call her Venus ? This would
not do—for she is not a crystal ization of the carnal
joys. Shall I call her the spirit of the evening Star ?
This would not do, because, although it should elevate
her into the crystal spheres of the empyrean, it would,
at the same time, be taking her out of the regions of
humanity. Shall I call her the religion of love ?
Now I stand close by the beautiful gate of the sa
cred Adytum. As I stand before the Diamond Font,
in the great temple of nature, let me baptize her in the
name of Genius, as the bride of the New Jerusalem.
I now crotvp her with a crown of glory, and with a
; diadem of beauty—for she is the beautiful Urania—
the Queen of Heaven.
But what shall i say of the man who made her f
Shall I say that he lived near to nature ? Shall I say
that he has entertained the Angels ?—that, in cuter
talcing them, he has beard things that it is no\ lawful
for man to utter?—that, in hearing these things, he
has been carried up, as it were, iu a chariot of fire, op
a whirlwind of glory, where his soul, entranced, heard,
in the enjoyment of his ecstatic madness, the far-off
i coming of the divine harmonies? Shall 1 say that he
has heard the morning Stare, and all the Sons of God.
shouting for joy 1 Yes—all this—say all this in call
ing him a true poet. This is his name, and this is his
right name. See how the rpy3l crown, that God plac
ed upon his brow when ha created him, sparkles with
the pure brilliants dug from the mines of Heaven!
See how hie forehead radiant with divine thought, re
flects back the heavenly glory! On his brow, grasp
ing the bough of the immortal palm with her coral,
feet, sits the brooding dove of peace.
Nuina! tliou hast cohabited with thine Kgeria, and
tills, the first-born of thy ‘dying into life,’ is what may
be called the coming down of Heaven upou the earth.
This —or the real Kingdom come. Has not this man
touched the garments of Christ, and felt his spirit pass
into him ? /
What yfore shall I say of her 1 Why, this, that
she is the marriage of earth and Heaven—the actual
witli the idea} —the \ onus Pandemos with the Venus
L rania—-and here stands before the admiring multi
tude, like Christ before the bowed heads of the beau
ful Angels receiving the crown of glory from bis father.
She is a sculptured Comedy, representing the crystal
communion of Venus and Psyche, whoso offspring is
lyove. She was not brought here by the Mythological
Graces, like the Venus of Cleomenes, but the three di
vine children of devout religion—Faith hope and
Charity. But what ought to be thought of the man who.
would thus suffer death that he might pass into the.
Halls of Valhalla, and there receive the golden Runes
from the bouitiful hands of Odin? Isay, verily, that
this is your only truly Divine Man. Here stands the
rich embodiment of the balmiest sighs of his soul—the
perfect revelation of his screnest love—the apocalypse
of all his knowledge of beauty—and the sublimes;
apotheosis of all his loftiest thoughts. Verily, there is
uo King upon the earth but the true genius. There is
no aristocracy but that of talent. Talk about your
Cyolopean Monuments—the pyramids—what are
they compared with this Marble Hymn sung to the
gloryof God by one of God's chosen few ? In the esti
mation of the Angels, they are no more than time to.
eternity- or the terrestrial compared with the celestiai
Su./7
Suppose the Stars were all thrown into one—woald
they make the Sun ? No more than the natural world
would make the celestial world. What made Jerusalem
the glory of the world? Was it Jerusalem* Xo
nor its being built upon Mount Zion—but beeause it
contained the temple of the living God. So is this the
Shekinah of Rearer?, beca'nse it stands here between
the outstretched wings of the cherubim in the taberna
cle of God—the holy of lioiies of the miiverse—the
sweetest revelation are offered to the world of the in
spiration of genius—and the completest inaudible Dox
ology that ever spoke perpetual praise to God.
Can you not hear the audible silent pleadings of those
immoveable moving lips ? See you not the troublous
moving of that milk-white sea of her breast, stormed
into tempests of pathetic sorrow by tho inhumanity
of man? Hear how the tender sighs well no out of
that innocent heart that never knew guile ! Behold
the unspeakable riches of the pleading pity cf that elo
quent face! Are not her marble eyes a congelation of
tears? How turned aside from the impudent gaze of
the friends of Hell —the enemies of Heaven. Is the
thunder dead in the abysmal fields ? Where sleep
the lightnings of God, that they do not break
from their adamantine lair in Heaven, and dash down
their fiery upon the ignoble heads of
those merciless cptKiiSerß of the beautiful harbinger of
the reign of the new Imanuel upon the earth ?
Here stands the Ultima Thule —the To Kalon —cf
true genius. There is just enough of the antique
ideality radiating from the body of the human to show
that she is an Angel of the Sun. Here the great Poet
has written his Tragi-Comedy with a diamond-pointed
Stylus upon the body of marble. This representation of
the sinless imageof God exposed, as merchandise, in a
Turkish Bazaar, for sale, is a lofty theme, and worthy the
admiration of the Angels in Heaven. Here stands the se
rene apocalypse of the bright new Moon of love, chained,
ready to be tarried uptoCplvary to die. While we gaze
upon her—breathless with admiration —(for let me
tell you that pure beauty awes the soul like death)
weseern to see her trausngurated into an apotheosis
of Christ—putting off the mortal to put. on tho Angel.
This is the Greek Slave.
T. 11. C.
NO. 19.