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UNION NOMINATION,
FOR GOVERNOR,
HON. HOWELL COBB,
OF CLARKE.
UNION CONGRESSIONAL CANDIDATES
FIRST DISTRICT.
CHARLES H. HOPKINS,
OF M’IXTOSH.
SECOND DISTRICT.
JAMES JOHNSON,
OF MUSCOGEE.
THIRD DISTRICT.
ABSALOM H. CHAPPELL,
OF 8188.
FOURTH DISTICT.
CHARLES MURPHY,
OF DE KALB.
FIFTH DISTRICT.
E. AV. CHASTAIN,
OF GILMER.
SIXTH DISTRICT
JUNIUS HILLYER,
OF AV ALTON.
SEVENTH DISTRICT
HON. A. H. STEPHENS,
OF TALLIAFERRO.
EIGHTH DISTRICT.
ROBERT TOOMBS,
OF AVILKES.
FOR THE STATE SENATE, 2GTH DISTRICT, MONROE
AND 8188,
DR. SYVANUS W. BURNEY.
The Banner of Union.
The fourth resolution of the Georgia convention
of December, 1830, reads as follows :
“Fourthly, That the State of Georgia, in the judg
ment of this convention, will and ought to resist, even
(as a last resort) to a disruption of every tie which binds
her to this Union, any action of Congress, upon the
au’ajeot of slavery in the District of Columbia, or in
places subject to the jurisdiction of Congress, incompat
ible with the safety, the domestic tranquility, the rights
and the honor of the slaveholding States, or any act
suppressing the slave trade between slaveholding States,
or any refusal to admit as a State any territory hereaf
ter applying, because of the existence of slavery there
in ; or any act prohibiting the introduction of slaves
into the terrirories of Utah and Aew Mexico ; or any
act repealing or materially modifying the laws now in
force for the recovery of fugitive slaves.”
“ Should, however, the time ever arrive when the
conditions of her remaining in the confederacy are deg
radation and inequality, I shall be prepared with her
“to resist, with all the means which a favoring Provi
dence may place at her disposal,” even ‘“(as a last re
sort,) to a disruption of every tio which binds her to the
Union,” any and every power which seeks to put upon
her such debasing terms. Nor am I particular by what
name this resistance may be characterized—whether
secession, revolution, or any thing else—for no one can
for a moment doubt, that should this fearful collision
come, the issue w ill be decided only by the arbitrament
of the sword. Where constitutions end, revolutions be
gin.”—Howell Cobb.
The Banner of Disunion.
“For our own part we arc for secession — for
resistance, open, unqualified ‘resistance.’ ‘The
argument being exhausted we must stand
to our arms.’ ’ — Macon , (Ga.) Telegraph.
‘We abandon the Union as an engine of in
famous oppression. We are for, secession,
rpen, unqalified, naked secession. llcnce
foith we are for war upon the government; it
has existed but for our ruin, and to the extent of
our ability to destroy it, it shall exist no long
er.’— Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel.
4 It will then, there can be no alternative, de
tc-imine upon resistance. * * It may be
that the Convention will decide upon separate
action by the State, in other words, immediate
secession.’ — M'dledgcvilla (Ga.) Federal Union.
‘ Our own first choice will bo for secession,
and our votes and efforts will be steadily given to
effect that end. * * * We go then
for secession-- quietly, if let alone, forcibly if
made necessary. * * * The only
effectual remedy the case admits of, is for the
Southern States immediately to get out of a
Government, that has not only failed to protect
their proptrtxj but has become the agressive 10b
ber of it.— Columbus (Ga.) Times.
•‘The deed is done that must inevitably re
sult in a dissolution of the Union at no distant
day.’— Jackson Mississippian.
‘The deed is done!-- The equality of the
Union is destroyed ! * * * * SLAV ER\
AND THE UNION CANNOT LONG CON
TINUE TO EXIST TOGETHER. The can
non of Northern Abolitionism and Southern
Submission hare responded to each other, and
now the alternative is presented to us of resist
ance orsubmission. We declare for the former,
and never will we bow at the footstool of North
ern power.
‘We recommend State secession; it is a
constitutional, peaceful and safe remedy. *
* * We see but two ways—secession or sub
mission. * * * Let our legislature at
once recall our Senators and Representatives,
and call a State Convention, and let the issue
be presented fairly to the people— secession or
submission.’ —Natchez (Miss.) Free Trader.
4 We will vein for secession ; get a majority to
vote with us, and then we will see who will
tight.'—Natchez Free Trader.
1. Secession. —The rightful remedy.
2’ Disunion, with or without Co-operation—
The only remedy for an insulted Stale against
Federal Tyranny.
3. “Loyalty to the Union, is treason t..
Liberty.’’
4. Separate Secession—Our right and our
remedy—Co-operation but the inevitable
consequence.
5. Ex-Gov, McDonald —IIIS CAUSE, OUR
CAUSE; SUCCES TO HIM AND ANN
IHILATION TO HIS FOES.
Mr. Rhbtt said, in his disunion speech a<
Fort Moultrie:—“The prospects, however, are
cheering. Georgia, Alabama and .Mississippi
are coming. QUITMAN and McDONALD
are blowing a bugle in the West which will
hfe heard in the extremities of Yankeedotn.
He did not dread the RESULT; the CAUSE
was good, and nothfng would tempt the North
to oppose it but internal divisions.”
“A few days since, a negro girl belonging to a
family 1 here from North Carolina eloped with a free
negro of this place. The citizens at once assem
bled and resolved to send officers in pursuit of the
fugitive, which resolution was promptly executed,
find this morning the girl was restored to her own
er, and the paramour safely locked in prison to await
the proper action in his case. This is but one of
the many indications that have come within my
pue atp oj aopsuf jo asuas aupjo aopa[AAOuj|
the return of the right feeling here on sectional
subjects.”
From the (IV. O.) True Delta.
The Cost of the Acquisition of Cuba to
the Southern Stales.
We think it can scarcely be denied, that there is at
this morneit a most dangerous feeling abroad in the
country in favor of measures and proceedings calculated
to increase still more the territory of the Republic,
without pausing to estimate the probable cost of tbeac*
quisitions, the morality of the proceedings, or the dan
gers of the permanence and stability of the Union, from
a cause so disorganizing, perilous, and extraordinary.
We yield to no man in our faith in republican institu
tions, in our respect for their power, their grandeur,
their goodness, and their expansibility ; but we do not
wish to be understood that, because we so think aud so
write, we are advocates of such an extention of our ter
ritorial limits vs will inflict incalculable injury upon
Slates within the Confederacy, destroy industry, at pres
ent considered domestic, disturb the equilibrium now
existing, or introduce new and distracting questions
to divide the people, and peradventure to bleak up the
Union.
Whatever measures, then, which have to our mind
this tendency shall receive no favor at our hands, no
matter who may be their progenitors or the amount of
local popularity they are able to command.
We cannot be regard the annexation of Cuba as of
this character, ami unless the advocates of that meas
ure, fraught as it is, in its most favorable aspects, with
grave drawbacks, can give some better argument for
their designs and intentions upon it than the “manifest
destiny” doctrine, we think it behooves every South
ern man well to consider the matter in all its certain
and possible consequences before he becomes committed
toils support or lends himself to its promotion.
We can scarcely imagine a question more calculated
to mislead, to dazzle and deceive the Southern mind
than the annexation of Cuba. Its capabilities can hard
ly be exaggerated ; the number and richness of its ag
ricultural products exceeded 5 its position for commerce
surpassed. Sugar, tobacco; and coffee are the chief
staple; mines of copper, lead, and eoal abound; the
soil produces all the plants and fruits of the tropics in
the greatest variety., abundance, and richness; while
the waters of its coasts teem with fish, excellent in qual
ity and vast in quantity.
The revenues of the island are said to exceed twenty
millions of dollars per annum, and its area to approach
to nearly thirty-five millions of acres, a large portion of
which has not yet been made subject to cultivation.
The white population exceed, according to the census
of 1846, four hundred thousand of both sexes ; the free
colored reach to about one hundred and fifty thousand,
and the slave to three hundred and thirty-three thou
sand, of whom the maleare in proportion of almost two
to one.
Persons of good information and practical minds con
sider that it is possible to employ one million additional
slaves profitably in the cultivation of the soil of Cuba,
and believe that the present exports of the island can
be quadrupled thereby. From the opiuion we arc not
inclined to dissent; and, assuming it to be correct, at
least approximately, we think it worthy of the gravest
consideration of every cotton and sugar planter in the
South.
It will be in the recollection of our readers, that, du
ring the discussions of the Compromise in Congress, we
earnestly and energetically advocated the admission of
California, with or without slavery, as she might elect;
expressing at tlie same time our fears that, should slave
ry be adopted on the Pacific, it would be at an *arly day
the means ol its extinction every where in the republic.
The arguments we then used we do not remember to
have seen disputed or denied, and we, now that the sub
ject of Cuban annexation lias been forced upon the com
munity, deem the occasion pertinent for their reproduc-
tion.
Had slavery been permitted in California, its imme
diate effect would have been to drain large numbers of
slaves from the frontier States, where their labor is less
valuable and their profitable employment mi re preca
rious. Virginia, Delaware, Maryland, Missouri, and
Kentucky would have immediately felt the effects in a
very sensible diminution of their servile population, if
not to an extent that would incline thorn to a relinquish
ment of the institution in perpetuity.
The same effect, only on a much larger scale, must
be experienced should the course of inevitable events,
or the policy of our government, lead to the incorpora
tion of the island of Cuba with these free States, and
such an event is at this moment present to the minds of
many, and not absolutely impossible, should the means
of precipitating thousands of men on that portion of the
Queen of Spain’s dominions be forthcoming, as it is
vauntingly proclaimed.
Should Spanish authority be successfully resisted and
expelled from the island, its application for admission as
a State or States follows as a matter of course ; and it
equally follows as a matter of course either that her
application be immediately successful, or she becomes
an easy and a certain prey to anarchy, civil war, and not
unprobably servile insurrection. As no American will
ever consent to the transfer of the island to any other
Power, so we are sure there is none who would not
welcome her into the Union most gladly, father than
that an end so deplorable should befall her.
Taking it for granted that the island secures its inde
pendence, is it the interest of the cotton States, is it the
interest of Louisiana, to admit her into the Republic?
Our planters are alone interested in the question. We
are oftbe opinion that in such a contingency the nation
al feeling will countenance the absorption: and, if so,
our belief is that, in less than twenty-five years from
that date slavery will cease to exist upon this conti
nent.
The immediate effect of the annexation will be to
create an enormous demand for sugar plantations in
Cuba, and a commensurate requisition for slave labor
to meet the natural and unnatural speculation. The
States we have already named will be tempted by high
prices to part with their slave population for deportation,
or to supply vacancies made by Southern emigration ;
prices will be enormously augmented, agricultural pro
duction will be immensely stimulated, and for a few
years the people will be every where Cuba-mad.
To estimate the enhanced cost of slaves at twenty
five per ccut will, we think, not be deemed excessive;
at which rate we need hardly say neither the cotton
planter of Mississippi nor the sugar planter of Louisiana
could afford to buy them, if the latter, in fact, could
manage to stand up under the competition, while the
temptation to the frontier States would be irresistible.
We do not for one moment hesitate to declare our
belief that, should Cuba be annexed, slavery will
cease within five years thereafter to have more than
nominal existence in Delaware, Virginia, Maryland,
Kentucky, Mmsourri and perhaps Tennessee. Five
States certain, six States probably. In that case, what
would become of the nine remaining slave States on the
continent, or in what manner can they combine suc
cessfully to resist the infernal machinations of the aboli
tionists ?
If at present we are eternally put to the wall, com
pelled to temporize, expostulate, and compromise, to
preserve ourselves from spoliation and outrage, what
will become of us, deprived of these strong frontier
States, wit!, their numerous, robust, and vaKant popu
lation, who now stand as a rampart of fire between us
and our vigilant and insidious enemy? We would re
ceive, it is true, an insular increase to slavery of over
three hundred thousand head; but would that com
pensate us for the territorial, numerical
strength of which w shall indubitably be deprived?
Let our planters answer. As for ourselves, we dearie
to attain slavery in the States of tho American Union
where it now exists, and as they at present exists; and
wo cannot understand the policy, the wisdom, or the
safety of weakening its concentration, or lopping off its
thief and most powerful supports.
We do not at this time deem it necessary to examine
the question which more immediately concerns our
sugar interest, or to inquire whether with Cuba annex
ed the profitable cultivation of the cane can proceed ; if,
however, it will not he affected by that measure, it does
appear to us most singular that our planting interest
should have Insisted upon a tariff of a cent and a half
per pound, equivalent to two cents to the consumer, if
such protection was not deemed indispensable to their
stability’. We daily hear large and intelligent planters
declare that their estates do not yield six per cent, in
terest upon the capital invested. If this bo so, aud we
are not at liberty to question our authority, nothing is
more certain than that competition with undutiedCuba
sugars us out of the question—simply an impossibility.
We do not, however, wish to narrow the question
down and make it depend for its success upon what may
be profitable to this or that State, but rather what is
most eligible for ibe entire South, and the permanence
of the institution of slavery. We are aware that very
different views from these wo express are entertained in
States having perhaps more to fear from Virginia and
other slave States becoming free than Louisiana, and we
are at this time impelled by this consideration mainly,
to bring up the subject, so as to elicit their views upon
it. It may be the able editors of the South Carolina
and Georgia press can put this matter in very different
light, can show that no sucli result as that we fear can
possibly occur, and that the annexation of Cuba will,
instead of weakening or breaking up the slave States
greatly add to their strength and perpetuate their pow
er.
The i lea of Cuban nationality is too ridiculous to dis
cuss. The material for a nation does not exist: and
the population of the island—that is, those of native
birth—are sunk in sloth, indolence and ignorance. By
the census returns of the island we find shat, in a popu
lation of half a million, only one in sixty-three of chil
dren go to school. Which is pretty conclusive as to
character of the adults, and, putting out of view their
language and other disabilities, offers no great encour
agement to admit them to the rights, privileges, and
immunities of American citizens.
Os the character of the disorders now said to exist
upon the island, the streugth of the malcontents, their
organization, resources, and ability, we think it unnec
essary to speak, having advised and warned many per
sons in vain; but, before taking leave of the subject for
to-day, we cannot but express a hope that no evil will
befall those who, led away “by unprincipled speculators
or broken down and desperate men, have adventured
blindly, rashly, and unadvisedly into an undertaking as
full of peril as it is sure to be barren of profit, honor or
distinction -
From Copway's American Indian.
CUBA.
The Act of Annexation of Texas to these Uni
ted States kindled a fire, with the two faggots of
slavery and anti-slavery, Avhich, we fear, is des
tined to burn until the vitality of either brand
is utterly consumed, and with it the now-wide
founded and glorious Temple of Liberty. Or,
like the ruins of a literal conflagration, we shall
be found dismembered, smothered, self-consum
ing mounds of seared and useless treasure.
We would view this subject from frozen neu
tral ground —from the peak of Chimborazo we
would view it, would give the just opinion—the
one that may be fresh an hundred years—the
right— and that shall last forever.
Who Avere these men we read are shot? W hat
their purpose ? Was their doom a just or a
tyrant stroke I And who was absent at the bu
rial ?
Who Avere they ? they Avere men—bone of
our bone, flesh of our flesh—truant brothers !
Veal they tore away the silken bands of rela
tionship that made us one—discarded the ban
ner of their oAvn house, and cried themselves
manraders on the open sea 1 The tears we shed
are those which flow when Death’s news comes
of the unworthy loved.
What their purpose? Ask the politicians !
Ask the men avlio talk you dumb of liberty,
but know not the great word’s meaning. Doth
Liberty carry unwelcome war where peaceful
men reside ? Pollute not the honored name of
Lafayette in this connection. He gave his aid
to meu who knew their rights, and were striv
ing to maintain them ; who had a flag, nor was
it false nor foreign ! ’Twas their own—sancti
fied by their oavu blood on their own soil, by
their own firesides.
And Greece, too, has not outlived calumny.
Who can compare the Grecian struggles with
this outrageous cause—except the blear-eyed
politicians ?
Was liberty their aim ? To raise the fallen
did they go ? No ! Station, name, plunder,
gold,—these were there objects ! what true man
denies it ? Their doom was not a tyrant stroke,
as wise men yet interpret; all death, from man to
man, is tyrant doom, no matter whence the sen
tence. All nations’ law makers, alive and dead,
have written their doom was just.
And now avlio was absent at the burial! Say,
Messrs. Editors of the Sun ! who was absent at
the burial? We answer—all those skulking
knaves, destitute of soul, who dare not meet a
foe, but by the assassin-knife, and teach the
gallant, unwary, young to use it. And for what ?
For gold! Base cash ! In your ill-fathered
eyes and brainless heads a plat of land in Cuba
outweighs the blood of all the nation. Say, sir!
Do not you or your corroded-hearted father
own land in Cuba? And Avould you not spill
the blood of all your friends to raise its price ?
And you, too, the Herald Editor, what do you
understand by liberty ! Anything more than
the liberty of an unlicensed pen ? or the liberty
of the right arm of an indignant, insulted citi
zen ? and what is your purpose, unless it be to
fatten on the license which anarchy ensures ?
you, a stranger, act a courteous part in putting
brother against brother—in making a North and
a South to our country — you were absent at the
burial.
We do not wish to be misunderstood. We
have no love for the Spaniard. lie has mur
dered, plundered, ensla\*ed all men with ay horn
he has come in contact, and whom he could con
trol. The boy’s one idea of treachery and Spain
is not unjust. The words are synonymous. Vet
Satan reigns in his own dominions, and the an
gels disturb him not. When the Cubans—
when the sons of Erin—when the children of
Kossuth—leaA'e their huts, and forget their scab
bards for the capture aud death of Tyranny—
then Avill we cry, God speed—here is iny purse
—and there my able sons—take them—conquer
and feel thy nation, home.
We are on the eve of a Presidential election.
The unusual quiet preceding it is but the fervent
heat of popular commotion buried and kept un
der by the mountain of wise conservatism. The
world is already in motion. The swelling fires
already expand to almost bursting their re
straints— soon, Ave fear, will the showering mol
ten lava of internal war lighten the political fir
mament, and shed destruction and death a
round. If so, the whole planet will be shaken
to its centre.
One word to all sections. Allow not the
owl-faced fanatics of the East, the craven, thin
lleshed, oblique-visioned editors of our own sec
tion, nor the black leg politicians of any part, to
excite you against your brother. The red man
warns the pale face that he is in danger—the
“ Long House’’ may be destroyed, then where
will you be shielded from the storm ?
From the Greenville. (.S'. C.) Patriot.
The Folly anil Danger of Secession.
It is not very certain that the present Federal
Constitution would never have been adopted
had it contained the right of a State to secede
from the Union ? In the old articles of confed
eration, where the States alone, and not the
people, were represented, it expressly declared
that the Union shall be perpetual. The Feder
al Constitution was formed to make that Union
more perfect, and so stated by its framers.
It was sometime before New York acceded to
the Union, and it was proposed to do so for a
limited time. The correspondence between
Alexander Hamilton and Mr. Madison, on this
subject, has recently been published, and ought
to satisfy every one that no such principle as
the right to quit the Union would have been
tolerated by the contracting parties. When
adopted, the federal Constitution was to bind
the States forever.
If it had been the purpose of the framers of
the Constitution to incorporate in it the right of
secession, it Avould have been so expressed in
the instrument itself. But with such a provis
ion in it, the Constitution Avould have been
perfectly ridiculous as a form of government.
It may, with truth, be said, that no such gov
ernment ever did or ever will exist.
Let us see the consequences of this right to
secede. If South Corolina possesses it, every
other State in the Union has the same right. It
belongs to California, Louisiana and Florida, as
well as the original thirteen. In order to have
an outlet for our western commerce, it became
absolutely necessary to have Louisiana as a part
of the United States. She was purchased by
the Federal Government for fifteen millions of
dollars. The whole valley of the Mississippi
above has been settled and improved in conse
quence of this purchase. Can it be supposed,
that now this State of Louisiana, purchased with
our money,and absolutely necessary to the pros
perity of fourteen or fifteen States, has the right
to secede from the Union, set up a foreign inde
pendent Government at the mouth of the Mis
sissippi, and Hock up the trade aud commerce
of the whole West. Not only this, but when
she has gone out of the Union, she may throw
herself in the arms of Great Britain, and be
come a British province.
Florida was purchased at an expense of tivo
millions ot dollars, and her defence since has
cost upwards of fifty millions to the United
States. This purchase was made to have a con
tinuous sea coast from one end of the republic
to the other, and to exclude from our bosom a
foreign foe. Does any one.suppose that Florida
now has the right to secede from the Union af
ter this purchase, and this enormous expendi
ture of money in hey defence ?
California cost Hie United States fifteen mil
lions of dollars a luPln blhody war, and possess
es a golden region never before equalled on the
face of the earth. In a commercial point of
view, she is above all value to the United Ssates.
Her internal wealth cannot be estimated, and
yet, according to the doctrine of secession, she
has a right to go out of the Union to-morrow,
and establish a vast and golden republic on the
shores of the Pacific.
Not only this, but Kentucky, situated in the
centre of the Union, may go out of it, and es
tablish a royal government, with a king, and an
order of nobility, and all thee? cetera of the di
vine right. Her position will enable her to in
terrupt the trade and commerce of Virginia,
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Tennessee
and Missouri, Avhich passes down the Ohio riv
er. With a monarchy in our midst, and an am
bitious king at its head, how long does any one
suppose that we should be at peace with such a
power ?
With the right to secede, it would always
depend on the will and pleasure of a State
whether the laws of Congress were obeyed or
not. In fact, every act of Congress would have
to be ratified by the States before we knew
whether it could be enforced. There would be
an end of all government. We should have the
form and semblance, without the substance
and power of a republic.
Cimßjhiniiriice.
LETTER FROM COLUMBUS.
Colombu3, Ga. Sept. 5, 1831.
Mr. Editor :—No man of intelligence ami veracity
who has carefully observed the signs of the times, will
hesitate to admit that the pernicious and desvastating
principles of disunionism are on the decline. Every
day ushers forth conclusive and undeniable testimony
that ibe hydra headed monster of discord is checked in
its disrupting and inglorious career of havoc upon the
genial laws, domestic tranquility, and prosperity of our
Union.
It is now our first and our highest duty ns freemen
‘to watch as well as pray,’ and not supinely fold our
arms, an<] fe2 ilut our*vUpisir!iß terminated. We liave
to continue to battle forauul keep a parental and vigi
lent eye on our freedom.! We have to keep, continual
ly’ good and faithful -dvntinols stationed on the ram
parts of liberty ; for we have a treasure madmen know
not how to appreciate, a boon they know not how to
enjoy; and we have notv reared a bulwark of Liberty
(which plainly testifies man to be capable of self gov
ernment.) that finds no favor with Disuniouisrte in our
midst or with crowned heads abroad.
Slowly, yet perceptibly, are our principles of govern
ment burying themselves in the hearts of the oppress
ed subjects of foreign tyrants ; and our nation is now
as it has ever been, hailed and viewed as the only rest
ing place on the face of the globe where an asylum ex
ists fur all men who love to breathe the invigorating air
of Liberty.
Nothing, since the foundation of our republic, has
given the monarchists of Europe more heartfelt satis
faction, than the idea of a disruption of this confedera
cy. They know if this nation continues to exist, its
principles of freedom and equalization will supplant
their principles, and their institutions rotten and totter
ing as they now are, will fall, like Lucifer,‘never to rise
again.’ We can see, plainly see the chuckling gratifi
cation of monarchists abroad when they see the disun
ites, have boldly and unblu-hingly dared to begin a
strife, which, if not entirely frowned down by the friends
of the l nion, that must result as monarchists wish it
to result.
Many noble hearted and patriotic Southern men who
were led into the bewildering mazes of Disunion bv
the deceptive cry of ‘Southern Rights, have boldly
come forth, renounced their alliance with their insid
ious partisans, and now being better acquainted with
their interests, political and social, cheerfully join the
band whose motto is ‘Liberty and the Union.’ The
reaction is great, and the example of Judge Sharkey of
Mississippi, who denounced Disunionism when he was
in a high position in its ranks, is numerously followed
up.
This reaction, which is as evident to us as the sun
at noon day is visible in the Heavens, gives us the
gratification to herald the glorious news abroad that
Disunion ism is on tuf. decline.’ The rabid tone
of the Disunion presses in this section evidences that
where threats are used, argument aud reason and wis
dom are not plenteous. The people of the South are
always alive to their interests, and if the interests of
the South were as badly abused as the Disunionists en
deavor to make them appear the South would yield
to their fanatical entreaties. But it is not so. The
South has signified her willingness to abide by the Com
promise Measures; and the efforts of disunionists to
prove that the South has been degraded by the odious
and inhuman Adjustment,’ (as the Disunionists and
Abolitionists denominate it,) will end as they began,
by accomplishing nothing.
Reason and calmness arc two things of which tho
Disunionists boast, but it is evident to all men whose
vision is not distorted by prejudice, that the Disunion
ists never possessed those two great attributes so
necessary to the accomplishment of any great and me
ritorious end. Like the Frog in the fable they will
swell themselves until they burst, if you even hint to
them that they are not possessed of as large dimensions
as others possess.
The Disunionists have resorted to cverv thing with
in their reach to get into power. Have they succeed
ed in their efforts? We ean answer the question by
.asking another: Did the Ass we read of in ./Esop
escape a drubbing from his master by disguising himself
in the skin of a Lion 1 No ! ‘Why ?’ some on J will ask.
Because the ears of the Ass like the true intentions of
the Disunionists were not invisible.
Let us look to the causes and briefly review the ob
jects of the disunionists. It takes no wonderfully
sapient eye to see that the causes of discord that at one
time threatened to sever the bonds of our Union, origi
nated in the brains of disappointed, grasping and lucre
serving politicians. Who originated this feeling of ani
mosity among the people of the Union? Men ! who
never refused to enter the political lists for tho highest
honors the Union conferred. Need we particularize
the men who would trample the Constitution beneath
their feet; men who irreverently impugn tho patriot
ic motives and ridicule tho Farwell Address of Wash
ington. No , we need not, for History, immutable and
impartial history will record their names among those of
whom the poet spoke when he patriotically exclaimed :
“ Oh ! for a tongue to curse the slave,
\Vho3e treason as a deadly blight,
Steals o’er the councils of the brave,
To blast them in their hour of might.”
Georgia and Alabama, havespoken that they will not
heed the demands of those who consider the Union as
‘an infamous engine of oppression.’ They are content to
stay in the Union and battle on Union ground, if they
deem their rights to be in danger. They can meet
their foes face to face, and right will prevail although
might may for a while oppress it.
\\ e must always bear in mind that many difficulties
will occur in this Union, but what an insignificant com
parison would they present to those we would have to
encounter if we revolutionize and set up a little ‘llliett
confederaey’ for ourselves ? The idea of a Southern
Confederacy is now evaporating ‘as flees the mist be
fore the ascending Sun,’ for the spirit of wisdom find
investigation has returned among the infected portion
of our people. It now fakes quite a deal of work and
much drumming to get up even a respectable, (if such
tilings can be termed thus.) Disunion demonstration.
I his is a prestige that something is wrong and that tire
privates are deserting their reliant, Quixotic, officers.
It is evident that South Carolina is even getting asham
ed of her actions, and has now consented to remain
until Georgia leads ofi’ the Disunion reel. We are
glad that reason, faint glimpses of reason are returning
to the benighted minds of the mistaken people of that
State. If she will wait until Georgia h ads off in the dance
we will promise to make an attempt to‘trip the light
fantastic toe.’ \\ c know that the people of South Caro
lina are chivalrous and brave in war and generous as we
wish them to be, yet they are sadly deficient as a mass
as regards sound political rudiments of education.
Vet we have faith in our cause for it is right and will
most certainly succeed. A few more such papers as
the ‘Patriot’—a paper that so well dissects the corpus
of Disunion and shows what it is composed of—will
soon redeem South Carolina from her prison of error.
The friends of the Union have nothing now to fear, if
they but watch their enemies at home and abroad. The
decline of Disunionism is perceptible to all. the time of
its decease is near at hand. We have in the langu
age of the scripture ‘fought a good fight,’ and let us ev
er have grateful feeling to that Providence who so well
shielded Washington from harm, whilst we ask him to
continue to shower his blessings on our Union; to
preserve it from its enemies at home and abroad ; and
let us ever be a strong united people. Upon the prop
er selection of officers to administer our Legislative
affairs, the continued welfare of our Union, the pro
tection of our interests, and the ensnrement of our hap
piness assuredly depends. To these objects so dear to
the feelings of every man, the Disunionists are avowed
enemies. It is therefore our duty to see that the gov
ernment of our State shall never be entrusted to their
guardianship.
In the hands of IlmvdlCobb the executive preroga
tive will never be abused. Asa statesman and as a
citizen he is just such a man as should be placed in the
Gubernatorial Chair of Georgia. All malicious charges
which have been made against his political stewardship
arc without the least shadow of foundation or truthful
ness. Never was there a better picture drawn of the
Union Candidate for Governor, than that originally
designed by the bard of Avon for one of his dramatic
characters:
“ A combination, end a form indeed,
In which every god did seem to set his seal;
To give the world assurance of the man.”
Mr. Cobb, be it said to his honor, has manfully ad
vocated the cause of the Union which can be nothing
else than the true cause of the South. Asa Statesman,
Georgia has a right to be proud of her son. To her in
terests he will never prove recreant. Os his pledges
to stand by the Constitution lie will prove true to them
all, and his high abilities and tireless energy will be
applied to govern with ‘wisdom, justice and modera
tion.’
The selections of candidates Congressional, Sena
torial and Legislative, for the Union party are unexcep
tionable. All nf them arc widely known in their re
spective sections and throughout the State at large, as
men who will use their best endavors to advance the
interests and legislate for the benefit of their constitu
ents. They also, will not be lukewarm iu forwardiug
the rapid decline)of Disunionism. f
Western Georgia will do her duty in October. {Dis
union is losing all foothold in this section. People are
awakening to the importance of the question soon to
be submitted to them, on the first Monday in October.
The issue is : Union or Disunion. Let every vot
er reflect before he cast a vote fur any man who is not
a nominee of the Union party, lie will find it to his
interest and to the interests of his children and com
patible with the character of a freeman to do so. Dis
unionism is rapidly on the decline! Let the rays of
next October’s sun be the last it shall ever behold.
Union men! Freemen! guard your interests, by doing
your duty ! COLUMBUS.
LETTER FROM STARRVILLE.
Starkvji.lk, Sept. 9, ISSI.
Dr. Andrews : —There is upon us a great and aw
ful crisis, in the dangerous and momentous questions
connected with Slavery and the Compromise Bill, so
long the fruitful source of agitation. It is contended
by the Southern Rights party of Georgia, that these is
sues are settled and the country quieted and peace and
tranquility reigns throughout our borders—that the
Georgia Convention of December 1850 has sent forth
the political ukase of acquiescence, and although it per
petuates the degradation which the Compromise Bills
fastened upon us, we have no right to murmur; it is
the will of Georgia and Georgia herself has no power
or right to revoke a decree, or vitiate a judgment which
stigmatises her proud escutcheon with the infamous and
Black stain of degradation and disgrace. Is it true as
they contend, that the people of Georgia are sovereigns
and yet have no right to repudiate an act which sub
mits to degradation—which degrades us below our e
quality in the l r nion? Whence comes the sovereignty
and for what purpose does it serve, if not to vindicate
the honor and the fame of the State ? Away with such
a proposition 1 When viewed in the sunbeams of truth
and reason, it skulks into disunion, its wanton hiding
place, to conceal the exposure of its naked deformity.
The people of Georgia have the right to alter, cancel
and destroy anyUiing they do, politically, —and they
know it, and without it there is no release from op
pression, no means of redressing past wrongs. It is a
stratagem to deceive an l mislead—a syren song to lull
the sentinels of the Union to sleep, and plunge the peo.
pie into the inextricable vertex of disunion and ruin.—
1 warn my countrymen to beware of the cry of peace,
settlement and acquiescence in the Georgia Platform,
while demolition is threatened that platform and des
truction to the glorious Union, formed by our fathers,
is daily meditated und proclaimed. I speak truthfully.
Col. Benning, the Southern Rights candidate for Con
gress, in this district, publ cly proclaimed that lie was
for disunion per sc, last fall, and was in favor of a South
ern Congress, and if ho was a member of said Con
gress, he would go for dissolving the Union, and fur
ther, that he had not changed his opinion. That there
was enough already to ‘ break the camel's back.”—
That is their true position. Why then say that they
are upon the Georgia Platform, when all their efforts
are to tear down that platform. Sir, the whole ques
tions arc opened. They discuss them in all their speech
es. They abuse them in all their papers. They nom
inate a mafi for Governor, who denounces the whole
settlement as a fraud upon the South —an insult to an
injured people to call it a compromise', a flagrant in
fraction of the Constitution of the United States, as de
grading us below our equality in the Union. I call up
on the cbivalric spirit of the sons of Georgia, to repudi
ate tke claim of a man who has no higher aspirations
than to preside over the destinies of a people who will
not resent an insult, who will permit the Constitution
of their fathers to be violated with impunity and will
submit to degradation, and be rendered inferior to the
co-states in the Union. 110 ought not to auk the gu
bernatorial chair ot the hands of a dishonored people.
It is an insult to the people of Georgia thus to carrica
ture their chivalry, insult their dignity and mortify
their State pride, and then ask for votes. But it is an
insult that will be promptly resented in October next,
and in a way that will severely rebuke it. The peo
ple of Georgia are not dishonored, nor can they be dis
honored. They say they can honorably acquiesce in
the Adjustment Bills. Alabama, Mississippi and Ten
nessee say Amen, and in fact, the whole country are
rallying under the banner of their common country, to
save the Constitution and the Union. Let this crisis
pass and the county will ride on in its proud career of
prosperity and happiness. The Union will be safe,
the Constitution will be preserved, and we will not look
to the scattered fragments of a broken compact to de
fend our rights, but the palladium of our liberty will be
still unbroken. But if they do succeed—if the proud
fabric of American liberty is razed to the dust of the
valley, human freedom will be-entooinbed in its ruins,
forever. JESSE.
LETTER FROM STARKVILLE.
Starkvii.le, Sept. 0, 1851.
Dear Sir : —Col. Benning came through this sec
tion of the country with the character of a man who
would deal fairly, let the consequences be what they
might. This may have been the Col's true charac
ter, in days gone by, but most assuredly (as I purpose
to show,) the accusation would note be a slander upon
his nianoevering qualifications. In his discussion, here,
he read Cobb’s remarks relative to convening a Con
vention, <Sre. &c. then remarked, that he would defy
any man to say, from that document, that Cobb had
answered the question propunded, to wit, ‘has a State
tile right to secede.’ Now’ Col. B. very well knew
that iu a paragraph immediately proceeding the one
referred to, Cobb lias expressed himself plainly, fully
and distinctly in the affirmative. In the discussion at
Albany, I am told, he stated that Cobb had been ‘at
the head of the abolition wing of the Democratic party
in Georgia, for the LAST FIVE YEARS.’ And can
it it be possible that Col. B. has personally been giv
ing ‘aid and comfort’ to an abolition loader. Surely B.
will not have the effrontery to assert that his hands
have been washed of Cobb for the last Jive years. —
Again he stated, at Albany, that his competitor, John
son, was regarded about home as being a man of ’small
importance. Now, Sir, without comment upon this
latter assertion, I am willing to appeal to the candor
ot any unprejudiced man, if this is not a puny missile
t*> he wielded by one who is asking of his fellow citi
zens a seat in Congress, to say nothing of its unfair
ness ? Is it not a little on the extreme? lam sorry
that Col. B. has suffered his party to make a tool of
him for the consummation of unfair political ends. For
tunately, however, for the side of Union, Col. B. has
only the will and not the ability to deceive and delude
the people. If lie will but manage at all other places
as he has done here, lie need only be let alone, lake
a faithful clock, he wiil run himself down. The pre
sent campaign is drawing rapidly to a dose; the
time is approaching when the honest voters of the
country will be called upon to cast the most important
suffrage ever east in the 19th century. Let them
weigh well the consequences. The practice and theory
of the various candidates are hi blaek and white;
professions and practice are before the country, and it
is for the honest voters to sit as a jury of suffragers,
sworn to do their duty to themselves, their cotempora
ries and their posterity. BULLICANE.
LETTER FROM LEE COIVTY.
Cuesuaw, Sept. 3, 1851.
Da. Andrews—
Dear Sir: —My object in writing you this arti
cle is to inform the public, and your numerous readers,
that the w riter in your valuable paper, of the 30th ult.
over the signature of ‘ Bullicane in pretending to give
a description of the manner in which the Ret. Jesse
M. Davis explained the object of the meeting at
Starkville, on the 20th ult. (at which he, Mr. Davis
presided as Chairman, for the ‘Constitutional Union
PartyJ And Moses Tison, Esq. presided as Chair
man for the ‘ Southern Rights Party,’ is Jalse and
uncalled for.
‘ Bullicane,’ says: l Jess,’ (meaning the Rev. J. M.
Davis) ‘explained the object of the meeting,’ ‘Feller
citizens we've again brung out our Speaker upon the
platform of the Constitution tkey’l disenss the rantank
erous subjects of political agitation. Give them your
attention and thev’l be eloquenter than you think.’
These arc the words falsely put in Mr. Davis’
mouth, by ‘Bullicane.’ Mr. Davis made uee of no
such language and ‘Bullicane’ knew it at the time he
w’as writing.
It is due Mr. Davis to say that he acted as Chair
man at the earnest request of the Committee of ar
rangements for (he Day. As there was to be a free
discussion, Mr. Davis at, the repeated solicitations of
Lison explained the object of the meeting iu a very
dignified, and appropriate manner, to the entire satis
faction of all present, except ‘Bullicane.’
To those well acquainted with Mr. Davis, or accus
tomed to hear him speak, it would be unnecessary to
say that the language attributed to him is false. But
as this is the second attampt made, by anonymous
scribblers, since the Compromise measure has been
before the country, to place Mr. Davis, as Chairman,
in a ridiculous position before the public, I for one think
‘forbearance ceases to be a virtue.’
THE OLD TOOL.
LATER IYEWS FROM ( l BA.
1 hrough the politeness of a passenger by the
Alabama from Xew York, we received, on
\Y ednesday morning, the following confirmation
of the Cuban news by the Cherokee. We copy
from the Saturday evening edition of the New
York Express:
The Mail steamship Empire City’ arrived at
2 1-2 to day, from New Orleans and Havana,
consigned to M. O. Roberts.
Havana has been the scenes of jubilee and
rejoicing for the last three days, owing to the
capture of Gen. Lopez and his forces.
The news reached Havana on the 30tli ult —
as a demonstration of the effect it produced —
Hags were hoisted, guns fired, Ac. At night the
principal buildings were illuminated, torch
light processions formed, Ac. Ac. Lopez was ta
ken in the interior—wandering alone, and
nearly exhausted from fatigue and hunger.
lie asked for something to eat at a farm
house, and permission to lay down—while asleep
he was hound and made prisoner.
Os his followers, over 100 are now imprison
ed in Havana and are to he sent to Spain for
ten years confinement in a dungeon.
They say their suffering before taken was in
tense —for several days they lived upon the
leaves of trees, Ac.—the hist meat they ate was
the horse of Lopez. They had no arms when
taken—the remainder have either been shot or
they have perished from hunger.
Capt. Platt of the Albany visited them in
prison and gained some interesting accounts
which lie will dispatch to the States.
The steamers Habanero, Almendare, and Is
abella Catholics, were on Sunday dispatched to
Bahia Honda, and Mariel, to bring up the
t roops preparatory to the execution of Lopez.
The loss of Spanish troops is 2000, in every en
gagement they were defeated. Gen. Enna was
killed at the head of an advancing column.
He was 2d to Concha.
Lopez was girotted on the morning of Sept.
Ist, at 7 o'clock. The execution was witnessed
by 8000 troops, and as many citizens.
lie ascended the platform,and made a short
speech; his last words were ‘T die for my he
lmed Cubahe then took his seat, the ma
chine was adjusted, and iu two minutes he wa>
dead. The prisoners say in no instance have
the Creoles of this island manifested the least
disposition to join them.
The French steamer Asmodeus sailed from
Havana on the Ist. The Falcon, horn Cliagres,
arrived on the 31st, with 100 passsengers.
The Empire has had a very boisterous pas
sage home, having strong head winds. She
brings a large Havana mail.
She left at Havana the sloop of war Albany
—on the 2nd passed a steamer to the Eastward,
supposed to be the Saranac—on the 3d passed
the ship Glance, steering N. E. fore-top gallant
in list carried away.
Gen. Wool lias published a card in reference
to the sentence of the court martial punishing a
Roman Catholic soldier for refusing to attend a
Protestant church, lie says that the soldier was
not punished for refusing to attend church, but for
insubordination. There was no evidence before
the court that the soldier was a Catholic, except
the simple de,duration of one witness. He adds
that, if the man had allpdged religious scruples as a
reason for not attendin'* rhumb k
bean ~!. T 1,,, “, h
w'as punished for disobedience and tor leaJ- ‘’ I< *
company without permission by beino hi *
dollars. It is pretty clear that the *5* fiv *
worthy of much sympathy—Louisville jJ* not
P
jamsSt
THE GEORGIA “CITIZEN.
L. F. W. ANDREWS, EDITOR
>1 U ON. GEoT
To Correspondents.
L. Samlersville, ear. have his
filled, on sending one dollar free of postal *
G3F* Two more letters from “T II p* ’
next. 1,1 °“r
anonymous communication signed
>, oon s Hickory,” from Arrtorioo.,, drclLj
without reading.
REMOVAL.
On the Ist of October, the Printing l-s.tablisl.ment
of the Georgia Citizen will be removed to the Uevr
building (up stairs) of Messrs. Freeman & Robert,
on Cotton Avenue, directly opposite to the lower an
gle of the Triangular Blosk, and next house to J) r .
Little s new Drug establishment, where we will have
increased facilities tor executing Job Work in all the
plain and ornamental departments of the Typograph*
cal Art. in a style which shall not be surpassed, and at
rates as low as any competitor who may boast of “f ai{
presses,’ or any oilier fanciful “notion.”
< 01. Chappell’s Appointment.
Iu consequence of several religious meeting
being held this week at or near Marion,
county, CoU Chappell has postponed bis ap
pointment to address the people of that countv
to Saturday 27th inst.
Meeting in Wilkinson
The Hon. A. 11. Stephens and A. 11. K.tian hat.
consented to attend a meeting to be held at Knight’s
Store, in Wilkinson county, on Wednesday, the 17;h
inst., and another meeting in Irwinton, on Thursday
the 18th, at w hich they will deliver addresses. ’
The Hon. A. 11. Chappell maybe expected to ad
dress the citizens of that county, in a fuw dav, fl,*.-*-
after.
Putnam. lion. J, A.. Meriwether and Philip If.
Dawson have been nominated as the Union Candida!#,
for the Legislature from Putnam county.
Jones. Dr. C. 1.. Ridley has been nominated a th#
Union candidate for the House, from Jones county.
Rook Rinding —See advertisement of Mr.
Benj. F. Griffin, in another column announcing the
opening of anew Book-Bindery in this city.
The Union Ticket.
Gen. James, W. Armstrong, and Judge T. G.
Holt have been nominated as Candidates of the Union
Party *>f Bibb County, (in lieu of Messrs, llxrdeman
, and Stibbs, declined,) and have consented to servo
i their friends and party, if elected. These gentlemen
will make able and worthy Representatives and should
receive the cordial support of all the Union men, and
of all the Fire-Eaters too, who hare any pride to sec
our central and important county well represented at
MiJledgevillc, next winter. We will not allow our
selves to doubt for a moment, their triumphant election
over any opposition, which may be started against the
ticket. That result is certain, if the friends of the
Constitution and the Anion do but their whole dutv,
in the short time now intervening between this date
and the election.
The Slate Fair.
The Executive Committee of the Southern
Central Agricultural Association, which was in
session, here, last week, have published a list of
Committees for the various purposes of the Fair,
which we will endeavor to find room for in our
next. There are forty-one of these award Com
mittees on as many subjects, hut by some
strange oversight of the Executive Board, there
has been no Committee appointed on Mechanic
Arts, unless we find it smuggled in, under
“Manufactures” or “Miscellaneous'’! This omis
sion, ought, we think to he corrected, before the
day of the Fair.
The preparations for the Exhibition are pro
gressing rapidly to completion, under the vigi
lant care of his honor the Mayor, and the Com
mittee of Arrangements, anil will doubtless b
all in “apple pie order’’ by t lie middle of Octo
ber. In addition to other attractions, mention
ed in our last paper, the Committee have re
solved to have one of the finest Bands of music
in the country, present, to enliven the scone and
make it a carnival of gayety and life. We also,
hear it whispered that there will be a circular
course arranged, where gents having fast trot
ting nags may show their mettle and fleetness
in Harness. But among all the attractions
promised, we think the ploughing match which
is to come off between a highly respectable
planter of Muscogee, and the best negro plow
man which may he produced, will be the most
interesting. It will he a contest between en
lightened skill and uncultivated physical power,
and should the latter prevail, the award will be
cheerfully conceded hv the former.
We understand that there is every reason to
hope that Hon. Henry Clay, President Fill
more, Gen. Scott, and Secretary W ebster, will
be present, with many other distinguished per
sonages. .Vs soon, however, as wc can ascer
tain the fact, definitely, we will give dti
notice, so that our friends from a distance who
may wish to see the great men of the nation,
may have time to prepare for a visit to our city. (
on the occasion.
Look out for the Documents.
A friend has put into our hand a copyoftb e
“Constitutionalist and Republic Extra,” without
date, which he picked up a few days since in
Houston county, where the document was being
circulated extensively. The Extra lias, ass
caption, in large capitals—“ THE ALBERTI
CASE, NORTHERN FANATICISM ILLUS
TRATED !” and is devoted to a fabulous state
ment of that affair, an account of which we
gave to our readers, several weeks ago. Tins
Extra sets out with a falsehood, by stating that
“not a Constitutional Union paper in the State
has published a report of the Alberti case,’ ana
the whole is a tissue of misrepresentation con
cocted by some rabid, irresponsible nameless
disunionist of Richmond, Virginia, for election
ing purposes in the South. We say that t e
“ Reviewer’’ of the case of Alberti and 1 rice 1S
unknown to the public, and his Review 188
since been proven to be fallacious and hau lI
lent. The representations also that have been
made, that it was a ease under the t n, A
Slave Law, have also been shown to be D ‘ e>
On the contrary, it was a Pennsylvania
decided against a Pennsylvania citizen, , n}
Pennsylvania Judge, for the crime ot L
ping, and whatever injustice and wrong
been done, it has not been committed <V 1,
the rights efar.v Southern slaveholder.