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Letter from tlic Hon. A. 11. Stephens.
The following letter, which we find in the Augusta
Chronicle & Sentinel, was written by Mr. Stephens to
a gentleman ’in the Interior. The suggestions which
lie offers cannot fail to arrest the attention of the reader.
Standing on the ground, and in the m’dst of the in
trigues and coalitions that are carried on at the seat of
government by presidential aspirants, his opinions are
entitled to much consideration. — Sav. Ren.
Washington Cm% Feb. 7, 1852.
V/ Dear Sir: —Your esteemed favor of the 2d
instant was received yesterday. \ou ask what 1 think
<>!’ the late movement of our friends in Millcdgeville.
1 reply, I say, briefly and plainly, that so far as it may
he considered as indicating the expression of an opinion
in favor of sending delegates to the Baltimore Conven
tion, I am utterly opposed to it.
The first and second of the Resolutions ot that meet
ing havb my cordial approval. The first re-affirms the
principles of the Constitutional 1 nion Party, and re
iterates a determination to adhere to them. The se
cond provides for the call of a Convention in the State,
at some suitable tiiwo hereafter, to take into considera
tion the subject of the Presidential election, and to
adopt such course in relation to it as duty and patriotism
may then dicta-tc as proper. This is all right” And
while I cannot concur with some in believing that the
third resolution was intended by those who adopted it
to bear the construction which has been put upon it—
to wit, that its object was to commit the Tarty, in ad
vance, to send Delegates to the Baltimore Convention,
still I mean simply to say, that if such was the inten
tion, I am unqualifiedly opposed to it.
The new organization in Georgia was called into ex
istence upon an extraordinary crisis in our public af
fairs. That crisis has not yet passed by. Those who
think so to draw different conclusions from the signs of
the times from what I do. The present (apparent)
calm is but a temporary suspension of liie dangerous
elements which then raged so furiously. That party
was formed upon the principles set forth and embodied
in the action of the State Convention in December,
1850. Those principles 1 need not repeat to you. They
were such as a large majority of the people of Georgia
then thought, and as I still think, essential to the
maintenance of the rights of her people and the union
of the States. They were, moreover, not sectional ei
ther in their character or objects. They were, and
are, cs broad as the Union, and as wide as the limits
of the jurisdiction of the Constitution, —and in the
very organization of that party, which was formed by
an abjuration and renunciation of all old party names
and affiliations by all who entered into it, we offered
to unite with any and all men, irrespective of past par
ty distinctions, in every section of the country, wheth
er in the South or North, who would make these prin
ciples a cardinal point in their creed. The same posi
tion we still hold. As yet, no party at the North has
given any such assurance. The Baltimore Convention
has not been called w ith any such view or object •, so
far from it, many of our bitterest assailants, at the
South as well as at the North, have already been duly
appointed members of it. Could any idea be more
preposterous than the project of sending delegates to a
convention of our opponents, for fear that they may
not conduct their proceedings according to our liking?
Such would certainly be a novel course in political
tactics.
If those members of that Convention from the
South, who were lately so loud in their denunciations
of till men at the North, and who were particularly
censorious of our position at home, shall acknowledge
their errors, and put themselves upon our principles,
and shall purge that body of its Free Soil elements—
and shall, also, present to the country a good candidate
for the Presidency—it w ill be time enough for us to
connect ourselves with their action after they shall have
given us these evidences of their being entitled to our
confidence and co-operation. A good candidate, stand
ing on our principles, and put forward by an organiza
tion standing upon the same principles, is all we want.
W hether that Convention will come up to these re
quisitions, is one of the problems that future develop
ments only can solve. My apprehension is that it will
nut. Upon what indications others found more favor
able expectations, lamat a loss to conjecture. Is it
from the fact that Col. Polk’s resolution was rejected
in the Congressional caucus at the beginning of the
present session ? Is it from the fact that Mr. Bartlett
whose name appears as one of the committee who
called that convention, was elected to the seat he now
holds in the House of Representatives as an open
an avowed Ft cc Sailer ? Is it from the fact that Mr.
Rantoul, the champion and defender of that most un
principled of all coalitions in the annals of political
profligacy in Massachusetts, is one of the members of
that convention ? Or, is it from the fact that the
Union newspaper in this city puts down the most ultra
men of the South and the most rabid Free Sellers at
the North, now in Congress, as all good Democrats,
and equally entitled to membership and fellowship in
the great party which it professes to be the sole organ?
If so, I have only to say, that these and other indica
tions which I might mention, have quite a contrary
effect on me. That convention, therefore, so called
and so constituted, as well as all other National Con
ventions, whether Democratic or Whig, must be put
right on the record as a condition precedent , before
looking to me for any support or countenance. I speak
only for myself. The Constitutional Union Party can
speak for itself when its Convention assembles. But
can any one doubt that the moral power and influence
of our position upon the action of the Baltimore Con
vention would he much greater outside than inside of
it's deliberations? Would they be less likely to com
ply with our demands from (ear of our defiance in ease
of a refusal than to be controlled by our wishes after
a Voluntary surrender ? If we go into their organiza
tion w ithout the condition precedent a recognition and
endorsement of our principles, shall we not be in tbe
condition of veteran troops, beguiled and betrayed un
cr mod into the camp of the enemy ? The idea of men
thus situated insisting on terms is simply ridiculous
captivcs may be allowed to beg for quarter, but wlio
ever heard of them demanding concessions? And
is this the time for our party to put itself in such a
humiliating position ? The extraordinary effort that
is now being made to inculcate the opinion that noth
ing can be done by a separate organization upon the
principles of that formed in Georgia, I am perfectly
aware of. But does it not come with a bad grace from
those who, in thus speaking, arc but repeating their
eroakings of twelve months ago? Then we were told,
as now\ that the new organization was a failure, be
oaosfc it did not meetwith favor from the political in
triguers of this city. Some went so far as to say that
the party was dead, and could not be galvanized into
existence.
But what have we not accomplished since then ?
Georgia has spoken with a majority never before known
So has Mississippi. And Alabama lias shown that her
people are not be bound by tlie shackles of party when
principles are at stake, lias a single election been
lost where the issue was made? But not only this—
last winter the Georgia organization met with nothing
but opposition from the two great parties, as they are
called here. These parties have since both been
brought to a pause. They want nothing now so much
as a truce. Their opposition has been changed to a
modest request, that ‘bygones may be bygones.’’ Shall
we grant them even a truce ? W ill they not thereby
be enabled to rally their disorganized forces ? Is this
the time then for us to disband ? Should we desert
our standard when the enemy everywhere is in flight
before us ? Should we not rather hold our ground un
til our triumph is complete in forcing an acknowledge
ment of our principles ? This attempt to create the
impression that the new organization has failed in its
objects, and that every body must fall back into one or
the other of the former lines of division, febut thelast
appeal of the old Priests of the and filed temples of Par
ty, who feel that they are about to lose their livelihood
iu making images of false deities for the people to wor
ship. lienee their lusty shouts of “Great is Diana of
the Ephesians ” “Great is the powor of Partyand
great is the virtue of old’issues !
This cry has been unavailing in the past, and it will
be unavailing in the future, wherever the question shall
be made and met. Let our friends not doubt too soon.
No occasion lias yet arisen for an appeal to the whole
people of the United States upon the principles of our
organization. “Whether such an occasion shall arise,
may depend upon the action of this Baltimore Conven
tion.. Alabama has already called a National Conver. -
tion on our principles, to assemble in this city after the
Baltimore Convention. To this latter Convention, wo
should not fail to send delegates. Should such a state
of things then exist as to render anew national organ
ization necessary and proper, to carry out our princi
ples, I feel assured that the late results in Georgia,
Alabama and Mississippi, are but proofs of what may
be expected in other sections of the country, when
similar efforts may be made for similar objects. And,
in this connection, I will add that tbe idea of reorgan
izing either of the old parties in this country, upon
sound national principles, is, in my opinion, a result not
to be looked for with much confidence. As organiza
tions, these parties are both effete and corrupt. They
both make professions iu ‘platforms’ which they never
carry out in practice. These platforms, or programmes,
have become nothing but artful devices, by which dem
agogues arc enabled to delude and cheat the people.—
‘ 4 New wine is not to be put into old bottles, else they
burst. ’ And if the effort to infuse new and sound
principles into either of those worn out parties should
be successful, a like result may be expected. It is quite
improbable that it should be otherwise; for ti e ele
ments in each are discordant, conflicting and hostile.
How, for instance, can those men in Georgia who
looked upon the eighteen thousand majority against
them in their own State at the late election as unirust
worthy upon the question of Southern Rights, be ex
pected to act in harmonj with the Wilmots, the Ran
touls, the Preston Kings and the Van Burcns at the
North ! The very idea of such a possibility is sugges
tive ot infamy. I take it for granted then, that har
monious action amongst men holding such antagonisti
eal opinions and principles, is it out of the question.—
Aud it should be burne in mind that Mr. Rantoul de
clared the other day in the House, that if he were not
a good Democrat, there was not one in New England !
Aid apart from considerations growing out of the pre
sent condition of the slavery question,and other ques
tions of domestic policy, on which there is equally as
wide difference of opinion between the two great wings
of these old parties, there arc still other and new ques
tions arising, upon which most probably still wider dif
ferences of opinion will exist. The question of inter
fering with ar.d taking part in European politics, will
soon be upon us. “ Coming events cast their shadows
before.” At this time we see a man of unusual ad
dress and great ability, traversing the Northern States
of the Union, and urging upon the |>eople the aban
donment of those principles which have been coeval
with the existence of our government in our relations
with the various monarchies and dynasties of the old
worid. His object, evidently, is to implant in the pub
lic mind, the principle, that it is our duty to join in a
general crusade for the liberties of mankind. These
w ild and disorganizing doctrines have been embodied in
resolutions and adopted with enthusiasm by large and
respectable meetings in divers places. The day is not
distant when the questions involved in these doctrines
will become practical issues. They will present sub
jects of vast magnitude and momentous importance for
tlie consideration of the American people. And upon
them, as well as upon those other kindred questions to
which I have alluded, men in all sections who think
alike, must organize and act together without respect
to past differences of opinion on other points, or an ear
ly doom will be ourdestiuy, instead of that full measure
of true greatness which it is our real ‘mission’ to at
tain, and which nothing short of the united patriotism
of the whole country can secure.
This is no time, therefore, to look to old issues with
a prospect of reorganizing parties upon them. But
I have said much more than I intended. In conclusion,
I will add that our policy is to hold our position. We
should unite with no party that fails as a condition pre
cedent to incorporate in its creed those principles which
we consider as essential to the maintenance of our
rights and the preservation of the Union of the States.
We should stand aloof from all parties that do not
purge themselves from all affiliation and association
with Freesoilism. Whatever may be the course of
future events we should stand by our principles wlierc
ever they may lead us, ‘through woe’ as well as ‘through
weal,’ and maintain them now and always if need he
until they, we, and the Republic, perish together in a
common ruin.
Yours, respectfully,
ALEXANDER 11. STEPHENS.
Principles anti Precepts of Washington.
Tiie following letter was written by George Wash
ton, about one year before his death, to General La-
Fay ette.
Mount Vernon, 25th Dec. 1798.
To General LaFayette:
* * * You have expressed a wish worthy of the
benevolence of you heart, that I would exert all my
endeavors to avert the calamitous effects of a rupture
between our countries. Believe me my dear friend,
that no man can deprecate an event of this sort with
more horror than I should, and that noone, during the
whole of my administration, labored moru incessantly
and with more sincerity and zeal,.than I.did to avoid this,
and to render all justice, nay, favor to France,
consistent with the neutrality which had been
proclaimed, sanctioned by Congress, approved by
the State Legislatures, and by the people at large,
in their town and county meetings. But neu
trality was not the point at which France was aiming;
for, whilst they were crying Peace , Peace , and pre
tending that they did not wish us to be embroiled in
their quarrel with Great Britain they were pursuing
measures in this country so repugnant to its sovereignty,
and so incompatible icith every principle of Neu
trality, as must inevitably hate produced a war with
the latter. And when they found that the Govern
ment here was resolved to adhere steadily to its plan
of Neutrality , their next step was to destroy the con
fidence of the people, and to separate themselves from
it, for which purpose their diplomatic agents were spe
cially instructed, and in the attempt were aided by in
imical characters among ourselves, not, as I observed
before, because they loved France more than any other
nation, but because it was an instrument to facilitate
the destruction of their own Government
But it is a fact on which you may entirely rely, that
the governing powers of the country, and a large part
of the people, are truly American in principle, attached
to the interests of it, and unwilling under any cir
cumstances whatever to participate in the politics
and contests of Europe, much loss since they have
found that France, having forsaken the ground first
taken, is interfering in the concerns of all other na
tions, neutral as well as belligerent, and setting the
world in an uproar.
After my valedictory address to the people of the
United States, you would no doubt bo somewhat sur
prised to hear that I had again consented to gird on the
sword. But, having struggled eight or nine years
against the invasion of our rights by one power, and to
establish our independence of it, I could not remain an
unconcerned spectator of the attempt of another power
to accomplish the same object, though in a different
way, with less pretentions *, indeed without any at all.
On the politics of Europe I shall express no opinion,
nor make any inquiry who is right or who is wrong.
I wish well to all nations and to all men. My politics
are plain and simple. I think every nation has a
right to establish that form of government under
which it conceives it may live most happy : provided
it infracts no right, or is not dangerous to others ;
and that no Government ought to interfere with
tllE internal concerns of another, except for tiie
SECURITY OF WHAT IS DUE TO THEMSELVES.”
George Washington.
Mr. Alexander Hamilton, son of the great Ameri
can of that name, has declared,■ in a letter addressed
to Kossuth, that the Farewell Address of Washington
to his country was written by his father, the elder
Hamilton, a3 well as most of Washington's important
papers.’ The New York Express denies, and very
effectually explodes this claim in several late articles.
It is one which the American people will never enter
tain, and cannot be made to believe—even if there were
not the strongest evidence against it. We deem it un
necessary to quote more than two passages from the ar
ticles alluded to:
We shallshotv in this paper, from Alexander Ham
ilton, senior, himself, that the address was, in its em
bodiment, the work of G-eorge Washington, and thus
the father’s testimony is in conflict with that of his son.
Among Hamilton’s letters we find the following :
“New York, May 10, 179 G last in
Philadelphia you mentioned to me your wish that I
should re-drtss a certain paper which you had pre
pared. As it is important that a thing of this kind
should be done with great care and at much leisure,
touched and retouched, I submit a wish, that as soon
as you have given it the body you mean to have, it
MAY BE SENT TO ME.”
“Honor to whom honor is duo. We desire not to
detract one iota from the character of Hamilton. lie
was Washington’s confidential friend, during the war,
during the eight years of his civil service as President,
and after his retirement to Mount Vernon ; and of all
the men of the Revolution, or the civil government from
’B7 to ‘99, the Alexander Hamilton of that day would
have been among the last to have set up the claim, or
any thing akin to it, now made by one of his sons, to
that address which the British Historian has recently
declared to “excel any composition of uninspired wis
dom.”
A Confession of Faith.
The Philadelphia Pennsylvanian, the mouthpiece of
Mr. Buchanan, in the course of a long article oil Kos
suth and Kinkel, says :
‘ The doctrines preached simultaneously by Kossuth
and Kinkel, have long been promulgated by the demo
cratic party of this country.’’
“Very well, sir ; we know no\V exactly where you
stand. Kossuth wants to go to war with Austria and
Russia, and so does ‘democracy.’ Kossuth wants us
to send fleets to the Mediterranean, and would have us
tax the American people millions upon millions to pay
the cost; and so does democracy. Kossuth would have
us join alliance with Great Britain against the absolut
ists of the continent; and democracy would have us do
the same thing. Kossuth believes in the “soldarityof
the peoples,” but not more implicitly than the Phila
delphia Democracy. Kinkel goes for setting all Ger
many in a blaze right off, and so does Mr. Buchanan.
Kinkel says he is a moderate sort of a socialist; he
only wants two millions of dollars from the Ameri
can people, (modest, very !) to put his crotchets into
practice over sea; Kossuth says he wants money, too,
to advance his notions in Hungary. And the Pennsyl
vanian cries out, at the top of its lungs, “These doc
trines have long been promulgated by the Democratic
party of this country.’’ The editor employs the per
fect tense, ‘have been,’ it will be remarked, but we were
not aware till now that German Socialism was become
part and parcel of Pennsylvania Democracy. To fight
foreign nations, it must be admitted, is a fundamental
part of the creed that has received the sanction of age
and precedent, now ; but Kinkclism is certainly anew
kink in the business. Whatever of Socialism there
has been in this country, we arc sorry to say, had at
one time a decided proclivity to seek encouragement in
the whig party ; hut having been pretty well scourged
from the refuge it sought there, it has now found its
proper place under the wing of the Northern Democ
racy, the common receptacle of about all the Mark
mad radicalisms of the day.
The Northern Democracy, we say, for we don't
believe that the Southern brethren (all along very shy
of Kossuth and Kinkel,) are ready to say amen to
all this. But as men are sometimes judged by the
company they keep, perlia; s it will do no harm to ask
the Richmond Enquirer, the Savannah Georgian, the
Mobile Register, the New Orleans Crescent, and other
presses confessing the same political complexion, wheth
er the Pennsylvania's plunk is become part of their
platform, too. — N. Y. Express.
LETTER ERIDI COLUM'S.
Columbus, Feb. 23, 1552.
Dr. Andrews : —The North, in ages, has been re
garded as the seat of darkness, but in this country, and
in our age, it should be regarded as a place of light
that reflects but little credit upon any body. Witch
craft, Abolitionism, Fourierism, Mormonism, Miller
ism, and many other isms, together with spiritual
knockings drew their first breath, were cradled and
nursed in the great lap of the North. The Kossuth
mania, which has been raging there for some time, has
not yet reached our neighborhood. There are few,
however, somewhat smitten with the doctrines of the
great Magyar, but they happen to belong to that class
that arc always ready to feast, and fawn upon any tiling
or any bod}’, that smacks in the least of royalty. All
with whom I have the honor to associate, have, from
his first arrival iu this country, regarded him as a dan
gerous humbug, one that would gull a large number of
the people, and might be the moans of entangling our
government with the private mqtters of other nations.
The revolution in Hungary which placed this man be
fore the world, was not brought about for the purpose
of dethroneing tyranny and establishing a free govern
ment, based upon the equal rights of man, civil equality
and common privileges. It was for a crown 1 the
crown of Hungary, which, according to the expressed
opinions of Kossuth and others of the nobility, was t a
ken by the Emperor of Austria, in violation of a mar
riage contract. If Kossuth had been successful, he
would have been King of Hungary, therefore the strife
was between the Emperor of Austria, already a tyrant
and possessing great power, and Kossuth, who claimed
a division of that power that he too might play the
king—and tyrant if he thought proper,
His conduct iu this country shows that lie is not an
entire stranger to the great main spring of our govern
ment. He had been, but a few days, on our soil, be
fore he showed a disposition to dictate to ihepowers at
Washington, the policy that should be presented to
wards European governments, and partially failing in
that quarter, he has now turned his attention to the
people, by whose voice he hopes to force the President,
Cabinet and Congress, to adopt his interventional poli
cy. This is certainly ingratitude on his part, after so
much having been done for him, that lie should now
try to involve us in a war, but lie may look upon us, as
a benighted people, and that we sent to Turkey for him
for the purpose of teaching our military chieftains the
art of gunnery and fortification, and the civilians the
science of law and self government.
The following is amusing, yet it illustrates the posi
tion that our government would occupy, if we adopted
the policy advocated by the Kossuth converts at Wash
ington. On the 11th iust., Mr. Underwood presented
to the Senate a petition fiom two adopted citizens, sta
ting that one of them had a brother banished to Libe
ria through the erroneous decisions of the courts of
Russia for a supposed offence, praying Congress to inter
fere in his behalf, and moved it be referred to the com
mittee on Foreign Relations.
Mr. Badger thought, “as these were errors in the
judgments of the Russian Courts, it would be better to
refer it to the Judiciary Committee, with instructions
to inquire into the expediency of providing by law for
Writs of Errors to the United States Supreme Court,
to review the judgments of the courts of Russia.”—
After much laughter the petition was laid on the table.
I sec it stated that, Col. Donophan is ap|ointed
Governor of Utah, and that a squadron of U. S. dra
goons accompany him for the purpose of forcing Govc
nor Brigham Young and his secession party, to obey
the laws of the federal government. Govenor Young,
it appears, is not a co-operation man, but goes in for
immediate secession , and it would be a gross slander
on our chivalrous fire-eaters, to accuse them of want
ing sympathy for him, and bis people, who bravely
bare their hearts to federal bayonets, rather than sub
mit to the odious doctrine, that a State or Territory
has not the right to secede. The question may, how
ever, with propriety be asked, where is Mr. Khett, of
S. C., Quitman of Miss., McDonald of Ga., with their
host of trumpeters, and last, though not least, the ex
adjutant—where is he ? What doeth he in the North,
when he should be in the South ? Why is ho not
dressed in his ‘buckram and whalebone’ armor, at the
head of a legion of the Coffin Brigade, marching to
the aid of Governor Brigham Young? Come gentle
men do not hesitate. This is a secession movement!
and another instance of federal aggression
“ lie who dallies, is a dastard
He who doubts is and d.”
It is to be regretted, that the late editor of the Jour
nal & Messenger has concluded to quit the political are
na, to edit a mere commercial paper in the city of Sa
vannah ! Ills precious time and talents should be
otherwise employed. Can’t the Disunion party of
Georgia offer him some inducement to retract his has
ty conclusion and enter once more, the field of labor,
for which he is so eminently qualified; as a politi
cal disorganizer ?
■Hie ‘Times’ has made another effort to rally the
democracy around its standard; which proved to be a
signal failure. On Monday last, large hand bills with
the picture of an eagle bearing in his bill a scroll or
pendant, on which was the motto “Southern Rights
and Democracy,’ were posted throughout our city, cal
ling upon all favorable to acting with the Millcdgeville
Convention, to meet at Temperance Ilall on Saturday
evening, 21st inst., to appoint delegates, &c. Asa
matter of course, the movers of the call , from the
length of time they had to go upon, flattered themselves
with the idea that the democracy would be in large at
tendance, and the importance of being cocked and
primed with a speech for the occasion, was evident in
the studious countenance of a certain gentleman, as he
muttered to himself “we arc the wool hat boys'.'' —
Saturday evening came and only SIXTEEN men met
in Temperance Hall, four of whom were Union men,
mere ‘lookers on in Vienna.” Judge I. in deep de
jection, addressed them in few words, lie said, he
“regretted to see such lukewarmness in the democratic
ranks , that but seven met, in answer to the first call
for a meeting, and now, when he had calculated to see
a large turn out—a house full; there was not enough
to open the meeting. He was done calling meetings
and if any body felt like calling another, he might do
so. Asa just rebuke on the lukewarmness of the
democratic party, lie moved that the few present ad
journ sine die ! “Sic transit gloria mundif
1 hope your readers will not be impressed with the
belief, that there are no democrats in our county. I
can assure them, we are democratic to the core. With
a change in the organ grinding department, and pro
per men for leaders, old Muscogee can and will, foot
up a handsome majority in the approaching Presiden
tial contest, for the nominee of the Baltimore Conven
tion. Said nominee will be like Joseph's coat of many
colors, made up of all the shades of party material, and
that will suit our people to a “gnat's heel.”
The Washington correspondent of the New York
Herald, appears to think that Gen. Scott’s chance for
a nomination by the Whigs brightens every day. The
old gentleman himself, he says is mum on all questions
of ii portanee, whilst his conscience committee com
posed of Seward, Hale and Botts urge his claims with
a pressure of one hundred pounds to the square inch.
It is rumored here that Mr. Botts has written to Gov.
Cobb to know if lie will run for the Vice Presidency
with the old General. I hope, if it is true, that Gov.
Cobb has answered in the negative, and that all corres
pondence with Botts, Seward A Cos. will cease.
I have no commercial news worth relating. Busi
ness continues lively. Should any thing of interest
turn ttp this week, you shall be duly informed thereof,
in my next.
I remain yours, Ac.,
JOHN HANCOCK.
Letter from Mr. Murphy of Georgia.
Washington, Feb. 11, 1852.
To the Editor of the Republic:
“Sir :—I discover that the reply which I made to
question propounded to me in the House of Repre
sentatives on the 3d inst. by the gentleman from Flori
da, (Mr. Cabell,) has been construed to mean that I
would not vote for a Whig for President who placed
himself upon the Georgia platform in preference to a
Democrat who did not do so. If I said any thing cap
able of such a construction, I did great injustice to
myself; for I would not vote for any man who was
not in favor of that platform, and pledged to carry it
out in good faith and maintiin the finality ot the Com
promise, and the settlement of the vexed question of
slavery. From the manner in which the question was
propounded, I eould not answer in the affirmative direct
ly without repudiating the resolutions of the Balti
more Convention of 1818 as vague and unmeaning. —
Tnis I could not do, as they met my approbation at
that time. I said I could not give my vote for a Whig
who was, in substance, on the Compromise. These
words, in substance, compose an ambiguous term, and
admit of various constructions; and to this I objected,
and only intended to say; that lie must, under the cir
cumstances I mentioned, put himself, in substance and
in fact, upon that platform, and pledge himself to car
ry it out in good faith ; and for such a Whig, and
against a Democrat who did not assume the same po
si.’ion before the country, 1 would vote ; and not only
vote, hut use every effort in my power to secure his
election.
And this, I think, is clearly the meaning of what I
then said ; but, as 1 have since learned in conversa
tion that it was not so construed, by one man at least,
I desire to remove that impression ; for 1 could not find
it in my heart to retain the seat 1 have the honor to
hold in the House one nviinent longer than I use every
effort in my |nvcr to suAein the position of tho L uiou
party of (ieorgi.e.
And again, sir, I desire to say that I’ did not un
der Vt-ind the gentleman from Florida in specifying his
particular preference for the Presidency. I understood
him to say lie preferred for that office Gen. Scott to all
others; but, upon reading Ins remarks, I find his
preference was for Mr. Fillmore, and against whose
administration I have not a word to say, upon the
Compromise question, lie has done well, and deserves
the approbation of tbe country; and my remarks,
which appear to apply to him, were intended to apply
to Gen. Scott, who may he said to be in substance on
the Compromise or not, just as may suit the times,
and which drew forth my remarks. As I may not have
an opportunity to place myself right in the house for
some time, 1 desire to do so through your columns.
1 have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obe
dient servant, C. MURPHY.’’
Presidential Vote,
The following is the relative vote on tiie Presidency
at the last and at the next election. It will be seen
that the net loss of the South is only one vote —the
net gain of the North seven—of which California
gives four. If it were not for the provision in the
federal Constitution, which counts slaves only at three
fifths of their number, the South would have retained
Iter relative strength, notwithstanding the enormous
foreign emigration of last ten years, and the California
coup d'etat :
States. Vole in 1852 Vote in 1848.
Maine, 8 9
New Ilamshire, 5 C
Vermont, 5 6
Massachusetts, 13 12
Rhode Bland, 4 4
Connecticut, 6 0
New York, 35 3(5
New Jersey, 7 7
Pennsylvania, 27 26
Delaware, 33
Maryland, 8 8
Virginia, 15 17
North Carolina, 10 11
South Carolina, 7 9
Georgia, 10 10
Florida, 33
Ohio, 23 23
Indiua, 13 12
Illinois, 11 9
lowa, 4 4
W isconsin, 5 4
Michigan, 6 5
Kentucky, I*2 12
Missouri, 9 7
Alabama, 9 9
Louisiana, 6 6
Tennessee, 12 12
Mississippi, 7 6
Arkansas, 4 3
Texas, 4 4
California, 4 0
Whole No. of votes, 295
Necessary to a choice, 148
fads on Intervention.
General Cass made a very long speech in the I nited
States Senate, upon the question of Intervention for
Hungary.
It is not the easiest thing in the world to say to
what precise policy General Cass is willing to commit
himself on this question, for there are parts of this
speech which one might innooently interpret as thor
oughly Hungarian as even Kossuth himself oould wish ;
but then again, a little further on, the reader gets in
to a bog, surrounded and overladen with mists that
blind and confound, and leave him in doubt as to which
side of the fence the Senator really wishes to be con
sidered.
Again : This speech of Mr. Cass’s may justly be
looked upon as a sort of summary, or summing up,
of the various arguments that have recently been ad
vanced through the press, in State Legislatures, and on
the stump, with a view tc enforce the doetrinp of inter
ference in European polities, and to lessen the rever
ence the American people may still be still be supposed
to have for the maxims inculcated by Washington and
ever since enforced by the wisest and best of men of
the nation. Viewed in this light, the Senator from
Michigan may be considered as counsel for Hungary
in the suit Kossuth has brought against the United
States. But, if we may be allowed a homely expres
sion of Ben Franklin’s, we would ask if counsel hasn't
“an axe to grind’ 1 for himself in this business ? Don’t
sympathy for Hungary only mean “sympathy for me,”
with an eye to the Presidency ?
. r t
GEORGIA CITIZEN.
L. F. W. ANDREWS, EDITOR.
MACON, GEO. FEB. 28, 1852.
Public Doc. —Our thanks are due to Hon. R.
F. Stockton, and Hon. James Johnston, for various
public documents.
To Correspondents.
‘Psychology in Utopia’ just received and on file for
examination.
‘Columbus’ too late for insertion this week.
‘John Hancock,’ will please excuse us for some
omissions in his letter. We cannot lend our columns
to the elevation of either a secession Democrat or an in
tervention candidate. We have also to say to him that
there is an unsettled issue of veracity between him and
another correspondent, on the subject of the late .lec
tion of Mayor in Columbus, which we would like to
have adjusted, to the intent that all errors of fact may
be corrected and nothing but truth be made to appear.
Inion Meeting In Bibb.
The Union Party of Bibb county is requested to meet
at the Court House in this city, on the Ist Tuesday of
March next, at 11 o’clock, A. M., for the purpose of
considering and determining what action is necessary,
in view of the approaching Presidential campaign. A
general attendance of the ‘rank and file’ of the party,
from city and county, is earnestly requested.
The Meeting on Tuesday.
We hope that the meeting of the Union party on Tuesday
next will he a full one, and that there will he a free discussion
of the matters of interest now before the public having a ref
erence to the next Presidential election. If, after such discus
sion, there is a decided majority of Union men in favor of
disbanding and co-operating with the Southern Rights men in
sending Delegates to mingle with the I'rcesoilers and Aboli
tionists who will assemble at Baltimore in June next, we won and
like to know it before the bargain is ratified and we are sold to
the enemy. Rally then, Union men, and let your potential
voice be heard in council upon this important question. One
of the objects of the meeting is to elect Delegates to a State
Convention soon to Convene nt Millcdgeviile. anil as this con
vention will probably appoint Delegates to a National Con
vention, it is important that the representatives of tlw Union
party of Ribb should correctly aari efficiently set forth the
views of their constituency. Let this constituency then as.
senihls cn masse , and declare their will on the subject.
Stale Mechanical Institute.
We are requested to state that the Hoard of Direction of
this Institute, will meet at the Mechanics'Society Library
Room, on Tuesday Evening next, 2d March, at half past seven
o’clock, for the transaction of important business.
BLANK ROAD MEETING.
IN pursuance of a resolution of Council, there will f>e a meet
ing, on the 2f(tli of March, in the city of Macon, to take
steps to organize the Macon and Albany, and Macon and Clin
ton Plank Road Companies.
The citizens of Jones, Bibb, Houston. Dooly, Sumter, Lee.
Baker, and all others interested, are respectfully invited to be
represented in this meeting.
feb “and F.. 1.. STROHECKEK, Mayor.
Ma. ST I'!’LETTER.—We end >rso most heartily the
letter of the lion. A. 11. Stephens’ which will lie found in our
paper to-day. It is emphatically *-a word in season” to the
peop'eof fieorgia, and should receive the profound attention
of every Union man—yea, of every “Southern Rights” man
in the State. We understand that Messrs. Dawson, Toombs,
Johnson and the rest of the Union Delegation in Congress con
cur with .Mr. Stevens in the views thus expressed, and are de
cidedly opposed to sending Delegates to Baltimore, on the part
of the Union party of Georgia, deeming such an art a volun
tary surrender, or as victorious “veteran troops beguiled and
h grayed into the rump of the enemy.” As Mr. Stephens well
remarks “the idea of men thus situated insistivjr on terms is
simji'y ridiculous— rn/>tirm may be allowed to bra .for quarter,
but who ever heard of them d-miu'/ina concessions”
Twenty Second February.
The day was celebrated in this city on Saturday last, by the
Macon Volunteers, and on Monday by the Floyd Rifles. The
days were pleasant for a military parade, and the occasion was
one which should have ca'led out the strength of both compa
nies, but we regret to sy, that not one half of the effective
force of either corps was on duty. This is attributable to the
apathy of members, which apathy arises from want of encour
agement to the military spirit on the part of the citizens.—
With the exception of a few exemptions granted to the com
panies, there is hut little inducement held out to them to keep
their ranks full and up to their proper standard of military
equipment and discipline. On the contrary, merchants and
employers are reluctant to allow the young men in their ser
vice to enroll themselves with the volunteers.
Again, some of our young men are hardly able to incur the
expenses of equipment, &c. To remedy the first evil, every
citizen should encourage the enrollment of our junior citizens
as a measure of safety and protection to life and property.—
To remedy the second, our city authorities should contribute
something annually towards keeping the treasury of the corps
replenished, and our wcathy citizens should do the same by be
coming honorary members.
Without some greater interest is felt in this mattei than has
been, there is much reason to fear that we shall soon lie de
prived of the services of the citizen soldiery altogether. It is
not to he expected that the a file pincers of these companies
should, of themselves, hear all the burdens incident to their
organization, without a generous co-operation of those who
reap the benefits of security ami defence which the volunteer
system affords to any community.
Agent nt Atlanta.
Mr. A. G. Ware has been appointed by Mr. Wadlev, Agent of
the Ft,ate Road, at Atlanta, in room of E. B. Reynolds, re
moved.
Plank Roads Again.
We find the following estimate of the value of Plank Road
Stock, in a late number of the Alabama Journal, and commend
the same to the attention of our citizens. Mr. Winter’s opin
ion is entitled to much weight, backed as it is by his pledge to
pay about 12$ per cent, per annum on thecosf of construction
for the tolls of the road spoken of, which is a short road leav
ing south from Montgomery.
Mr. Editor :— Doubts have been expressed by many, and
felt by others who have said but little, whether the South
Plank Road could he made a paying stock. Now, sir, it istny
very well digested opinion (and let it stand for what it is worth)
that a better paying stock never has been projected in the
country. Fhort as it now is. lam told it is doing well; yet it
bears no more comparison to what it would he were it extended
to Stockton, than a horse mill is to be compared to a first rate
water mill and a never failing stream. You and the public may
better judge of the profits which may be expected, when I state
that I pledge myself to form a company, of responsibility be
yond question, that will pay to the company for five years after
completion, with the privilege of extending the contract until
a Railroad or other Plank Road shall be built to compete, the
sum of fifty thousand dollars per annum for the tolls which
will Ik; collected from the mail and other passenger vehicles.
All other tolls ought to amount to nt least ns much more. The
whole Road can be completed for $350,000 or $400,000, or
less. The income would be one hundred thousand dollars, the
expense of maintaining and keeping the Road in thorough re
pair. &,c„ would not cost over $16,000 per annum, and the
stockholders would have $84,000 per annum on a stock of
SIOO,OOO, which would be over 20 per cent, net gain. The
staging alone would pay lawful interest on the investment, and
leave SIB,OOO for keeping the Road in order, and forming a sink
ing fund for re-planking. All the other tolls, be they more or
less, would he a clear profit over and above lawful interest.—
Who can gainsay this estimate?
Yours, &c , J. G. WINTER.
Fighting the Tiller. —Tliore have been sev.
eral rencounters, in this city, lately, between certain
country gentlemen of great chivalry and the animal
known as the ‘Tiger,’ which is on exhibition here at
any time that visitors may choose to take a peep at his
‘royal highness,’ but we are sorry to say, with consid
erable damage to the former, in every instance. Some
of these chaps had seen the ‘elephant’ and thought
they were heeled for any other ‘varmint,’ but on
making the experiment, found that they were no
where!
American Legal Association. -There is an
association of this title in New York, that for a bien
nial fee of $5, will enroll the name of any member of
the Ix-gal profession in tire Union, and publish the same,
semi-occasionally, in catalogue form, as one of the corps
of ‘efficient and trust worthy lawyers in almost every
village and oity.’ A splendidly engraved Diploma is
furnished gratuitously to each member. Os the utility
of such an association to the profession we cannot pre
tend to judge, but it strikes us that it can't amount to
much, unless the membership is confined to one law
yer in each town or village. If every Lawyer were
to send the bonus , or admission fee, (to the reception
of which there will probably be no demur by the man
agers) it may well be asked, cui lono ? As the Law
yers, however, have generally their eye teeth cut, we
shall leave them to split hairs on the question of hum
buggery or no humbuggery as incident to said Associa
tion.
Sword Fxercise.
Col. F. V. R. Mace, an accomplished professor of
the Art of Fencing, from Philadelphia, has arrived in
our city and proposes giving instruction to a class of
gentlemen, in the Sword Exercise at the Armory of
the Floyd Rifles. From the credentials which the Col.
brings with him, of his superior skill and capability in
his profession, we have no doubt whatever as to the emi
nent success of his system of practice and instruc
tion. lie requests us to say that he invites all scicnti
fie Swordsmen to visit him on any evening, at the hour
designated, to try their skill in the art. lie proposes
to allow two of the most skillful Swordsmen to attack
him at the same time, assuring us that he will disable
both of them and himself escape unharmed. We
commend him to public attention and patronage.
The Panorama of Eden.
The proprietors of this splendid exhibition will ex
hibit to-night and on Monday night at Concert llall,
for the last time in this city, and the price will be re
duced to twenty-five cents, which ought to ensure it
crowded houses—as the painting is decidedly one of
the best specimens of this art, ever exhibited in this
place. To the lovers of the beautilul, to pupils en
gaged in the study of Botany, this picture presents a
useful and pleasant entertainment, which should not be
overlooked. On Monday afternoon there will be an
exhibition for the convenience of the pupils of the va
rious schools of the city.
Our Platform.
Some few of our personal friends seem desirous to
know how it is that, being a Democrat in principle and
fcelling, for years, we can now oppose the re-union of
the Democratic party of Georgia and the proposition
to send delegates to the Baltimore Convention. Our
answer will be found in the following programme of
our views and opinions on political subjects.
Ist. We arc democratic in principle after the mod
el of Jefferson and Jackson. Having faith in the max
im of the latter that the ‘ Union must be preserved
despite the efforts of disorganizers, nullifiers and dis
unionists, we naturally took the side of Union the
Constitution and the Compromise in the campaigns of
the last two years. To be consistent, true and faithful,
we could not have been found any where else.
2d. We are in favor of abiding by the principles
laid down in the Georgia Platform of 1850, and of
sending delegates to a State Convention in May or
June next, as the executive Committee may appoint,
in order to consult as to the best means of carrying
out the principles and objects of the Union party.
3d. We are opposed to a reunion of the Union
wing of the democracy with the secession wing, be
cause the latter have never recanted their errors nor
given any evidence that they have relinquished their
efforts to break up the confederacy of States.
4th. We are opposed to sending delegates to either
of the National Conventions of the Whig or Demo
cratic party, believing them to be ‘effete and corrupt’
and that composed as those Conventions “ill be of
free-soilers, secessionists and abolitionists, our best |x>li
cy is to keep aloof from them, until they have shown
by their acts that they regard the interests of the
South better than the spoils of power.
sth. We believe in the Washington doctrine of
non intervention and hold a contrary opinion to be
dangerous to the safety of our government and as estab
lishing a policy peculiarly fatal to the institutions of
the South.
Gth. We believe that the old issues of Think, Tariff.
Internal improvements, which used to divide the Whig
and Democratic parties are obsolete and defunct , and
cannot and ought not to be made elements of party dis
cussion, in the approaching campaign.
7th. If the Baltimore Convention should nominate
a candidate for the Presidency of sound Union and
non-intervention principles, and known to be favorable
to the finality of the late compromise measures of Con
gress, our preference would be given to the Democrat
ic nominee over any other candidate,
Bth. If, however, the Democratic Convention does
not nominate such a candidate and the Whig Conven
tion does, wo will support the lat'cr, as a matter of
choice, principle and duty.
bth. if neither of these conventions put up a proper
man, wliy then we are in favor of the Ftroti party of
the country holding it Convention at Washington and i
nominating a candid, to to suit thorns.. Ives.
From the above, it will be seen that we shall have
nothing to do with galvanizing into life, either of tin
old party organizations. Our affinities are with those
and those only who aim to preserve the Constitution
intact and the country safe from faction at home and
danger abroad, while upon isolated questions of minor
importance not settled irrevocably, we are republican
in the fullest sense of the term. As au inference then,
from these premises, there is nothing in the way of our
acting hereafter with the Southern Rights Democracy
in any question involving the interests of the South,
provided iliey will adhere to their avowed principles of
acquiescence in the compromise measures vnd unite
in good faith with the Union Democracy in sustaining
those measures and compelling their observance every
where.
What Others say. —TheTrovidence R. I. Post,
has the following :
“ The ‘l nion’ party of Georgia is not the Demo
cratic party. It was made up of Whigs and Demo
crats, and was organized as a means of saving from
complete destruction a few men in the. Whig parly of
that State, There are out and out Democrats out
side ofit; and there isno reason why the tiling should
be represented in the Democratic National Conven
tion any more than that every church or other asso
ciation, which happens to hold some doctrine in com
mon with another should be represented in its coun
cils. The Democratic party is a good on-nigh Inion
party for us, and for Democrats every where; and
we have no doubt that the Democrats of Georgia will
avow this fact at the proper time, and he represented
in the Deincratic National Convention.”
The‘Tost’ is grossly in error, as to two items in this
e. tr ct. The organization of the Union patty of
Georgia was not effected, to save any individual from
destruction, neither was the old Democratic party of
Georgia as a mass, ‘a good enough Union party’ for
any body, simply because the majority of that party
have been secessionists and clisunionists , for two or
three years past. They were, in fact, apostates from
the faith of the fathers of the Democracy, Jefferson.
Jackson, Arc. and have no right to claim for themselves
the name of democrats or be received as such into the
Baltimore Convention. The Union party of Georgia
will, however, see from this view of the ‘Post,’ what
prospect there is, for the reception of Union Delegates
in said convention, if any arc sent. There is no fellow
ship for any but f>r those from the secession wing of
the Democratic party.
No Tests Required.
The Editor of the ‘Telegraph’ is opposed to any tests
being required, by the Baltimore Convention, as the
democracy (n/ius, Southern ‘acquieased’
in the Compromise measures ! Hear him !
“ The position of the Democracy of the Union, and
of every State in the Union, is at this very moment,
that es acquiescence in the Compromise measures of
the last Congress. * Why, then, offensively thrust new
tests in the face of the Democracy of any section of
the country? Will any thing be gained by impeach
ing, in advance, the god faith of those already pledged
to abide by the decision made, both by Congress and
the people ?”
Again Samivel says:
“ Let the Baltimore Cohvention give us a pure
Statesman and a sound Democrat, one who has always
maintained State Rights and the Virginia resolutions,
ayd we do not despair of the result. lathe event of
such a nomination, the Union and Federal W higs of
Georgia, brilliant as has been their success of late,
will find a Waterloo in the approaching November.”
Edzactly f Keep dark about every thing but de
mocracy and the Virginia Resolutions ! Let ‘mum’
be the watchword, till after the nomination ! Say
nothing offensive to the\ au Burens, the Rantouls and
the Giddings the Northern Democracy! Ask
nothing as to the right of secession lest somebody’s
corns are trampled on, too severely !
This may be very good advice but yet it looks
strange to see in the same print constant sneers against
what he calls the ‘Finality party’ and the Compro
mise measures themselves, in which they have all ‘ac
qui-eased.}
£fir It is said of the French ladies, that their fond
ness for effect runs to such excess, that widows who
have lost their husbands, practice attitudes of despair
before a looking glass.
s. W. Rail Road Extension
J. M. Clarke, Esq. of Stewart county
through our city, a few days since, on his way
vatmah, on business connected with the construe
of a Railroad from Eufaula, Ala. to Friendship ‘ S £
w art county, on a direct line to Oglethorpe. The citi
zens of Stewart and Randolph counties, Ga and Bar
hour county, Ala. have had a meeting and propose *
budd sa,d road, provided they can get such assume
from Savannah and the Central Railroad Comnanx
Hat the gap of 40 miles between Friendship and Ogle
thorpe will be filled in a reasonable time. M r p. ,
is also authorized to ascertain on what terms tl. °
I-™ E.M. ™i ™
lhc Object is a very important one and should receive
the needed support from those most interested
shun be pleased to hear that Mr. Clarke has been
cessful in his mission to the seaboard.
Our Book Table.
T"E Golden Christmas. This j. ,l,c firs, „f ,
r r “ Urn
‘’ BicharJs, & Cos. of Charleston, S. C. It is
a well printed and excellent story from the of \y
Gilmore Simms, Esq. the author of ‘Ycmasr-e,’ ‘Gov
River/ Ac. For sale by the Messrs. Richards, No.
11, Cotton Avenue, Macon.
Graham’s Magazine.— The March number of this
splendid monthly is before us. It has a large amount
of letter press, and is exceedingly rich in einbe mo
ment.
Godev’s Book. —The March No. contains 26 illus
trations, two of I licit are exquisite Mezzotints, h*
motto, ‘useful ornamental and instructive,’ ha* h,ti
well developed by Godcy, in the instance before u.-.
————
Watching cacfc other. —lion. James Buchan
an went to Richmond, Va.on the 10th inst. on a visitt*
Judge Mason’s. On the 12th, the Jinn. Geo. M.
Dallas arrived in the same city, on a visit to Ufa <hmgW
ter, Mrs. Tucker. We like that. These Presidential
aspirants need watching and we know of no better
maxim, in reference thereto, than ‘set a rogue to catch
a rogue.’ The public will thus have a chance to b
served if the parties are not.
SEVEN DAYS LATER FROM EUROPE.
ARRIVAL OF THE IAAIBRIA.
The British mail steam ship lias arrived at Halifax
from Liverpool w hieh port she left on the 7th iiist.
Tiif. Markets. —Cotton was in moderate demand
in the Livorpool market, and prices were in favor of
buyers. The circulars, however, vary as to what w*.
the actual decline—some quoting it at one sixteenth
and others atone eighth of a penny. The sales of the
week comprised 43,000 bales, of which twelve thousand
were taken by specula tors and exporters—six thousand
ea* h. Fair Orleans was quoted at 5 l-4d, and Fair
Upland at sd; Middling Orleans nt 4 13-1 fid, and Mid
dling Upland at 4 3-Id. Prices in the Manufacturing
districts had a downward tendency. In Havre tin.
Cotton market was steady.
Editorial Inkliigs and nipping,
j£se~ Fuller of the New York .Mirror, i* a wag. ami
must have his joke. In closing a notice of Jenny
Lind's marriage, lie exclaims, “Just imagine Jenny
Lmd keeping house and singing ‘Ah Mon Fiß’ Lr a
lullaby 1”
EJT* Tlie President has appointed Col. Doniphan
Governor of Utah, rice Brigham Young, removed.
The returned Chief Jt dge and Secretary arc to go back
with Doniphan : and troops are to be asked, in order
to remove the territorial seat of Government from Salt
Lake City.
The National ftitc-lUgencer says there Tins hern
paid out of the Unit and !S ates Treasury, since 183.*), the
sum of $285,000 for horses lost in tile military service.
OZr Prentice of the Louisville Journal, has I>>l Jly
ossayed to settle the question so much discussed at this
time, whether Kossuth is or is not the Governor of Hun
gary. Ilis decided impression is, that the Emperor of
Austria is the Governor of Hungary.
Litf.rarv. —lt is raid that Miss Mitfbrd is altnut to
lay before the English public a work entitled Rerollec
tionr of Literary Life. It embraces more anecdotes
</ celebrated living characters than any work published
during the last twenty-five years.
Increase ok Ocean Steamers. A writer in the
Washington Union statu that the Atlantic postage in
1851 exceeded that of 1850 by more than two bundled
thousand dollars!
Ohio axh Mississirri Railroad. —The ceremony of
breaking ground on the Ohio and Mis*issi|*pi Railroad
took place at Illiiioistown on the 7th inst. There was a
large attendance, and the ceremony was very imposing.
Prof. Mitchell delivered an appropriate address on the
occasion.
Salf. of Tammanv Hall— The Tammany Society,
in Neiv York, have determined to sell the “old wig
wam*’ on the corner of Frankfort street and City Mall
Square, at public auction, r.nd build another lull fur
ther up town.
Value of an Elephant. —The town of North Ad
ams, Mass., have been sued for $20,000 by which the
owners of the elephant Columbus, which was killed by
falling through a bridge near that town last summer.
Messrs. Car Eton & Cos., one of the largest silk
houses in New York, have been obliged to suspend
payment. Their liabilities are about $700,000, and
they show a surplus of $140,000 of assets. Immedi
ate cash relief was needed, which could not be had up
on terms which would be submitted to.
Kentucky Moving. —The Mliig citizens of Paducah,
Ky., and several adjoining counties, in general conven
tion, on \\ ednesday last, adopted resolutions declaring
the sentiments of that portion of the State in favor ‘d
John J. Crittenden as the whig candidate for the
Presidency. The convention was attended by nearly
four hundred delegates.
A Detroit Mercantile gentleman, who was
travelling eastward a short time since, went to the
clerk of one of the Ontario boats to b • shown to his
state room. The clerk handed the applicant a key, uk
the same time pointing to a door at some little distance r
marked *B.’ Our friend went in the direction indica
ted, but opened the next door to his own, marked ‘A,
where he discovered a lady passenger making her toilet,,
who, upon the stranger’s appearance, uttered a loud*
scream. “Go away ! go away!” screamed the ladv.
“Letter B.’’ yelled the clerk. “I am not touching lal
at all,’’ shouted the indignant merchant.
Internal Improvements in Virginia.
The Legislature of Virginia nppears to be in earnest
on the subject of Internal Improvements. On Mu*
day last, the Committee of 21, of the House of Dele
gates, reported a bill to provide for the completion of
the Richmond and Danville Railroad, and for a loan of
money to said Company.
The following resolution accompanied their report:
Resolved , That it is expedient to complete as early
as practicable the following public works : the Jam!*
River and Kanawha Canal to Covington, the Central
Railroad to the head of steamboat navigation on the
Kanawha River ; the Richmond and Danville Railroad,
the South Side Railroad, the Virginia and Tennessee
Railroad, the Orange and Alexandria Railroad, the
Manassas Gap Railroad, the Norfolk and Petersburg
Railroad, the Richmond and York River Railroad, ani
the improvement of the Lower James River, by remov
ing the bars therein ; and that the following sums ho
appropriated for the said works respectively: fer ! ' IL
James River and Kanawha Company a loan of?-U ,
to discharge existing arrears, and SIOO,OOO for the ex
tension of the Canal to Covington ; for the extension
of the Central Railroad from Covington to thehead^
steam navigation on the Kanawha River,sloo, 000,
the completion of the Richmond and Danville I** l, p i ,’
a loan of $000,000; for the completion of the toU
Side Railroad, $360,000; for the completion ‘’
Virginia and Tennessee Railroad, $450,000;
completion of the Orange and Alexandria lb*’
$250,000; for the completion of Manassas Gap
road, $400,000; for the construction of °
and Petersburg Railroad, $450,000 ; for the ‘ n
and York River Railroad, $300,000; p f
provement of the Lower James River, J’ ’’
which said appropriation, not more than oat l‘ a
shall be expended in a single year.