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THE WEEKLY LOYAL GEORGIAN, VOL. 11. WEEKLY LOVAL GEORGIA! J. E. BRYANT* - - Editor. THOS. V. BI ARD, - A*eDl. jSS-Oflice, in the roar of tho Globe Hotel, corner of Jackson and Ellis streets. TERMS: One fear, ... h-j OO Six MoblU*. ... I s|3 Three Months. - 75 ADVKRTISEMENTS INSERTED ON LIBERAL TERMS. ADDRESS, -‘LOYAL 0 K O R <1 I A N,” KEY BOX D'.!', AUGUSTA, GA. SATURDAY' AUGUST 10. 1867. State Central Committee, Union Republican Party. Hon. FOSTER BLODGETT, of Augu.LV, Chairman. Colonel J. E. BUVANT, of Augusta, . ict ing• Secret a ry. First District. —Col. A. VV. Stone, Col. F. S. Hazeltine. James M. Simms, of Savannali, and T. G. Campbell, of Mclntosh county. Second District. —W. 11. Noble, of Ran* dolpli county; Robert Alexander, Clay county. Third District. —G W. Aslibuin, Oliver Saunders and Hampton Benton, Columbus. Fourth District'. —ll. M. Turner, Macon : lleo. Wallace, Milledgeville. Fifth District. —Col. John Bowles, Col. J. E Bryant, W. J. White, S. W. Beaird, Augusta. Sixth District. —Madison Davis, Athens. Seventh District.— Win, Markham, At lanta; B. M Sheiblev, Rome; Ephraim Rucker, Marietta; William Higginbotham, Rome. Platform Union Republican Party, Adopted at Atlanta July 4th. Whereas, ’we, humbly acknowledging our dependence on an overruling I’rovi dcuee, who shapes the destinies' of men and nations, thank Almighty Goil fol lowing, through agencies and instrumen talities in Ilia Wisdom selected, preserved our Government when its deepest founda tions were being shaken by the mighty upheaving, of the recent rebellion. And Whereas, the loyal men of Georgia desire the earliest practicable settlement of the disturbed condition of the country: and wtiereas, wc believe that the establishment ofjustice is essential to enduring peace, that patriotism should be exalted as a virtue, and that it is the duty of tlie Statu to cherish all its people; and whereas, those who assert these principles arc called Republicans, throughout the Union. Therefore, R. soloed, Ist. That wc adopt the name of the Union Republican party of Georgia, and declare ourselves in alliance with the National Republican party of the Union, and for the unconditional support of the Union of these States. Resolved, 2d. That we pledge our hearty support to the reconstruction measures of the Congress of the United States. Lhsolved, 3d. That it is the duty of the State to educate all her ehildreu, and to that cud, wo recommend the establish ment of a general system of free schools. /?< solved, 4. That tire Union Republi can Party is idc-ntilied in its history and by its essential principles with the rights, the interests and the dignity of labor, and is in sympathy with live ioil ing masses of society; and that the work ing maj of Georgia will receive at its Wiuls j-jgvery encouragement turd assis tance tfflh tnayMa- rfmssnry to protect their full rights; and, that in the mainten ance of the position taken and the pi inci pics we have this day avowed, we cordially invite the co-operation of all citizens, without regard to their imliticnl antecedents. R<solved, 'Thai the Union Republi can Party of the State of Georgia pledges itself to maintain tlic free and legal rights of all men, and wc will abide b\ the prescribed terms of restoration, in elect ing to office those men only who can comply, in all respects, with the require ments of the Act sol’ Congress, and who prefer the Government of the United states to any other that could be framed. BmUed, 'Thai wc avail ourselves of tliis opportunity of expresssing our high admiration and esteem for Maj. Gen. John Pope, Commanding this District, and of cordially endorsing his wise, patriotic and statesmanlike administra tion of the Reconstruction Laws, with assurances on our part, that he shall, at all times, have the encouragement; and support of the Union Republican Party of Georgia, in his further endea vors to institute a loyaland legal govern ment for our beloved State. Resolved, That tlic thanks of this Con vention lie tendered to Mr. A. W. Tenny, of New York, and that we request him to furnish us with a copy of his able, eloquent and patriotic speech, for publi cation. lilov. Brown Reviews B. H. HILL’S NOTES. NUMBER I. You have lately published a series of “Notes om the Situation,” by B. H. Hill, iu which he has thought proper to make an attack upon me by name, which makes it proper that I notice them appropriately. As the attack was published in your paper, I rely upon your sense of justice when 1 ask per mission to reply through the same medium. 1 also most respectfully request all other editors who have published Mr. Hill’s Notes to publish my reply. 1 think T can safely promise, in advance, to occupy less space than he has done. If any of my articles ,-hould be longer than his, they shall be less numerous. In No. It of Mr. Hill's Notes I find the following language : “Sumner and Stevens, and Brown and Holden, are not accidents—nor arc they original characters. They have figured in all mad revolutions, from the fall of Greece and the destruc tion of .Jerusalem to the present day. Such men have ever been treacherous In principle—faithless to trust, and deceitful in professions, but always consistent in the common end of dc struelion to government. And as these Military Bills have no character but opposition to all the provisions atid principles of the Constitution, and can have no end but its utter and final de struction —such men and all their ilk, in both sections, will unite in their sup port.” Whether all the persons named sup port the Military Bills or not, Mr. Hill’s intention is plain, to denounce all who support or advocate a settlement of our unfortunate politital ditliculties, under the Military Bills, as treacherous, faithless, and deceitful. Coming from a source eutitled to respect, this would be a serious charge. As it is intended, however, aS a political document, and was written for political effort, to J. E. BRYANT. Editor. deceive and mislead, before attaching importance to it, f consider it not inappropriate to inquire into the politi cal respectability of the author. li I am correctly informed, Mr. Hill started bis political life professing to be a Democrat. In 1855 he was the Know Nothing candidate for Congress in his District and was defeated In 1856 he was on the Electoral ticket, supported by the Know Nothing party of Georgia, and was defeated. In 1857 he was the Know Nothing candidate lor Governor, and was defeated. As I was the Democratic candidate, probably the latter defeat had not been forgotten by him when lie prepared his -‘Kotos on the .Situation." In 1559 he took posi tion in advance for tear, without wait ing for an oveii pc! of oppression by the Federal Government, in case the Republican party should elect their candidate for President the next year. In the fall of 1859 he wa? elected State Senator from Troup county, for two years, the most distinguished honor ever conferred upon him by popular rote. After Mr. Lincoln was elected President, ho backed down from his position for rear, and was a candidate in tho w inter of 1800 for the Convention on the Union or Codperalion ticket. He was elected and took his seat in tho Secession Convention. He at first opposed secession. Before the passage of the Ordinance of Secession, after it was known that a majority of tho Con vention favored it, it began to be dis cussed in private circles who should be elected to the Provisional Congress in case the State seceded. The Ordinance was put upon its final passage and Mr. Ilill voted for it and signed it. A few days afterward he was elect_-.l to Congress by the Convention. Whether by voting for the Ordinance he betrayed the people of Troup county, whose voice was against secession for the causes then existing, I do not pretend to inquire. At any rate he was not elected ns a Secessionist, for the then existing causes ; lie voted for the Ordinance, and was elected to Congress ■ by a majority of Secessionists. What important measures or practical states- I matisbip lie inaugurated, or carried through Congress by his ability or i intiuence during his whole term of service, I have never been able to 1 learn. While the Secession Convention was in session at Savannah, Mr. Hill, then a member of both the Convention and the Provisional Congress, made a speech to the people, in which lie said, ‘ the North would not fight. There would he no war. But if the North should bo so foolish as to go into tlic contest, there never was a people on the face of tlie earth so well prepared for it as we were. It should be an aggressive war. The war should be carried into Africa ; and when the cities of the North were laid in ashes, and the country devastated and laid waste, then wc should find that the people o( the North were the ones to ask for terms anil sue for peace." lie pictured the rising glory of the new Confederacy, ami went ,on to say, wliile this became'more compact and. secure, disintegration would come as sure as fate upon the old Union, and they would seek entrance into this. And lie very graciously added that “if they came humbly enough as ‘hewers of wood and drawers of water,’ they might coine.” When the next Legislature met, there were in it a majority ol the old Know Nothing party, and Mr. Hill was elected to the Confederate Senate over General Toombs. While in the Senate he voted, under oath, against the first Conscript Bill. As is well known, 1 opposed tiie measure, when made public, as unconstitutional. Not long after this was known, Mr. Hill made a speech in MilledgeriHe, in which he intended to bo very severe on me for my opposition to a measure against which he had cast his vote under oath ; and said the country would have been ruined if it bad not passed. After that time lie became the zealous • advocate of the conscription policy and denounced all who opposed it. During the war, when a call was made upon the people, not subject to conxrqi tion, to volunteer and organize for home defense, when it was doubtful whether tiiey would be called out for active ser vice, Mr. Hill made a speech in La Grange and encouraged all to volunteer; and as a means of giving force to his appeals, and of showing his own patri otic devotion to the cause, he enrolled, j or authorized his name to be enrolled, 1 as a private in one of the companies 1 being formed, and pledged himself to j go if they were called out. Soon after j ward, upon the advance of the Federal j army, the company was ordered to the ! field for active service, and Mr. Hill not j being one of the “dupes who showed a j will to lose blood,’’ backed out and re-! fused to go. The reason reported at the j time, as given by him for his refusal, j was, that be was a Confederate Senator | drawing a salary, and that while in his ; condition it would be unconstitutional I for him to draw the pay of a private sol dier. So it, appears that tho present is not the only occasion when Mr. Hill’s motto has been to stand by the Consti- i tntion as his only safety. As he would certainly have been entitled to the pay of a private shoulder if he had .shoul dered his gun and gone with the com pany, and as it was wrong for a Senator I to violate the Constitution, he was not : arrested and compelled to serve. All true Confederates arc expected ■ by him to admit, that Mr. Hill’s j denunciation of those who wilfully encouraged desertion or evasion of, service, by any who could enter the ; build department without a violation oj the Constitution, is most just and , proper. But no one is expected to blame a Senator for refusing to shoulder a musket as a private soldier, in violation of the Constitution, after getting “our people,” whose “intelli gence and virtue,” he says lie lias “ often overrated,” into the service, any more than the world was expected to blame the lame captain for starting in the retreat in advance of his men. It may be, in view of the above incident in his life, that Mr. Hill exclaims in No. 11 of bis notes, “ I never felt 1 made war on the Union.” Mr. Hill now says, “ I was willing every hour of the struggle to stop the fight and negotiate.” When and to whom did he proclaim that willingness during the struggle? All remember in Georgia that he was stumping the State when General Lee sur rendered, assuring our people that there was no possible danger of suli ! jugation, and exhorting them to accept I nothing but “independence or exter mination.” While I admit that our position as a i conquered people is not consistent with our iormer position ; and that tho s-.vord 1 having settled the construction of the Constitution against us, the -position of individuals who adopted the Slate Rights theory prior to the war, and the one they now occupy under the amnesty oath, by which they are sworn to support the “Union of the States,” are not consistent ; i have felt justified, as the assailed party, in recurring to this outline —before and during the war—of the political character of this reckless calumniator, who denounces tho Congress of the United States again and again, till the tautology is fatigue ing, as a “fragmentary conclave,” and its members, without exception, as perjured traitors and “ libellers ;” who charges the President of the United States with having committed “the most fatal and dangerous error of this generation, not excepting seces 1 sion nor coercion, or even fanaticism itself,” because lie lias agreed that it is his duty to execute laws passed over his veto by two thirds of Congress, which have not been declared void by the Supreme Court; who boldly proclaims that it is the duty of the President to suppress Congress; who arraigns the Supreme Court of the United States for having in a late decision, as lie says, “ simply affirmed what is called the ultra State rights doctrine of South Carolina :” who assorts that Generals Beauregard, Longstreet, and Hampton, arc fax more to be despised than a burglar, because they “ counsel submission to the military acts:” and who denounces General Lee, General Johnston, Gene vnl Gordon, and almost all other of the Generals of tho Confederate armies, each, as art '‘enemy to the Con stitution,” and “an enemy of every citizen whose rights arc protected by the Constitution,” because they "pas sively submit” to tiie sauit) acts of Congress. Doubtless these great men, if they should read Mr. Hill’s bombastic liii niinalinris and aspersions, would be "■ exceedingly til loti with contempt,” siiMi:i:it it. in Mr. Hill's Atlanta speech, In- says, as he bad before said in substance in his Notes, that ail who vote for a Convention am! encourage others to do so, are ‘‘morally and legally perjured traitors.” This is a very sweeping and unjust denunciation of a large majority ot the people of Georgia who will vote. Why are they perjured traitors:’ Be cause the Convention is called under the Military Bills, which, lie says, vio lates tiie Constitution, which lie and all others who took the Amnesty Oath, and all who take tho voters’ outll have sworn to support. In other words, no man who has sworn to support the Constitution can vole for a Convention, culled by run rv.-t which Mr. UilL assumes to be unconstitutional, without being guilty of perjury. And why is lie perjured? Certainly not because he votes for a Convention to alter the State Constitution. This is tho right of the citizens of tho States at any time, and 'nos been repeatedly ex ercised by the people ol the, different States. Not because ho votes for a Convention to change tiie basis of suf frage. That has been done repeatedly by State Conventions and Legislatures. Then Why is it perjury to vote for tiie Convention ? The substance of Mr. Hill’s reply to this is: The act of Congress that provides for holding the Convention is unconstitutional, and any one who has sworn to support the Con stitution commits perjury if lie acts under an unconstitutional act ot Con gress. All who register do certainly act under this same unconstitutional law of Congress. The first action (which the Military Bill proposes) that the citizen takes is to register. The second is to vote for or against a Convention. The one is as much under tho military law as the other. And strange as is tiie inconsistency, Mr. Hill advises him to do the first act required, and denounces him as a per jured traitor if he does the second, and votes lor tiie Convention. Before fur ther noticing this very extraordinary position, let us apply Mr. J Mil’s rule to Mr. Hill hiinsdi'. When lie was re leased from prison and took the Am nesty Oath, lie swore to support tiie Constitution of the United States, and in the same breath lie swore to support tho Proclamations ol the President, abolishing slavery in the States, in cluding Georgia. At that time, Geor gia had not held a Convention and agreed to abolish slavery. The Consti tution protected it. The President's Proclamation had declared it abolished, and at the same time Mr. Hill swore to support both the Constitution and the Proclamation. He came home and favored the incorporation of a provision into the constitution of tiie Stale forever abolish ing slavery, which was protected by tbe Constitution ol tiie United States; and when the Legislature met, he favored the adoption, by them, of an amend ment of the Constitution of the United States declaring it forever abolished. The President required tiie first, and Congress had proposed the second to the States, which the President also required tiie Southern States to adopt- Mr. Hill swore both to support the Constitution and to carry into effect the Proclamation of the President, which abolished or declared it abolished, over or “ outside ” of the Constitution. We were then acting under the require ments of tiie President. Now, compare that with the present (requirement, 'I he President then required us to do two things: First, to amend our State Constitu tions so as to destroy some three hundred millions of dollars of-our property, which the Constitution of the United States protected; and, second, to ratify an amendment of the Constitu tion of the United States putting it forever out of the power of the State to restore our property to us. The present requirements of Congress also exact two things of us: One to alter the Constitution of the State so us to give suffrage to the African race, and the other to ratify an amendment of the Constitution of the United States dis franchising certain officers (Mr. Ilill among the number) who engaged in ihe rebellion, as mil* amnesty oath AUGUSTA, GA., SATURDAY, AUGUST 10,1867. compelled us to call it, not forever, as in the ease of the abolition of shivery, but till they may be relieved by a vote of two thirds of Congress; and to do certain other acts, which were also required by the President—as the repudiation of the State war debt, etc.- Now, if it is a violation of the Con stitution for Congress to make a voter, upon which Mr. Ilill puts so much stress, and to require us, as a condition precedent to re-admission, to ineorpo* rate it into our State Constitution that he shall lie a voter, was it not as much a violation of the Constitution for the President, by proclamation, to abolish slavery and require us to incorporate that into our State Constitution ? And, if it is unconstitutional for Congress to require us to ratify an amendment of the Constitution of the United States, taking from certain officers who engaged in the war tho right to hold office, was it not equally a violation of the Con stitution for tho President to require us to ratify a similar amendment, taking from us hundreds of millions of dollars worth of property, without a dollar of compensation ? is Mr. Hill’s right to hold office any more protected, by the Constitution than the citizen’s right to hold property ? If it is a, violation of the Constitution to require tho State to deprive him of the one, is it not equally a violation of the name’ Constitution to require us to deprive! the citizen of the other ? If he luur sworn to support the Constitution of the United States lie favored the onoy and lie now denounces as a perjured traitor any man who supports thu other. He says ho “shall never get done shuddering, and horrors will never cease to rise up in his mind, when he sees men taking an oath to support the Constitution and then legislating to put iff force measures which arc. outside of it.” He also says, “ 1 shall dis-. ; ; charge the obligation of the amnesty oath. It requires me to support the Constitution and the emancipation of the negro, and l do.” The military ; bills require an oath to support tho ' Constitution and the enfranchisement of tho negro. Where is the ditferepeeJ in principle? Mr. Ilill swallowed thol one without gagging, and saw the I measure put in force “ outside ” of the Constitution without shuddering. BufcJ when his inordinate ambition for office | is about to be interfered with, “horrors J Constantly rise before him.” And J ] regret to see that lie is not the only j one of the former leaders and office j holders in Georgia who, after having J aided in, and even presided over, the j doing of acts quite as humiliating and ! as violative of principle and of consti- f tutioual guarantees, seems willing notv j to have the country plunged into, irretrievable ruin, rather than submit j to the disfranchisement which the | conqueror requires on account of his j acts of disloyalty. Rather than have] their unholy ambition for office j thwarted, such men seem determined.! to drag down with them those who” have jheen tjjeil- follower: and btii'tf tTTcir advice, and to subject them iusu ! to disfranchisement, and their families j to want by confiscation. Again, in his Notes, and in his Atlanta speech, Mr. Hill says, he “earnestly bogged and urged” Georgia and the South not to secede. He also says you are already in the Union, “and always were." And in his Notes ho says, “I never felt I made war on the Union.” It seems but one inference can he justly drawn from these expressions, which is, that Mr. Hill advised and urged Georgia not to secede, and that lie never believed Georgia was out of tiie Union, and consequently that he never made war on it. if Mr. Hill’s language means anything, this is his position. Lot us compare these pro fessions with his acts. in 1859,in his Dudley letter,(of which I have no copy, and speak from memory, the substance of which I am satisfied 1 give correctly (if I err its publication will correct me), Air. Mill, in answer to tiie question, what the people of Georgia should do in tiie event tho Republican party elected its candidate for the Presidency the next year, most em phatically advised “war, war, war, iu every sense in which, the term is defined or definable.” And in the event that I ’ouglas was elected, or any one holding his opinions, thu same course is recoin mended in most earliest terms- I think no word in tiie letter indicated the desire or intention of the writer to await an overt act of oppression by the Federal Government, or tlic cooperation of ail tiie Southern States, as a contingency on which iioEtilities should depend. To this position ol war, war, war, he com mitted his party, his friends, and his honor, and defended and justified it iu his speeches that Fall, whenever lie alluded to it. After the election of Air. Lincoln lie had not the moral courage to stand by his position, but backed down from it, and as lie now says, in 1860 “ earnestly begged” and urged Georgia not to secede. In January, 1861, he again changed and voted for and signed the ordinance of secession. He now says lie told tiie people that secession wouid produce war. Os course lie predicted all the evils that have befallen us, none of which would have happened if his advice had been taken. Prior to 1860 he had taken the oath to support the Constitution of the United States. Asa member of tho Confede rate Congress he aided in the forma tion of the Confederate States, and afterward swore to support it- lie also voted for a virtual declaration of war against the United States. lie voted 1 to raise and support armies, and equip j them to be hurled against the forces of! the United States, to set up by force an | independent government within the j territory of tho United States, lie iow denounces those who told the j people that secession would be. a peace- i able remedy, and says in the teeth of j ids Savannah speech, lie always pre ! dieted it would produce the state ol I things that followed. Then, according : to his own statement, when he voted for j secession, he knowingly and wilfully voted for ldoody war, and in the Con- \ federate Congress voted to sustain : bloody war, against the Government of ! the United States, whose Constitution he had sworn to support. When Air. Ilill did all this, if he believed, as lie now says, that wo “always were ” in the Union, ho sinned against conscience, light, and knowledge, and is “legally and morally a perjured Irailor.” 'lf the State had no rielit to secede (apd did not secede, the conclusion i ; inevitable that all who believed secessioi *-» would produce war, and might not t ' bo attempted, and so believing vote s for or voluntarily aided secession, an r-f traitors against tiie government wbicl they believed had rightful jurisdictioi , : over them ; and all who so believin' ii took an oat/i to support the Cmistitmipi i ol the United States, and afterward -Raided the rebellion, as it is. called, an t perjured traitors. i 1 here is but one mode of escapi i: from the legal and moral guilt ollrcasoi and perjury left to Mr. Hill, or any utlic ; man, who took the oath to support tilt , ! Constitution of the United Stales am > afterward aided in the war against tin United States. That escape is l'uutn , in the position occupied by the Seve;:- : sionists and those who honestly believe • that the State of Georgia hi"!, unde ■ the compact, the right to secede am :uM secede. What, then, follows .-’After we seceded wc were a .Stall .foreign to tiie United States. - j We had war with the United State: -i tts a foreign power. After a gallan A struggle we were conquered by tin . j United States, and became a conquered Ijpooplo out vj the Union. We tliei ■!'(sensed to have any Constitutional right: (tilt re-admitted, except such as the V conqueror chose to recognize. We had J sy.ly the rights which, by the laws nl T nations ami the laws of war, belong Ito the conquered. Wlmt we term i Constitutional rights in this country | are not among thy rights of the •J conquered by the law of nations. The \ amnesty oath administered to oui i; people at the dictation of the conqueror, in which each person is sworn to sup. •uiert the Constitution of the United States, neither restores tho seceded • States to tho Union, nor imposes the j duty on each individual in the eon- f quered Territory to resist “ the laws” I passed by the Congress of the eon- Jqueror, which no judicial tribu nal has declared unconstitutional.— :It simply means that we, as indi viduals, will obey all laws passed by j Congress according to the forms of jregislaliim prescribed by the Cou.stitu ijon, till they are repealed or declared .LfVid by the proper Constitutional tribu j nkl. In or out ol the Union, the oath iu! the private citizen to support tiie f Constitution means nu more than this : ! When a law is passed by a majority of J Congress, with the approval of the or by two thirds ot Con cress lover the veto of the President, every 'citizen aftd subject is bound to obey it till it is repealed or the proper Court I lias pronounced it unconstitutional and ’void. The Military Bills were so .passed, and they ha\c never been declared void by the proper Couslitu l tional tribunal. Till tbit is done, or j they are repealed, every citizen of the j United States, and every conquered j subject of a foreign State, held by flu: United States, is bound to submit to l thorn.' Hu supports tiie Constitution by Tsid iuissio" to the laws passed according fUaif in- g 2M' ')"■ i till j they are repealed or set name by the j proper Constitutional tribunal. I Every man of common sense must see that any other construction of tiie oatli would lead to endless confusion, bloodshed, and anarchy. Our people often differ’ about the constitutionality of acts passed by Congress. Courts of high authority differ. If Mr. Mill’s position is right, each citizen is sworn to act upon Ids own construction, and resist every law which he deems uncon stitutional, and defend all rights which ho believes he lias under the Constitu tion ; anil in his own language, “Talk for them, and if need be, before Cod and the country,,/q//i? and die for them.” Adopt this construction, that eaeli citi zen is bound to resist all laws which he deems unconstitutional, and we must have constant lighting and constant dying. In other words, anarchy and confusion must supersede all 1.,.v an-i all order, wheuevol- we differ about the constitutionality of acts of Con gross. In his Atlanta speech, Mr. Ilill exclaims: “O, how sorry a creature is tiie man who cannot stand up for the j truth when tiie country is in danger. There never was such an opportunity as now exists i'oraniau to show of what stuff lie is made.” llow unfortunate for Mr. Hill’s position that this did not occur to him in 1801, when he voted for secession, after having sworn to j support tho Constitution of the United j States, and after having predicted hor rible bloody war in ease of secession, and after having urged and begged \ Georgia not to secede. What an op- j portiuiity lie then had to show the stuff of which lie was made. W’hy did he I not then ‘‘stand by the Constitution, our only hope, auil fight for it, and, | if need lie, die for it:, in his effort to j avoid perjury, and put down rampant, j Woody treason, which, if his present ! position is right, tho Convention ! seemed,-determined to commit? How j unfortunate it was for tiie country, and • for tiie reputation of Mr. Hill, if he be . now right, when he wrote his Dudley j letter, and when lie made his Savannah j speech during tiie session of tiie Con-1 vention, and threatened the invasion j of tho North with tire and sword, if the people of the North attempted to prevent our peaceable secession, and when ’he voted for and signed tiie Ordinance of Secession after having sworn to support the Constitution ; that the guardian angel of liberty did not sound in his cats louder than seven thunders, the elegant! chaste! language of Mr. Hill, marked in the quotations below from No. 10 of his Notes. O, Mr. Hill, patriotic, political prophet, foreseeing great events after they occur, friend of liberty ! remember your oath ! ! “I ask you again and again, and I beseech all men” “to ask,” it is the earnest anxious piercing “appeal” of the dying hope of liberty! Mr. Hill are you wilting to violate the Constitu tion t Are yon willing first to swear to support it, with the intent, at the same lime of swearing to violate it ? Then I proclaim, your hell-mortgaged con science will never cease to proclaim : yon are perjured, and perjury is not half your crime: you commit perjury in order to become a traitor. O, Mr. Hill, think! think! discard ambition ! and turn a deaf ear to the allurements of office! stand by the Constitution! vote against secession! and thereby avert the bloody war you have predicted. Remember your oath to support the Constitution I.' “If GEORGIA PRINTING COMPANY, Publishers. you do not the hell hounds which Death j by rape begot of Sin, when Heaven’s ; Almighty lnu-led down to Hell those j who by deceit ami force soil”lit to destroy His supremacy, these very . pretences which hate begets of liypoc ! lisy in this attempt to destroy the \ Constitution will become ‘yelping I monsters in the political hell into which the genius of constitutional lih | erty will cast you. and will ‘kennei’ in | the womb that had them, mid ‘ how l and gnaw,' and vex with conscious ! terrors forever.’’ Shades of Milton!!! RUHR HR HI. Mr. Ilill in No. 7, in discussing the j “ law ol peace” between the Northern | and Southern States, lays down the | claims of both at the commencement of the war. lie say's : the Southern j States insisted, Ist, “ That the Federal ■ Constitution was a compact to which tiie j States were parties as separate and j independent States, and, therefore, were ! parties with the right by virtue ot their I separate sovereignty- of withdrawal j from the compact, when in the judg ment of the State withdrawing her i interest or safety required withdrawal." j 2d. “ That the administration of the j common government by a sectional I party --.-ectional because organized on a principle ol avowed hostility to a right of property livid by the citizens of tlic Southern States, and recognized by the Constitution—-would endanger the inter est and ’ safety of such Slates, and therefore justified the exercise of the right claimed to withdraw.'' This is laid down as the whole claim made by the Southern States. He then says in a note: “ The render will observe that l do not claim the doctrines and pur poses of tiie Confederate States as constituting any of the terms of peace. These were all defeated in the jiyhl and abandoned by the surrender.” Wc then, Mr. Hifl being the judge, ■‘abandoned by the surrender” ns one of tiie “terms of peace ” the right of withdrawal on account of the common (ioceniiuent being administered by a sectional party, “organized on princi ples of avowed Hostility to a j iyhl of projici/y held by citizens of the South ern States and recognized by tin: Con stitution.’' Alter having admitted Ibal these are tho “terms of peace,” all that Mr. Hill says about the Constitution, and its guarantees, and our equality in tho Union, and about our rights, for which we are t ojighl and die, is simple empty | school boy declamation, j If a .sectional party —organized on i principles of avowed hostility to a l ight of property hold by us, and recognized ! by tiie Constitution- -claimed the right I to administer the common (ioverament, and we yielded that right by the sur render, as part of the “terms of peace,” and absolutely and unconditionally gave, up and abandoned that very tight of property, amounting to thousands of j millions of dollars in value, and con j seated to meet in convention at thedie | tatioa of the conqueror, and incorporate j iutoour State Constitution a clause aljuu i drilling 'arhf'diwtruyiiig Jho veiv [a e.e! A , j iii “.wowed hostility” to which, the see ' tional party was organized ; which I property was recognized and protected by tiie Constitution : and if at tiie like dictation of the conqueror we consented to, and ratified an amendment of the Constitution of the United States, for ever denying to tiie States, or the Con gress, the power to restore this property to tts, what is the value ol tiie remain ing rights of person or property left us by the “terms of peace,” ii we attempt to hold them in defiance of the will of the conqueror? ii we wi re unable to sustain our cause in tin* field, and were compelled to abandon an 1 give up, without compensation, thousands of milliona of dollars worth of property “recogniz'd by the Constitution,” for 111-- Niki of pence, with wlial possible nope of sl.lljss can we now, impover ished mid dimrmed, reenter the fit-id, to fiphi, i r Mr. Hill's right to hold office! 11 there were no dishonor in the acts by which the Moutlieni States incorpo rated into their Constitutions clauses abolishing slavery, and thereby destroying thousands of millions of dollars worth of property, and wo consented to its incorporation into the Constitution of the United States, at tho dictation of tiie conqueror, what dishonor is there iu incorporating into tiie same Constitutions a like provision enfranchising the (reeihucn, and dis enfranchising officers who engaged in tiie war against tiie United States? If tiie first did uot violate the Constitution, and was not, “by legislation,” the adoption of measures “ outside of die Constitution,” bow does the last violate it ? If he who voted fur tlic Conven tion, culled at the dictation of tiie conqueror, to do the first, did not violate his oath to support the Consti tution, how does lie who votes for tiie Convention in tiie second ease, at the like, dictation, become a giajurcd traitor f Air. Hill’s statement in reference to tiie abolition of slavery presents a strange medley of confused jargon ; as will be seen by the following extracts, lie says: “Air. Lincoln’s proclamation abolishing slavery was declared to be a war measure only.” “There was an agreement on our part to emancipate.” “Therefore, the abolition of slavery may, in fact, though not in legal strict ness, he counted as one of the things decided hy the war, and as being part of the law of peace.” “But the States had not ratified it (the Constitutional Amendment). It was, therefore, only a projinsifion undetermined at the /inn of the surrender.” “Neither he (Mr. Lincoln) nor General Grant, nor any other power,alluded to this (emancipa tion) as part of tiie terms daring the negotiations for, nor at the time of the acceptance of Ihc surrender.” “1 have shown, from tho official re cords of each and all, that the only conditions demanded' of the Southern people, in laying down their arms, were the preservation of the Union under the Constitution, with the single change of the abolition of slavery, which single change was very doubt fully and imperfectly demanded-, but was very promptly and cheerfully yielded.” Why, certainly, it was very doubtful whether the conqueror demanded the abolition of slavery as part of the terms of peace ! But the slaveholders of Georgia, to remove all dun hi on that subject, very promptly, 0 yes, and most cheerfully, yielded it; and gave up j three hundred millions of dollars ns an ' evidence of the cordiality with which i they accepted the terms, and adopted ! the Constitutional Amendment, winch was simply a “proposition undeter mined at tiie time of the surrender.” The present propositions made by Congress are also undetermined since the surrender, and if Mr. Uliil and al! others in his condition will accept them and surrender their right to hold office, a promptly and cheerfully as lie says the slave holders of Georgia surrendered their property, our dit'ieullie.s will soon be settled, and we shall have peace and ; returning prosperity. \\ r e shall see capital come in and develop the country. We shall have peace and plenty for the farmer, business lor the merchants, em ployment for the mechanic, and biv:.d for tiie poor. We shall then begin to receive part of the benefits ot the com mon government as well as its burdens. We shrill have representation with a voice in legislation, and share in the appropriations made out of the fund to which we, in common with tho people of the North, are contributors. But who can teli, from the above quotations from “Mr. Hill’s Notes,” whether tho abolition of slavery was one of the “terms ol peace ?" I quote a little further. Ho says, while discussing the terms of peace: “I repeat, the only demand made by the United States in tiie beginning was that the people of the Confederate States should lay down their arms, ami return to their homes and obey the laws.” Again, “Tito question is, did the United States during tiie tear and before tiie surrender make any other demands, or avow additional purposes and make them known to the (Junfede rates ?” "I have been unable to find any other, and believe no other man is able to find any other legitimate or official demand or declared purposes.” After all til is, Mr. Hill says : “Os all tho delusions of the revolution, the greatest was that of supposing, that either party to the late conflict was lighting to preserve the Unioti under tlic Constitution.” And again, “Tho I result is tiie preservation of a territorial, j Union, but the utter destruction of the ! constitutional Union. Consent was tiie ] beauty of tiie old Union —force is tiie j power of the new.” l-’rom all these contradictory .state ments, who can gather from Mr. Hill’s notes what are the issues settled by the war, and wlmt tho law of peace? In one breath tlic war was waged hy tiie United States to preserve, tiie Union ! under the Constitution, and in tlic next i tlic greatest- delusion of the revolution I was that of supposing that either party j was fighting to preserve tho Union j under tile Constitution. In one number the Constitution is destroyed and a! union of force substituted for tho Constitutional Union; and in another j we arc told to stand by the Consti tntion \ as our only hope: and that wc are' still iii the Union and “always were” ] in it. it sr-iLos., how.-vi-r, from all Mr. ilill ..cry.: on li. luhjecl, ttyo lie does dot, insist that the abolition of slavery was | part of tiie tei'in.s of the surrender, nor I was it part oi the law or terms of peace, i Yet Mr. Mill most cheerfully yielded it, j and iti violation of the Constitution, if j his present position he correct, favored 1 a Convention to make the sacrifice of this vast amount of property which was j protected by tho Constitution, all to he | done by legislation “outside of tiie [ Constitution." But there was uo per- I jury iu that, I'm- while the legislation j vie. I roved die people's property, it did not interfere with tin: right of ambitious j men to hold office. Mr. Hill pretends to quote from a writer on the la tv of nations to .-show that no terms of peace can be enforced by the conqueror tied are nut made known to tho conquered before they lay down their arms. He is careful not to giro the section, page or edition of the work from which lie quotes on this or other points. But what if tlio conqueror should impose other terms ? What is the penalty for so doing ? Mr. Mill says it makes him infamous, and is a just cause of war. How does this help us? Mr. Hill tolls us again and again that tiie government of our con querors is now infamous; that they wlio control it are perjured iraiOns, wicked traitors, libellous, etc. Then tho penalty of becoming infamous, according to Mr. Hill, lias no terrors for them, and will uot relieve us. Hut it is just cause of war if they impose new terms. This may lie, but how does this relieve us? What do we gain hy another declaration of war ? We are disarmed, with tin means of supporting the war. Tlic Government has its vast armies, and navies, and boundless armaments, and resources at command. Why. then, advise us of our l ight to declare w.i i again? I> Air. Hill not yet satisfied with the shedding of blood ? It is simply worse than madness, as any man of sense well knows, to attempt further redress of our grievances by war. It our means are exhausted, ami we have uo further ability to maintain war, wliat is left, to us but submission? This disposes, without further notice, of all Air. Hill s subtle argument to prove that we arc not a coni/uend people, sub ject to the will of the conquerors. Ii ivu have laid down our arms and sur rendered at discretion, and have no further ability to resist, why are we not subject t.o tbe will of the conqueror ? Neither subtle ingenuity, nor human reason, can change this plain, undeni able fact. However much we may deplore it, candor compels us to admit that it is a .stem reality. We are a conquered people, unable to make fur ther successful resistance, and are sub ject ‘.o the will of our conquerors. Tin: Commissioner of tiie General Land Office is taking views to obtain accurate information in regard to the extent of the several railways of the United States —those completed and j those projected and begun. To this I end be has opened correspondence with ; the State authorities in order to have-j the correctness of the data tested which ‘ the Commissioner has collected. It is intended to reflect the aggregate j extent of the railway system in the next j annual report of tiie General Land Office in connection with details as to the immense laud grants made by Congress to aid in the railway system. NO. 27. Fighting Like Men and Submit ting Like Men. In the field we fought like men ; now we will submit like men, anil will not mouth and pout like irritated school girls, nor jaw and wrangle like those womanish men who in war times were as gentle as doves, hut in piping times of peace are as warlike as eagles. YVe can uo more resist at the polls than in the field. Let us become reconciled to Ihe Republican pro gramme-of reconstruction. It is the very best we can do in order to save tho little that is ft-ft. Their pro : gramme is that the late Hebei States ! shall he reconstructed under its I auspice.-i and in accordance with its ! principles. First, it oft'eml us reconstruction on the condition of the adoption of tiie ; Constitutional Amendment. We re jjected tlic offer with contumely. Next, j it resolved to rule us by means of the ! ballots of our. former slaves, and j straightway decreed universal suffrage to the colored and partial disfranchise ment to the white race. Our wranglers gallantly came to the rescue, and loudly proclaimed that we could “out-elec tioneer tho Yankees among the sable | suffragans.” This empty boast led to the organization of the negroes into Loyal Union Republican Leagues, and the orders that the agents of the Freedmcti’s Bureau instruct them as to their rights ami their .duties to their liberators, and to encourage them by promises of support and assistance in the event of their loss of homes-and wages, “to defy the threats and despise tiie cajolcrsof the former slave drivers.” And now, if we, conquered and par tially disfranchised, persevere in obdu rate but abortive efforts to oppose this omnipotent party, in its schemes of reconstruction and political ascen dancy, what does it threaten as tho next infliction of correction and pun ishment but total disfranchisement, restrictive test oaths, and, lastly, as a dernier l-csort, confiscation of the very soil which is our only resource for bread to feed the young when they cry, and which lias been hallowed to us even by the outpouring of tiie blood of our martyrs. Should wc resist it ? It is “ the powers that be.” Useless and ineffectual resistance even unto tyranny, is sin and crime, when tiie result of such resistance can only be hairier burdens amlmore galling fetters It matters not what sort ol x-esistance - is attempted, whether by arms in the lii-lil or by clamor at the polls. It is all one, and will ho so regarded and so resented. The Republican party may be stig matized as a despotism. That does not lessen its power or relax its relentless will. It demands obedience as im plicit ly as though it were Czar or SnltSti, ready and able to enforce decrees by knout or bowstring. And lie who, til llie face of the facts, deiiie:! its suprema ev, is blind because he will not see, paid deal in-cause he will noL bear. Pride and m : i/!,i■ ■ss.tiav,- settled kis.' ey ctlr and Ids ears. But it is die pride which precedes the tali; and the madness, we fear, which the Cods sometimes inttiot on mortals whom they wish to destroy. lloanoke ( Va.) Times- Household Items.—ls you do not preserve your papers to file them ..way (which you ought to do), cut out these three items for future reference : Two grains of alum to a pint nt water will clarify water which is unlit to drink, arid the taste of the alum will not lie perceived. A French chemist in Algiers shows that muddy water will become drinkable in thu course of iri.-tu seven to seventeen minutes by adding half a grain of potassie alum for every quart of water. The following is recommended us , an almost inlailibic euro for that pain ful disease l , neuralgia: Take a large teaspoonful ol cologne, ! two talilespoorisfnl of fine salt, and mix them together in a small bottle : every time you have any acute affec tion of the nerves or neuralgia, simply breathe the fumes in your nose from the bottle, and you will'be immediate ly relieved. NEW BANKRUPT LAW, 'THE U x DBRSIGjnSD RESPECT 1 FULLY informs tkoso interested that ho has been appointed Agent for Georgia for the sale of tho following: APPROVED Blanks iu Bankruptcy, | Arrangements have, been made with the j I,‘oi-riiiuent Publisher, in Washington, for j » full set oi Stereotype Plates of all tho | forms of BLANKS to bo used in BANIv i ItUPPCI, and tho same will bo issued as last as prepared. These blank Forms arc ! prepared tinder the special direction of the j Secretary of tbe Committee ot Justices of j Ihc United States Supremo Court, and aro ! printed iu :he neatest manner, on tho host ; paper, and arc carefully Classified, Num | licrcd, and Endorsed, with Notes of In - I struction and Reference thereon, and ar j ranged in every way for tho complete con i vcnicncu of the Court aud tho Bar, and for j the purposes of filling. ALSO, A COMPLETE l. >S. Bankrupt Act Manual. 1 GUIDE AND MANUAL OF INSTRUCTION i IN THE Administration and Practice of tbe Bank rupt Law of March 2, 1867. Edited by CLINTON lUCE, Esq., Counsellor at Law, Secretary to the Honor able (he Committee of Justices of tlic United Siutcs -Supreme Court, as Commis. ; iturs tu Regulate the Practice atul Mode of Procee-lure in Courts of Bankruptcy j and Reporter in Cases of Bankruptcy ; WHICH WORK WILL CONTAIN I TIIE BANKRUPT ACT OF MARCH 2, I 1867. Conveniently Arranged and An ; notated. RULES OF PR AC TIJE and all tho Forin 8 of Proceedings under the Act, as approved by tlio United States Supremo Court al the present term of the Court. TIIE OFFICIAL LIST—THE EXEMP TIOJfLAWS of the several States and Territories, complete—together with all matters of information necessary to Ofli cers'.or Attorneys under the Law, or to those desiring to avail themselves of its benefits. . The Same comprised in a Finely 'Printed Volume, and Substantially Bound in Law Sheep, Price $5.00. Do, aiul Interleaved, s7.so. jES" Orders rocoived at the National, Uui'niiLioAx Office, Augusta, (Fa., by