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wmti win, mwir .1. E. RK V »!v r. - - Editor. AVGUSTA, o.\. >A’i ri;in\ Ait; i sr i". iw. \ \ Official Organ U. S. Government. Official Organ of the - Georgia Educational Association, 2>V* Ail C(UIIMUUi« Gti.ilis foi I'il lion mint be written onh on one >i*l« <»1 i lif paper, itiivi accODipiinictl with tin- iuhim* ill tli< writer. AW will not 1 lie name, unless tin- writer w : 1 1 ** - us to tlo >O, but \re mil-t have it :e i e of Hie trutiiJulncb:- of the ;»rti< 1 . The Principles we Advocate. Reconstruction in accordance with the laws of Congress. The equal political and legal rights <•1 all citizens of the United States, except those who have lx on convicted el crime, or those who have vol untarily attempted to destroy the Govern incui. The enactment ol State laws for the inauguration and support of ; system of common schools. The elevation of labor, cud tin- pas sage of such laws as will protect the. toiling masses of sociot v in their just and legal rights. Laboring Men, Rcmanbei ! That Hen 11. Hill in bis “ i'mh ” t !) speech at Atlanta spoke in lavor ol “a lauded itruilon a<cirihrueing ■ ■ iitinlii Jew /a o/di ■ Keiueltibcr that three hundred thiiu ■•iiiifl slaveholder.- the Imuhil mis loiTin '/” of I In: Ninth—have hcrelolbre ruled the Southern Slates, driving the laboring while men from the good laud.- into the pine, barrens, keeping the great mass of the,people 111 iglio i,iuce and poverty- Koutomber that Ibis •'land'll ails ton !'• / " Inoiigliton a war lodtstroy the Govorutnvnt- established a “ reign el terror." and ront i:i> the poor nteii to tight lor them. Ucmembcr Hint tliis “ landed iiiis , lit' / " have always despised labor ing men, an i have erushed them by oppresstae law;. Ileineinbei llr,it ihe Union liepiibli i an putty is pledged to elevate labor, and to the passage of such laws as will protect the toiling masses ut society in their just and logal rights. Colored Men. Remember! That the Hehel-t opperhead parly romelimes called the Democratic party fought to keep you in slavery ; ami llmt the leaders of that party have done all they could to prevent you 1 1*111 voting. Urimutl-i r. that the nioin lh publi can party has gi\• n you freedom and the right to vole: that il has protected vou, and will continue to protect you. Koineml'i r till this, and do what you can to dolcat. the b’oliel Copperhead party, and place the Union Ifeptthli can party in powsr. Organize and Register. Wo agziu call the attention ol in r readers to the itnporlanee of having their names registered. He sure to see that every man who w ill vole the liepuhlicnii belief Inis his name regis tered. Do not fail. lit order hi make il uhsnlulrlii rn /arn that, all of our friends have been registered, it i* necessary to have some kind of a society orgtnizetl. The •• fit ion League" is the best organi zation,'hut if it is impossible to have a Leogm ” organized, establish a l.'epubhcan Club. Vou will find a Constitution for the organization of such Clubs on the outside ol our paper. In organizing Clubs, we would advise that a few true luon conic to gether. choose temporary olliecrs, and adopt tie- constitution. Alter that, let names he proposed and referred to a eemmitlce who shall examine to see if thev are true men. Let the Com mittee repurl whether they are friends or enemies. Then have a vote ol the Cluli. and let a majority decide. 1! a majority vote against the candidate, lie is. of course, rejected ; il a majority tote for, then have him sign the Con stitution ami enjoy all the rights ol other member!* Allow none hut members ol (republican Clubs lo at tend meetings. Have a sentinel to keep out persons not members When a sufficient number of persons have been elected, have permanent olliecrs elected in accordance with the Consti tution . friends' the time has come lot work. The enemy are organizing to defeat iis Let us work as hard as they . Tin. Cons ri i r i ion for the organi zation of Hepuhlieau Clubs was crowd ed out this week It will he published in our next issue. OUR PAPER. Again wc have enlarged onr j*ai»or. Tin iin|Kirlalice <d the campaign is so great, that wc fed it absolutely neces sary tn lay belore our leaders each week move reading matter than we were able tu crowd into the little sheet with which onr readers have been so long familiar. When we find that we need mere space, wc shall again en large our paper AYe have succeeded in establishing a paper that dare advocate reform. ’The establishment ol a free press in this Slate i; nu longer an experiment. PRICE REDUCED. It gives its pleasure to iofonit our leaders this week that the publishers have decided lo reduce the price of the Loyal Georgian to two dollars per year. We shall try to make it the best, a? it is now the cheapest paper in the South. Hon- j Imddeus Stevens ami lix- I’reshl -at Buchanan were together at a wedding in Lancaster last week. GREAT REPUBLICAN VICTORY IN TENNESSEE Thirty Thousand Majority. The election iu Tennessee, about which so much lias been said, has passed. There was no riot—no blood shed. Colored men voted for the first time since llieir late enfranchisement; but there “ was no war of races.” y were not controlled by their late masters. Neither threats nor bribes could induce them to vole against the party that gave them freedom and the ballot. All voted for the Republican party, and assisted to elect the “ nolo i> ii. s ” liriuvnlow and eight Congress men ■ Those who suppose that colored men do not know enough to vote for friends will find out their mistake hy-and-hy. REPLY OF Ex-GOV BROWN TO BEN H HILL We call the al tent inn of our readers to the able letters of Governor Brown whiclt we publish this week—they are copied from the Ohrnniiie. His re ply to the papers of Mr. Hill is keen and unanswerable. The latter was bombastic -and abusive. With him. denunciation took, the place of argu ment. The former is dignified and courteous. He can well afford to re frain from denunciation, for he has truth on his side-; and argument, founded on truth, is tlio only weapon lie needs. The keen logic of Brown, and his exposure of the bombast of Hill, make the latter appear ridiculous. The Position of the Democratic Party. We liavelYeijiiently told our readers that, the Democratic party (so called) more properly the Rebel-Copper head parly—is in favor of re-esta blishing slavery ; in fact, that it holds that slavery hits never keen legally abolished. lion. Benjamin (4. Harris, of Mary land, one of the lenders of the Cop perhead parly, uses the following language : The institution of slavery, iu theory at least, still exist« ; anil it, docs not become (Stir Slate to say a word against that theory, when she reflects by what arts of the tyrant ami the robber our people have been practically deprived of llieir rights in this refliiect. The thief of properly ilocs not destroy the title of the owner. Besides, if this aiiiciulmcnt could ho constitutionally made, >c ltd! bn villi ', nt our claim for i ow.jii iisntiiiii for the slaves of which the United Stutea lU-privod us, or con verted to their ow n use ? W ill colored men support such a parly ! "Red, Yellow, and Black-' The New York '/'lines closes a long and able artiolo concerning the dill'e- I lent races I hat inhabit this country j with the following paragraph : It is an ciipy. task for legislation to protect immftrutitK wfim cross The I'acilk to laud on our western shores, and one which the local feeling, at least in the well settled parts of Cali fornia, seems disposed to aid. But late instances have occurred of eva sions ol the acts of Congress restrict ing the importation of coolies into the Southern States—instatio sol most unwise competition with Immo labor that is cheap ami abundant. We want no modified Slavery introduced where | we have just done away with its logal- I iz.od form. We have enough to do in | the guardianship of the blacks, without Inking anew class of wards upon our j hands. Tile forms into which that i guardianship will settle, Iho regain i t ion of its details, the share which the ! several States shall lake iu it, and above all Ihe diffusion of that eduea lion which nlono cum terminate it and emancipate the negro race from its min nity. are subjects that will engage tin- anxious thought of Ihe nation for many decades. 'They aio subjects too large to he more t han touched upon hero—subjects w hich concern the hon or ami welfare of tinr people more than any other questions of race. Fur the negro will share the continent with us and bea part of our people so long as we are a people. Wo shall eliminate tlio Indian—un shall not assimilate the Asiatic—hut the African was im porled, as wo Europeans were import ed, lo Income an American. Ilis iiiitnrali/atiuiipatent eamelrom I’rovt donee, like our ow n, and lie lias the right to look to us to help him to Ins true place and hold him in it, on nor common continent ■ v Saluave. the newly elected Haytian President, may lie pronounced \t it limit any exception, the most popu lar ruler in the world. llow this comes about we can hardly tell : hut the fact is beyond question. When G eff'raril tvas forced to abdicate, the people of llayti with one voice called on Uetievre Snltiave to govern them, lit* refused. They prayed him to take what title he pleased He declined again, as Cicsar thrice tefused the ■ • kingly crown " mi the Lupercal, but, as it appears, from purer motives; and he asked to lie allowed to live in strict retirement. The citizens would not allow another name to lie pro posed, aud begged him at least to be come “ Protector " for a while. 11c consented. Again they importuned him to lie President. Then, at length, lie yielded, because the Presidency inul meanwhile been limited to four years, instead of lasting, as before, through life. Universal joy prevailed. The people went through the farm of au election last month. No other name was mentioned but Salnave’s, and he was unanimously elected. Even Wash ington was not* made President with sttelt universal spontaneity of choice. One would at first suspect Salnavc's coyness to be consummate art, just as Buckingham advises Gloucester to “ he not easily won to our requests; play the maid's part; still answer nay, and take i:.” But the accept ance seems to be a pare sacrifice to patriotism. May Salnave’s four years lie throughout as prosperous as at their beginning. His accession to power has acted like a charm ou troubled llayti.—.V. Y. Tinas. l iie Mobile Register says that, while opposed tu a State Convention to recog nize the Government, if there must be one, it is in favor of a fair share of colored vepresentatives. The Tyranny of the Federal Gov ernment It ih the fashion among the disunion leaders and orators, following the key-- note sounded by Andy Johnson in one or two of his score of vetoes, to de nounce the Federal Government as the most \iliainous of despotism*. Their dupes follow the fuglemen in the same way and tone, and one would think that nothing was more common at the South than to see an immense Da,stile in every village, and a gibbet at every cross road. That these leaders do not believe what they teach, is sufficiently proved by the eagerness with which some of them returned to the protec tion of the American flag after having absconded to Mexico and elsewhere, in anticipation of the punishment their conscience told them was justly their due. Hut they have returned, and under the miraculously animating iiitliieiu sos Kxceutive pardon, have recovered the use of their tongues and pens. They have inaugurated a regular and organized campaign of resistance to the government, and deception of tin 4 people, similar to the secession campaign of ISbO, and probably for the same end. They bring a general charge of unconstitutional despotism against the government. Ask them for the specifications, and amid a torrent of’ empty words and a deafen ing clamor, no ground is discovered for the charge except that the govern ment chooses to protect itself against destruction by disfranchising some of those who once attempted to destroy it. Never before lias the press been more licentious, never bus speech been more free, never have the rights of person and property been more sacred than now, under the .abhorred military rule. We bear of fewer riots, fewer mob , less lynching, than under the regime of that much yearned for civil law. ! Can the proas complain of want of liberty? No one interferes, not even j by enforcing the law of libel, while it j villi Cos and maligns every one who j dares to advocate the adoption of the terms of settlement which Congress has proposed, 'flic press has il all its own way, for there is no means by which a contradiction of its slanders can he got before the majority of tlio people—lew organs by which its malignant influence can be neutralized. It runs its muck uncontrolled and nnrest rained. Govern ment officers, to say nothing of State and County officers, who nre nothing if not scccnli, but Federal civil olliecrs sutler the government to bo villilied. and the misrepresentations of the press to be repeated, in llieir presence without a rebuke. Are their mouths so full of government bread that they can say nothing in favor of the hand that feeds them ? The government permits the press freely to stab private charac ter and to sow treason broadcast, to proclaim a war of rnces. It allows il to cxefte the people to rebellion, without a word of remonstrance. The press destroys as fust as the government attempts to build up, and this terrible despotism quietly succumbs, and its mhuips the commanders ol’tlic military districts—seem as powerless as the first king of .Ksop’s frogs a very suggestive table, by the wav. Is there any re.traint upon the liberty ot speech? Hen 11. Mill is allowed to preach sedition and incite to revolt, almost under Gen. Pope’s windows! The general may not consider Hill’s speech as dangerous enough to notice, because there is in it about the same proportion of reason to nonsense as there was of bread to sack iu FallstafV’s tavern hill. Hut many peo ple are to he caught with chaff, and mis take vituperation for argument : so Hen exerts his malicious influence, un checked. It the military law is powerless to reach such orators is there no law iu Georgia against common scolds? Has personal liberty been umvarraut ably invaded by this tles/mthm ? When and where in Georgia lias any citizen been punished or tried by military authority sinco I lie present rule was established? Whets the man that lias hern deprived of life, liberty or property except by sentence of civil law? True, there lias been less cause for die inflic tion of punishment, but if the fear of the military law restrains from crime, it is far better for all good citizens, than our old fashioned civil law, which no evil doer feared or respected. In line, this is the "mildest mSiuior cd" of despotisms. Not a man has been punished for treason or treasonable sentiments—they are permitted to be proclaimed from lliehoti.se tops. Would those who so vehement Iy denounce its oppressions have been better satisfied with the massacres of Queretaro? Yet they would have us believe that the rule of General l’ope is worse than the cruel tyrannies of Juarez and Esco bedo ! Congress might have refused to admit us into the Union upon an;/ con ditions, and held the South as con quered territory, subject to such penalties for treason as il saw til ; now, when it proposes to restore us to all our rights and equality in the l niou, upon terms the most lenient ever ottered to any conquered people, it is met by the howling of Tray, Blanche and Sweetheart, “little dogs and all,’’ about the tyranny of the terms and their uneonstitutionality: and it takes no pains to sileuec its revilers—those deceivers, misleading the people again to their own destruc tion. As if we, who had repudiated all allegiance to the Federal Constitution, and fought four years to overturn the Government founded upon it, had any right to claim its protection. It cer tainly is impudence of the coolest kind in those leaders, so suddenly embold ened by the President’s pardon, to prate of the sacredness of Consti- tuiions, when they have never under one, Federal or Confederal*, that they have not violated, or voted In violate. Men who could submit quietly to, and even approve of, the grinding tyranny of the Confederate Govern ment ; who could see, without a remon strance, their neighbors immured in filthy prisons for months ; shot, hanged banished without a trial, upon a inert suspicion of love of the Union, ha# no reason to murmur at the inadequate retribution exacted by the Government they sought to overthrow. The Controversy Stated. Ju 1&65, says the KI burton (Jasilfa the Confederates surrendered to the Union armies, and the authority of the Union was thereby extended overtime Southern States. , The Government of the United Stales held that no lawful State Government# existed in the South, and therefore undertook to govern, according to its own notions, the people who lived here. This was done at first through the federal military ahm *, and then through' them conjointly, with such of the ofd civil officers as they permitted to :njt. After a time, President Johnson ap pointed a Provisional Governor in every Southern Stale to exorcise some of the most indispensable executive functions, of a civil nature. Through these Governors, the Presi dent ordered elections fur Conventions to frame new Constitutions for flic States. He prescribed the qualifna tions ol voters in those elections, denying suffrage to all of the ancient voting class who did not take a certain test oath, and to all who were excepted * from his general amnesty and had not received hi.s special pardon. The last ' ground of disfranchisement was after ward modified in favor of those whose pardon had been recommended by Jj*c Provisional Governor. The elections were held, tho Conven tions sat, Constitutions were formed, ami j officers were elected under them. In j Georgia Mr. Jenkins was chosen Gov* ernor : hut when the time for hi.s inaug uration arrived, the President intli posed and prohibited it; and thus Vic organization of the new State Govern ment was delayed for several until the President withdrew his prohi bition, and permitted tho Governor eket to take bis office on the 11th day ot De cember, 180.). lionet; it appears that the President held that the old State Governments were destroyed by secession and the war; that he claimed the right to govern us by arbitrary military power until new civil governments should bo formed ; and also the right to direct, when he eho.se, the framing of now Slate Constitutions ; to allow to whom he citosc, ami to withhold from whom ho otiose, tlu: privilege ol voting in tlm , initiatory election, imd to allow of prp- . hi hit ntjiis pleasure Un: ffniufjuratjjn |gf j tin: new governments: Tt also appears: Hint his nets were conformed to these ! pretensions. • On Ihe other hand. Congress, while | agreeing with the President that the old State Governments were destroyed, and that the power of reconstruction Belongs to the United Stales Govern ment ; and that, until reconstruction, we must he ruled by that Government at its pleasure ; that it belongs to that Government to determine what part of i our population shall vole in elections for the t'onvenlions that are to form j the new Constitution, anil when the 1 new governments may go into opera tion ; yet differs from him in this, that it claims ail those powers over the Southern States for the federal legisla - ture, whereas lie claims them lor the federal executive. Both agree that the general Government possesses all these powers ; the disagreement is as to the department in which they are lodged. In support ol (ho President's claim, it is argued that he commands the military, and as the military power destroyed the old governments, it j should erect new ones in their stead. In support of the claim of Congress, it is argued that the ease of a State rebelling against the United States is not distinctly provided for in the Con stitution, and therefore we must reason from analogy; that the authorization of a now State government i- in its nature a law, and therefore should emanate from the Legislature; that Congress has undoubted power to admit new States and to organize governments for the Territories—acts very much like what is required in the present case; and that the President has no more right to make law in his military than in his civil capacity. It is difficult to answer this reason ing, if wc admit what both parties assume—that the Southern States were without lawful governments after the surrender. The supposed disposition of the President and the supposed indisposition of Congress to respect our feelings in the rules which thev prescribe cannot be considered in an inquiry into their respective power The usurpation, if there be any, ,on sists in the assumption of the power, and not in the way the power is exercised. If the President has a right to determine who shall vote, there is nothing in law or Constitution to prevent him from enfranchising and disenfranchising at pleasure. To some minds the present govern' ment of Georgia has a better title in the consent of the people on whom it ope rates than in its origin. Most of us would prefer that this government should stand, with such modifications as would be necessary to ensure justice to all classes ot people. But Congress chooses to set it aside, and the right of that body to do so is supported by arguments that are plausible, if not conclusive. And if the majority of our people should ratify anew government, organ ized under the recent legislation ol Con gress, wc cannot see that any very deadly blow would he given lo the prin ciples of constitutional liberty. We do not see why the people of Georgia may not as lawfully make a government for themselves under the call of Congress as under the call of President Johnson. About thirty seven thousand men voted at the election e>S Governor Jenkins under the Johnson Constitution. Il twice thirty seven thousand white men, and almost as many black men vote.(as they probably will), at the election of bis successor, under the Constitution which is soon to be formed, that succes sor will have at least as good a title to the Executive chair as the excellent rnan who now presides over the State. An Old Fallacy. ‘ They (the negroes) are an inferior race, incapable of self-government, and Professor Agassiz, of Massachusetts, has recently made manifest that they had a different origin from the white race/'— Huh. li. /•’. Perry's />•*( Letter. We believe the theory of the learned Swiss Professor has been misunder stood or misrepresented, but granting his theory and the arguments by which lie supports it to be true and valid, those who are so much afraid of negro equality ought to be the last to use them, lor their sequence is not only to make the negro equal but superior to the white, a position that wc flatly deny, for though we wislt the negro to advance, we intend to keep ahead of him if possible. Those who have reason to dread negro equality or superiority are those that shamefully stand still ami permit him to overtake and sur pass them. That the theory of the Professor, as stated by Mr. Perry, tends to establish the superiority of tho black race over the white, we think can bo concisely demonstrated from a source whose authority none deny—the teachings of Scripture. If the blacks hud a (Efferent origin front the white race, fhey bad another progenitor—an Adam of their own—if they did not descend from our Adam they did not partake of his sin, or the condemnation pronounced against him and his posterity. If they are nut therefore subject to the curse pronounced upon him, they had no need of a Saviour—the great atone ment for sin was n needless sacrifice as concerns them—- missions, churches, sermons, religious instruction, however necessary to a white man’s salvation, are works of stipe irogation to the black—unless their first father con ducted himself as imprudently as ours, in which case they may perhaps need a similar atonement; if their Adam sinned, they need a Messiah of their own, for it is not to be supposed that these learned ■damns and self-conceited politicians who deny the negro an interest in our Adam, are going to allow him an interest in mir Messiah. It is difficult to treat the sacrilegious «tl.s»ir.lr(frr. ..f fhcsr- svbv* t.i.sn in so serious a manner as stu b subjects should be treated. But if there ap pears to be impiety in our remarks, it is theirs, not ours. Their theory, fol lowed farther, undermines the whole foundation of slavery, which lias been based upon Scripture. Not for the black man does the earth bring forth thorns and thistles; and, if Perry and Agassiz are right, it was wrong to keep him eternally, hoe in baud, chop ping them down. That was the white man’s business ; that curse was his curse, and so of all the others. In fine, those who pretend to think that the negro is of a different primeval origin from the white man, had better stop at llam ; it is not at all safe to go so far back as Adam. We advise the be lievers in the doctrines of Perry and Agassiz to have resolutions passed at the next Democratic Convention, amenda datory of the Holy Scriptures, so that many passages may be made to rettd according to their ideas. For instance. “As in Adam all irhlk men died, and so,’* etc. ‘ And God said let us make a it’llih‘ man after our own image.” “And he took a irhitc man, and put him into the garden to dress and trim it,” etc., etc. As Democratic Conven tions do not generally stickle at any thing to advance their party cause, we suppose they would make short work of the Bible, if there is any one of the party sufficiently acquainted with that Book to find the defective passages. Republican Doctrines Ably Set Forth. The speech of Senator Frelinghuy sen before the Republican Convention recently held in Trenton, though com paratively a brief one. contains some of the best thoughts upon the subjects of equal rights and of tho elective franchise that have lately found ex pression. He places the doctrine of equal rights upon the broad basis of the unity of the human race; and this unity he asserts to be at the founda tion of Christianity itself. He says : “ The doctrine of the unity of the race is essential to the maintenance of the true relations of the race to God and to the maintenance of the true relations of man to man. If this utility bo admitted, if wc all have one origin, one nature, one law, one ransom, one destiny, then all have an equal right lo those immunities tu society which are essen tial to development, elevation, and happiness, essential to protection from oppression and defense from impo sition.'’ The ballot- Mr. Frolinghuyseu con siders essential to enable a man to enjoy that “pursuit of happiness”) which the Declaration of Indepeu • douce asserts to be the “ inalienable right ” of all men. “ IIow,” lie asks. “ shall a titan iu this country pursue happiness who has not the ballot ? By it alone he challenges the considera tion and courtesy of society ; by it lie asserts and defends his rights and vindicates his manhood. Let it be known iu this land that no German or no Italian can vote, and their nation ality is at once degraded ; they and theircbildnn would feel it and bow down under it; they could not strike a bargain for a day’s labor but the overbearing superiority of their votiug employer would be impressed upou them. And the case is the same with the colored man.” The ballot is also an educator. It causes men to think, to reason, to discriminate. The voter becomes a national juror to decide public issues. “ He learns how causes far removed ia their workings affect his very home. He learns the importance of knowl edge. His reason works. Ilis mind is enkindled. lie discusses with his associates. The desire for information, as well as a manly pride not to be thought ignorant; prompts him to learn to read, and practice the acqui sition. He sees, too, that his children learn, The man’s whole status is changed. The newspaper and open Bible make him a citizen, make him more a man.” Xor is it just that he who pays taxes, does military service, and obeys the laws, should he denied all voice in the Government. ‘That is not a democ racy,” adds Mr. Frolinghuyseu, “ where there is a privileged class, he their title to the privilege the posses sion of money or land, or he it blood. Tho only true dcmocract is a govern ment of all, by all.” Alter aptly answering the common objections winch are urged against manhood suffrage, and alluding to the generous terms upou which we have extended citizenship to persons of foreign birth, the orator closes with the following eloquent words : “ Wo are now to takcauotbcr stride. The colored ntau, born and reared in our midst, acquainted with our habits, and with the spirit of our Government, if not with the letter of onr law. hav ing proved himself loyal and brave, extends bis hand for privilege. We liavo tried the experiment of the ballot under circumstances less favorable, and it lias proved a success. Wc cannot withhold it from him. Say to every miser of liberty, stand back! he is an immortal man; he shall have a chance. This vast continent will teem with myriads of people elevated by the influence of liberty, of educa tion, and of the Gospel; and, con nected by telegraph and ocean steam ers with other lands, the pulsations of the great American heart will, I hope, give ficcdom and religion to the world.” The Republicans of New Jersey have placed themselves upon the foundation of truth. The doctrines so ably expressed in this speech are the doctrines of pure democracy, and arc bound to be universally adopted in this country. Agitation, discussion, and public enlightenment will make them speedily dominant in our sister State. — Philadelphia. Telcsrtjih. President-Making by Guess. The following article from the New York Tribune we fully indorse : Fifteen months hence the people of the United States will be called to elect their President fora term of four years, commencing on tho Ith of March, JBGl>—almost two years hence. Meantime, wc have to deal with the great and difficult problem of the re storation of ten States, still but parti ally solved ; we have to reconcile local self-'goverumcnt with the permanent sway of Nationality and Loyalty; wc have an immense National Debt to i-oro fw ; Maiuurs furithc repeal of the Cotton and other taxes to consider, and the ever-present perils of an Irre deemable Paper Currency to guard against, and, if possible, overcome. These problems may well tax the best resources of statesmanship, and ought, to secure general attention. In lull view of their imminence, a few poli ticians by trade are inti nt on opening the Presidential canvass—bringing forward General Grant as their candi date. We neither affirm nor deny the fit ness of this choice. There arc fca lures of General Grant's character which incline tts to regard him with favor, especially his magnanimity to ward the ex-rebels. Time may prove that he is the man for the place ; but that question cannot now he determin ed. We need to understand more clearly the issues on which that elec tion is to turn, and the views of the rival candi lates relative thereto. The people are not iu the mood lot trying any grab-bag experiments. They will insist on having a President who fully knows his own mind with regard to the political situation, and who has not essentially another mind from theirs. They have once or twice taken can lidates on trust, and have not been encouraged to repeat the venture. And, when they see that General Grant's name is the Shibbo leth of a number of the most discredi ted of the camp followers and shoddy patriots of the late war, who barked at the heels of tho sorely beset Republic whenever it was constrained to take a step forward in the course which led thiough Emancipation to triumph, they will be more strenuous in their demands for light than if the General were not cursed by such backers. Many things are forgiven to a party which has not outlived its ideas and its work ; but otic thing is never for given, a;.d that is distrust of the cor rectness and value of its own princi ples. The Whig party was badly beaten in the defeat of'Clay by Polk in 1844 sorely to its own amazement and grief ; yet its vitality was so little impaired that it elected the next House of Representatives and the next Governor of New York. Four years later it succeeded with General Taylor, hut lost the House of Representatives chosen along with him ; was beaten out o! sight in the next one, and never recovered its vitality. And the reason was, that in the contest for Mr. Clay's election it boldly proclaimed and de fended its convictions, asking a ver dict t hereon : while in that for General Taylor’s it rather concealed and eva ded a distinct issue of principle, trust ing tor success to fictitious appeals and clap-trap instrumentalities. Let us repeat, to rep*l misrepre sentatiou, that we do not call in ques tion the fitness of choosing General Grant ;ts the Republican candidate lor President. We will consider that point in due time. What we do say is, that the Republican candidates must represent and embody Republican principles, and be neither atraid nor ashamed to avow bis faith iu them and his willingness to stand or fall by them. Ilis personal qualities and popularity are important considerations, but his fearless, explicit devotion to Republi can ideas is a primary and essential requisite. —An old miser having listened to a very eloquent discourse on charity, re marked : “That sermon so strongly proves the necessity of almsgiving, that —I’ve almost a mind to beg.” WILLSON’S SCHOOL'AND FAMILY SERIES OF HEADERS AND SPELLERS. FROM MAJOR GENERAL HOWARD, Commissioner Freedman’s Bureau. ‘ \ oar exeeellmt aeries has been received ;uid examined with great interest. I like the works very much, and am especially pleased with the Charts ami Primary Ho -ks, believing them unusually adapted to aid the child in making a start.” o WILSON’S PRIMARY SPELLER. A smiiile and progressive course of lesions in Spelling, with Heading and Dictation exercises, anti the elements of Oral and Written i imposition. By Marcias Willson. 1 mo., 80 pages, 5G cuts. 15 cent;. WILLSON'S LARGER SPELLER. A progressive course of lessons in Spelling, ar ranged according to the principles of Ortheopy and Grammar, with exercises iu Synonims for Reading, Spelling and Writing; and anew system of Definitions. By Marcius Willson. l2mo, 168 pages, 36 cuts. 35 cents. WILLSON'S PRIMER. The school and family primer. Intro hictory to a series of School and Family Readers. By Marcius Willson. l2mo, 48 page*, I<)7 cuts. 25 cents. WILLSONS FIRST READER. I lie I'irst Reader of the School and Family series. By Marcius Willson. l2mo, 84 pages, 132 cuts. 40 cents. WILLSON'S SECOND READER. The S cond Reader of the School and Family series By Marcius Willson. 12mo, 154 pages, lOt l cuts. 60 cents. A THIRD READER: INTERMEDIATE SERIES. A Third Reader of a grade bet ween tlio Second and Third Readers of the School and Family series. By Marcius Willson. l2mo, 216 pages, 70 cuts. 80 cants. WILLSONS THIRD READER. The Third Reader of the School and Family series. By Marcius Willson. l‘2mo, 264 pages 142 cuts. 90 cents. A FOURTH READER: INTERMEDIATE SERIES. A Fourth Reader of a grade between the Third and Fourth Reader* of the School and Family iSeries. By Marcius Willson. l2mo, 360 pages, 05 cuts. sl.lO. WILLSON S FOURTH READER. Ihe fourth Reader of the School and Family series. By Marcius Willson. 12mo, 350 pages, 164 cuts. $1.35. * i * i j ■* < WILLSON S FIFTH READER. Ihe Fifth Reader ot the School aud family Series. By Marcius Willson. 12mo, 540 pages, 208 cuts. SI.BO. (Extiuct Hum Letter of Major Saxton, ordering Headers.) \VAsm noton, I). (J., April 24, 1807. It was thought liy some tlull wc had licttcrgct tlie Barker ,V Watson Series, wiiit-fi i- the most used in the Schools, imply because some had got it, for the sake of uniformity ; lint my recommenda tion prevailed. One gentleman present, who had used both, stated tbat lie bad used tire other as long as lie eared to, and con sidered tlie Willson Series as ran supe rior, giving an example of the difference of time required in reaching anew pupil, the preference being decidedly in favor of the latter series. So we, starting this new movement, have decided to get the best hook extant, so far as we knew them. * * * # (Signed) S. Wili.aki) Saxton. From the American Freedman (Rev. Ly man Abbott.) “The peculiar characteristic of this Series lies iu the fact that they aim to im part, as furasjpossible, useful information. For this purpose they contain a series of articles un various subjects of science and history, graded to the capacity of different pupils, and so arranged that when the five volumes have been carefully read, the student, in addition to a knowledge of reading, will have acquired a considerable knowledge in many departments of t study, such as will lay the foundation for more complete instruction afterward." They are therefore peculiarly adapted to tlie pressing needs and quick perceptive* ot the colored children. Each book is profusely and handsomely illustrated, and t lie illustrations are all intended to ren der the comprehension ot the reading matter more easy. Tlio following testi monials have been selected from a large mass of a similar nature : Bcueac If., F. and A. L., Office Siteristendest Education, Richmond, Va.. Dee. 13, ISOti. Dear Sir—l have been familiar with the Readers from their first publication, and am free to say to you, as I have uni formly said to teachers, superintendents, and others, that, all tilings considered, 1 regard them as the best Series before the public. The leading peculiar feature of this Series was a happy inspiration of the author, and the execution of the plan so well done as scarcely to admit of im provement. Mr. Willson’s style of compo sition ill the lower numbers of the Scries, and some-tiling of his plan in the higher numbers, have been imitated by some later writers of school readers with deci ded advantage to their works, jllcncc. Mr. Willson has not only made a peerless Se ries of his own, but has elevated the general standard of such works. When ever my choice has not been constrained by circumstances, I have always used t his Series both in the white and colored schools with which I have been in any way connected. Yours, truly, K. M. Manly, Superintendent Education. From IV. M. CoiJiV, General Superinten dent Freedman’s Schools iu Arkansas. I never made belter readers than from those books. The Charts are unsurpassed tiv any. Harper & Brothers, Publishers, FRANKLIN .SQUARE, NEW YORK. lIAKI'KU lV IIKnTIIKKS will m-ih! any ot* the above works by Mail, poetanu free, to any part of the United" State?, on receipt of tin price. J. K. BRYANT, AGENT FOR THE STATE OF GEORGIA, AUGUSTA, GA, mv29 ' I'mmW. K. Mitchell, Superintendent ol I reed men’s Schools (in charge of Pennsylvania Frcedmcn’s Association.) forMiddleTenncssce and Nortlicrn Ala liama. Willson's Headers arc unsurpassed l>▼ | any in the English language. [Copies will be sent, postage paid, to parties desiring to examine them with a view to introduction, on receipt of half I price. Hauio ii ,v liuoxiiiiics also publish a Series of SCHOOL AND FAMILY CHARTS Twenty two iu number, by .Martins Willson and N. A. Calkins. These Charts are designed, in connec tion with the accompanying Manual ol Instruction by Martins Willson (12nto, •-T 50) and the Primary Object Lessons :by X A. Calkins, (12mo, #1 50) to fur nish the teacher with the requisite aids for the practical application of a true system of Elementary Instruction. In the six Heading Charts the type is suffi ciently large to tie easily read at a distance of.twenty feet. These Charts will be furnished either separately or in full setts, either mounted or iu sheets, and also, for Family Use, in neat atlas form, at the following prices. When mounted, twoaruon a card oftlia size of <urh Chart, about 23 by 30 inches. They arc scut by mail, in smu ts, at the prices named : .Vo. In Mat*. ]. Elementary : Sixtv Illustrated Words. 35 eta. 11. Reading: First Lessons... 35cts. 111. Reading: Second Lessons 35 ct*. IV. Reading: Third Lessons.. 35 cts. V. Reading: Fourth Lessons. 35 its. VI. Reading: Fifth Lessons... 35 cts. ViL Elementary Sounds 35 cM t ill. Phonie Spelling 35 cts. N IX. Writing Chart 35 i ts. X. Drawing and Perspective.. 35 cts. XI. Lines and Measures 35 et». XII. Forms and Solids 35 els. XIII. Familiar Colors, aeeompa niedby a duplicate sett of Handsome Color Cards $1 50 XIV. Chromatic Seale of Colors 120 XV. Animals: Economical Uses XVI. Classification of Animals.. i;0 i ts. XVII. Birds : their Classification <lO ct». XVIII. Reptiles and Fishes 00 cts. XIX. Botanical Forms, Xc 00 cts. XX. Classification ot Plants... «o.cts. XXI. Economical Uses of Plants fid ci -. XXII. Economical Uses, contin ued 00 its. Price of the entire Sett, in SlicetsSll TO “ “ “ “ Mounted.. 18 00 “ “ “ “ Atlas Form 21700 Calkin's Primary Object Lessons.. SI 5# Willson’s Manual of Object Teach ing 1 50 There has been nothing published in the educational line for years that, to our mind, is such a means of cornering know ledge as these Charts and the Manual that accompanies them.— loicn Instructor. Willson’s Manual is the’truest American expression of the principles of Pcstatot tzzi that has yet been made. Mr. Willson U legitimately carrying out iu this Manual and tlie accompanying Charts', the basis of his admirable system of School Readers. —.V. Tcnchcr.