Newspaper Page Text
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| x MMMaf*nui^WHill »««••
AuSiBEni, GA., Feb. If, 1172.
FAitors OmstitaVm: As yon solicit ac-
counls of passing events, I have concluded to
giTe you a meagre account of a tornado that
passed through our Yicinity on Friday even-
SecKb Constitution.
5p g ^
ATLANTA, 0 A,FEBRUARY 27,1872.
I.i.i ta Hina CawUaa.
The white people of this Bute are fa about dark. I do not know how far
fair war of being drained of all their prop- it commenced, hut I have bard from
s&Bssesssz fessasgrsg"
are now before the Legislature which In their *£}; it within about ,
practical working, would amount fa notion*
lew than open confiscation. SJgJg it appeared to redouble its violence,
, w!ri? ifLnr"' I and unrooted every house of the place ex-
Tha W«*M_ I ““ }Ull( , Io dd« house. The dwelling
s the reception of a copy jj, e pmf Jjfted clear off and scat-
of theal^frum th. publisher., 35 Ittk -*«■ tSSUmSS&S
. BUT .T ort , . found threo-qaarten of a mile from the build
TbeAlmaotc makes quite a good size |. The hi f rbfP gM tom to pieces snd logB
book, and fog iU cdjSIOu. political, financial i*d therefrom oyevaefTO fachea fa dtom-
and general autiiUcs I* a valuable acqmsi- fiwooS'taS
—- — -*-"s gaaas^sSBgai*
com crib, the atablea, yd the weUcuri>Md
The rivers West have been closed to usvb 1 all cut-booses entirely demolished and .cat-
gallon this winter, the railroads hare been 1 tored.^ farms isnvp Mgereil in like proportion
Hocked with snow, and now as spring ap-1 timbCT blown down, fences seat-
proschea, and the snow and ice melts, the tied. The body of the tornado^pused in
Inhabitants of the trans-Mississippi are an-1 less than half mile of this place. It traveled
.JnUaDilauM ot uie inns -»“>• J v n . , nttlc north of Eaat in iU course. It waa
ticlparing with alarm the large bodies or |» >~t fin. ranis
water caused by melted enow
Ilia Isle Adilreia 111 AUanls, Ei*
ylalalns Uli Political I career.
|
He Freely Own. Hla Political Lite
. fe leave been an Enigma.
ifoo to the library of the editor, the poll-1
tMsn, the lawyer and the business man.
Trouble ialifl|Sllt.
which they are likely fa suffer.
rR6 ,. , I not more than ope hundred yd fifty yards
r and Ice from 1 widt j board, and pieces of plank
■. I m( ,re than one mile from whore they were
Forest Trees.
taken from. It to utterly impossible to de
scribe wrest, cs it to. To know bow destine-
A measure for encouraging the growth and 1 g”** I? the
cultivation of forest trees bss been intro- bouw £ ^ Mr. Mayfield, conabtlngof some
duoedfa Maine,where a bill has been re- flfmeomm*?.no*«“*'■»
ported in the Legislature exempting from I al”*.relttd ffam the ground by a
taxation lands devoted to that purpose for JJ 1 turning up by the root* and
the period of twenty yean. Any system or I 4n0 ther bad a large tree fa fall directly acres*
plan which will aid in checking the devests- u, and the horse eorf*y.bego«oeVMtil
Sou of our forests to worthy of aunmends-11^
goose killed. The aamageaune .
field, alone, is estimated at $500.
Respectful! v,
O.
A bili has been introduced fa the New I me Chaap P.lntlng (be People el
York Legislature regulating freight on rail-1 Attanra Euj’r-
rnads, which proposes two restrictions on I statement showing the rates of Cincinnsti
charges: 1. Winter freights shall not exceed, | u^ton and Atlanta, on Standard articles ol
by more than twenty-five per cent, those es-1 pHntins for merchants and professional
acted fa summer. 2. No more shall I e I mtn
charged for carrying frieght part ef tLe Cincinnati—Letter heads per ream, $3 50
length of a railroad than the whole distance. | note ^ ^ rcanli $8 SO; bill heads, per
— I ream, $13 00; statements of accounts, per
1,000,$7 50;cards,per 1,000, $0 00; receipU
It pains us to call attention to the funeral or checks, loose, per 1,000, $1 50; letter dr-
announcement in our columns this morning. I cu i ar , i {qjj sheet, 1 page comp., per 1,000,
To aac the young die, at the very thresh-1 g (3 qq. letter cbcnlars, half sheet, 1 page
bold of life’s .brightest hopes, to at all times pc- i t coO, $9 00; note drenUrs. full
peculiarly sad. We are prepared to see old glietti t page comp . i per 1,000, $9 CO; note
age sink flown fa the grave, for It to allotted J dn-qhirs, half sheet, 1 page comp., per 1,000,
erty from outrage, end that wherever these
disorders dkl occur, they were brought about
by men who combined together for the pur
est of protecting what they believed to be
nice and right, when there was no iegal
power to protect them. We have said that
our people became a law uato themselves
only when the -government famished no
other law fa protect Jthe good or punish the
wicked. It' to air important now,’ il such
lawlessness ever existed heretofore, that our
Intent for Fifteen Tear* ta Arrest people should universally remember that the
rrara at tha Kaatataa.
Vekraika Bill Revolution.
replying to a gentleman who had charged me
with infidelity to slavery and - unfaithfulness
to ihe Squtli because 1 could not sen that
slavery ana the slave i»<Rvsls were promoted
by that measure, I used the verv language 1
now realT:
“Take care. Southern people, lest this mad
demand to carry slavery where God decred
and your fathers agreedit ahonld. never go,
shall end fa destroyieg your right to hold
slaves any where !’*
Well, fellow-citizen*, I donot paraderthat ^
The Se.ro Question DUcutel.
The Erll Spirit of Intolerance—
unto all to die.
We know that the bereaved family have |
the warm sympathy of our community.
$7 004
Borrow—Letter heads, per ream, $9 00;
note beads, per ream, $8 00; hill heads, per
ream, $14 50; statements of account, per
Disgracefully Uovetnei. . - - ...
... 111)00. $7 00; canto, per ljOOO, $5 50;receipii
The Philadelphia Post, an able and faflu- or ch loose per 1.000, $3 00; letter cir-
ential Radical paper, says South Carolina, I CT ^ rli f a n gbeet, 1 page .comp, per 1,000;
North Carolina, Lonisiana and Mississippi, $14 00; letter diculara, half sheet, 1 page
are disgracefully governed, and to the ignor- comp., per 1,000 $9 00; note drratora, fall
ance and criminality and recklessness of leg- jJSlinbludf ahc&’l’pagecomp., per 1.000,
toUtors and Stale olBeials much of the suffer- >
log and poverty of the Southern people to
due.
$7 00.
Atlanta—Latter heads, per ream, SS oO;
note beads, per ream; $3 00; bill heads, per
ream, $1200; statements of account, per 1,000,
$500; cards, per1,000, $5 00; receipts or checks,
loose, per 1,000, $1 60; letter circulars foil
, sheet, 1 page comp., per 1,000, $10 50; letter
New Orleans, April 23d, to organize a Re- circulars, half sheet, 1 page comp., per 1,000,
form party, and to nominate candidates for I $3 00; note circular.. full sheet, 1 page
State officeri. Men of all parties, regardless «wnp-. P" 1 - 000 - ®°J .“Si? lial
Reform Party.
A convention has been called to meet fa I
of color orjpreviout political association/.
sheet, 1 page comp., per 1,000, $5 00.
The foregoing rates have been adopted by
who favor a reform of the abases under I printing establishments of Boston and
which Loatotona to suffering at the present I Cincinnati. The rates for Atlanta have not
time Many of the most prominent men in
the Slate, of both parties, are in favor of I da |<_ nuu ] c j,y the leading olllces. It will be
this movement. | seen that Atlanta beats both Boston or Cin
cinnati. _
The Georgia XVcetera.
Wo are happy to learn that the Alabama I
ATLANTIC AND CHEAT WESTERN
CAN AL.
Lrgtolatqru fa a highly commendable spirit ||pM4s| from 0oT e,„or
*■ * ’ * “ " ef Kentucky Upon the Subject
We give below, In foil, the Message ol His
I Excellency P. II. Leslie to the Legislature of
Kentucky. This document to able, eompre*
bas amended the charter of this road, so as
to allow it to Croat the State from the Geor
gia line to the Mississippi line entirely with-
oat re*trillion m to its course.
Great Road, on whichAtlanta to so Intensely fate of Kenttwky. and hope In time, to af-
a nnit, to a
of the near fntnre.
Hr. IlllPs Add re...
This speech was reported by Mr. H. C.
Corson, who, as a phonographic reporter, can
hardly be excelled. But, fa justice to him,
wc must say that he repotted the speech un
der some difficulties, and this will explain
some unavoidable Inaccuracies.
Mr. Hill, as he always does, made a capital
speech. Me fights back at his assailants fa
his usual style. lie claims that he to acting
with the Democratic party, bat to no Demo
crat per as. lie disavows any desire to inaug
urate a new party, but will adopt a hotter, if
pmenled. Ho seeks to prove the consistency
of bis political life—our readers have
chance to lodge with what success. We
have not space for farther comment at
present.
Col. f. w. Avery.
Wc take the liberty of making an extract
from a letter addressed to the above gentle
man. We opened it, as it was addressed to
him as “Editorof Toe Constitution,” and
we are glad that we did so, as an opportuni
ty to thereby afforded his Associate to take
advantage of hto abscnco to apeak of him
for the proprietors of this journal.
“Since 1898, Ih-ve been a subscriber to Toe
CoNsmimus. It has furnished me many
hours of useful pleasure. And especlally
bave I been made to feel pleased and secure
under your very marked editorial manage
ment You are young in ardency of feelings
bat old in their subjection to rules of pru
dence May your energies not abate and
your strength, hold good for years. lama
young lawyer, and have long had a fraternal
sympathy for jou.”
The proprietors of The Constitution
think the above compliment a very just one,
happily noting as it does, too, salient traits
of character displayed fa Colonel Avery's
editorial career, aamdy, an exuberant liveli
ness of style and great prudence or judg
ment
A gallant Confederate officer, bearing the
marks of honorable wounds, he pursued bis
profession of the law after the close of the
war, rill a fondness for journalism enticed
will pardon ns for taking this opportunity
for expressing our appreciation of hto
services, and with the writer of the letter
wishing him long and happy years.
Condensed News.
Richmond, Va., has 48 churches.
The Irish is the oldest spoken language fa
Europe.
Pittsburg to about to construct new water*
works.
Ole Bull to said to be the last living papa
of Paganini.
Work has commenced on the great Colts*
earn in Boston.
The CariKflk churches fa Chicago destroy
ed by fire, will be rebuilt fa the spring.
On the 14<h, 100,000 valentines passed
through the New York post office, and 30,'AX)
through the Brooklyn.
A Holt Lira in Lrtle Things.—A holy
life to made up of a number of small things.
Little words, not eloquent
lillle ' '
nor one great, heroic act. or mighty martyr
dom, makeup the true Christian life. The
little constant sunbeam, not the lightning,
the waters of Sfloam, “that go softly"m their
meek mission of refreshment, not “the
waters of the river, great and many” rush
ing down in torrent notoe and force, arc the
true symbols of a holy life. The avoidance
oT Uule evils, little sins, little inconsistencies,
little weaknesses little follies, little fadtocre-
ttonsandimprodendes. little foibles, little
indolgenciet of self and of the flesh; the
avoidance of inch little things as these goes
far fa make up at lest the negative beauty
ty As to the value of conversions God
alone can judge. God alone can know how
wide are the steps which the soul has to take
before it can approach to a community with
Him. to tbs dwelling of Ihe perfect, or to the
intercourse and friendship of higher nature.
QolU. . ..
ford her a still better market for her surplus
ptoducts. Should this grand work of
internal improvement be built oar
h irbors will become her seaports
amd our territory her great highway to
the sea. We confidently look for a recip
rocity of trade matters that will be vastly
beneficial to both States.
We have one word for our State Agricul
tural Convention, which meets today fa
Savannah. There to no question so vital to
our agricultural prosperity ss cheap transpor
tation for the heavy products of the field
Let the convention give this matter a careful
consideration, and let them take such action,
either by a memorial to Congress, or by send
ing a committee from their body to repre
sent the matter, fa conjonction with commit
tees from our principal cities, before the Fed/
era] Government.
Executive Department.
State of Kentucky,
Fbankfobt, February, 1872.
OenOemen of the Senate and Unite ef Eepre-
tentative* .*
In compliance with the request of the
Governor of the State of Georgia, I herewith
transmit for your consideration a copy of a
memorial of the General Assembly ot the
State of Georgia to the Congress of the
United Slates.
The proposed canal therein referred to is
of vast importance to the Interests of this
Bute. It will give to bur products cheap
transportation to the Atlantic coast through
a country which » already oue of oar best
markets, and it will form a much needed line
of cheap transportation between the North
western and Southeastern States of the
Union. The n&vica’lon of tho Tennessee
river to now being improved by the United
Sutra government A great deal of work
has already been done on that stream, and it
will soon be navigable at all seasons of the
year by steamers of light draft from its
mouth to Chattanooga.
The proposed canal connects Guntersville
on the Tennessee, with Gadsden an the Coosa
river, a distance of but thirty miles. The
Coosa river to now navigable from Gads
den, fa Alabama, to Rome, fa Georgia. The
Canal route from Roiqe is up (he Etowah
river to a branch of that stream called Little
river, and thence crossing the Chattahoochee
to the head waters of the Ocmnlgee and
down that stream to Macon, from which
point the Ocmnlgee to navigable to the At
lantic Ocean. This brings the fine harbor of
its ubutariea. The length of the canal and
stock water navigation in Georgia on this line
is 143 miles.
The estimated cost Of canal and river im-
provemcnU in Georgia to ten millions of dol
lars. From St. Louis to the harborof Bruns-
wide—the estimated distance this route to one
thousand and eighty-debt miles. An inspec
tion of the map accompanying the memorial
will discover at once the ease and facility
with which this great water-way may be Re
made reliable from the great
deported pSiiEOzrajdi'.oUlT^tor^The Coaatltat oo bj
Ladiet and Gentlemen: i do not know that
I have ever appeared before an andience
under more embatgaament. The request to
make this address was a very recent one, and
daring the last twenty-four hours I have con
tracted a very bad cold, which X fear will
render me, In a great measure, unable to ex
press myself as I shotfld wish. 'I certainly
thank yon for your presence. There to no
political excitement; there to no parly
heat; there to no election pending.
I hold go position except that of
circumstances, I appreciate (he comp.liqept
of this very large audience.
niS POLITICAL DEBUT.
More than sixteen years ago, in lsE5,1
mads my flret address upon formally entering
politics, an 11 made Ittn tub »ity. (fa that
occasion, I de'.iberately departed from what
was, previous to that time, the purpose of my
life, never, under any circumstances, to be
connected with politics as a public man.
That was a promise made on linking my des
tiny with one who has had more influence
than all other persons in shining that destiny.
The only raasbq to* thqt qepartnrewa^ the
conviction X then solemnly formed tbit the
repeal of the Missouri Compromise inaugu
rated a revolution which would serlou.’y en
danger the peace, proDcrty and prosperity of
the country.
That revolution did then begin and has
gone os, find now, for the first time since il
organ, I feel the tocc it to coming to an end.
The occasion Of the restoration of the gov
ernment of the Slate to the people of the
flute to, to pjc. one that to exceedingly
gratifying, as it most he to all goad people In
thtocountry. [Applaustj
That revolution which I so seriously
feared, has more than realised the worst fears
of any one. It has swept over us, mid our
condition to-night to very different from that
of sixteen years ago.
It was Cicero, the greatest of Romany and,
fa my judgment, the greatest of ancient
statesmen, who once said, that ot all human
work that most nearly approached the divine
which was employed in building up one’s
country. tSurely no period fa civilized his
tory has furnished a field for the exhibition
of this divine work, largar, niore important,
and with more immense demands thq^ that
now presented fa the Southern country.
THE LATE HE VOLUTION.
Fellow-citizens, wc have passed through
revolution which has’lost us almost every
thing we * held most dear. We have lost
property; we have lost theory; we have lost
children; we have lost thS contest; wc have
lost everything but honor, and that,
at one time, seemed almost gone.
Yet we possess as fine a country; we possess
as fine and noble a population as tho world
ever saw. Wchave every natural element
of greatness and prosperity. And now that
thwrevolution to over, and we are restored
the possession of our own, and are left
shape our own coarse, to fix our own desti
ny, the responsibhity to on us to see to it
that this country shall he restored to its pros
perity, power and greatness. If faff, we
alone «b»H now be accountable. Cicero
might have said with great propriety and fit
ness, when he altered the sentiment I have
already quolgd, that of all human talents,
that most nearly approached the divine which
knew how to build up government; for the
science of government to the mo3t intricate
and difficult of all human sciences.
There are very few people who do
not wish to build up government. I
am sure that every oao desires the prosper
ity of the country—desires that the material
and social and political prosperity of the
country shall be built up, because we are all
personally interested in it. The happiness
of onr children is involved in it. It is natu
ral, therefore, that all men should desire tc
build up the country- The trouble Is that
human talents are as various as I;nm in neces
sities, and, I might add, almost as variopj ez
human follies. And it often happens that
men who have great talents have more power
to destroy than they have to build up. Per
haps they are not responsible for it, because
it seems to be the nature of the talent given
them.
THOMAS JEFFEBSON QUOTED.
When Mr. Jefferson was first inaugurated
President of the United Slates he expressed
a sentiment in his ieangnral, which was fall
of wisdom. Politicians have quoted from
that inaugural address time and again, hut
the sentiment I refer to I do not think has
been often quoted. He had just cotfie out of
one of the most heated political contests in
onr history. Party passion and excitement
were raging and vimperation was bitter to
the extreme. Jefferson was the leader of one
of the parties engaged in that contest.
When be came to be inaugurated President,
he invoked charity. [Here Mr. Hill quoted the
words of Jefferson, hut the extract was lost
by tho printer.] We have passed through
a revolution, during which, I suppose, no igan
can say he did notcommit an error. He tvho
says that he haa passed through the last six
teen years, with all of its excitements, its
wars, its passions and Us contests, and com
mitted no blunders, claims for himself some
thing beyond human power and human at
tributes. We have all donbiless indulged in
many remarks that were unnecessary, and
which we were heartily sorry for afterward.
BEOKETB PERSONALITIES BUT HAS NO FOUCT
. TO CUANOE..
For myself, I confess before this andience
to-night that, while my heart has ever been
right, while I have ever advocated that which
I believed to be true at the time, yet in the
midst of party contest, 1 have often indulged
in personal allusions and personal deprecia
tions wnich I regret, and would gladly recall.
[Applause.] But so far as principles were
concerned, so far as convictions were in
volved, so far as lines of policy were at tosne,
after taking a calm review of all the varying
questions and phases of the revolution, 1 am
prepared to aay that if I had to go over all
again, I would not vary a sentiment nor
no longer exists, and therefore the evil itself
must cease.
WHAT OEOBGLA MUST Da
Let the people of Georgia- show to the
world, as I said on a'recent'occasion, that,
through their own chosen officers they arc
both able and willing to execut the laws im
partially and faithfully fa the protection of
reason which therhave -offered for this evil 'utterance nowas a projbecy, but to" remind
-* *' * 41 ” ’* ’* you that for uttering that sentiment and simi
lar sentiments, I was burned in effigy in my
native State as an abolitionist 1
But were those statements unsoundWas
the warning prompteflaCr a spirit of infidel-'
ity to Southern righfaSoathem interests,
and Southern honor? _I think not. I be
lieved that that unfortunate measure would
bathe cause of building up the'Republican
party and of massing tha North, which is the
iarger power in this dDntry, into one solid
vole against us, and tint thereby our rights
under the govemment'would be endangered.
If such were my convictions, ought I not to
have uttered them? I lelt that I ought, and
I thank God that he gave me the courage to
do it. Was it wise, was it prudent, tvns it an
exhition ot moderation and ot euliglitencd
liberality In those patriotic gentlemen who
thought they were serting their country in
burning a bundle ot rags with my name on
it? Doubtless they thought they were doing
the people of the South a great service. I
have no persbnal feeflug in the matter I
only mention it because.it illustrates the prin
ciple about which I am speaking.
In August, I860, addressing the Bell and
Everett Convention fa Milledgcville, I used
this identical language; "It is the slavey ag
itation that is rushing us to ruip. The pro
cured and
northwest to Savannah and Brunswick,
is safe to assume as a basis for calcnlat
charges per mile on this route, those fi
upon U>e route by the lakes from SL Louis to
New York, less the cost of transhipment
and on this data the cost of shipment of a
ton of freight from SL Louis to the Atlantic
coast of Georgia by the proposed new water
communication will be $4 5C, whilst the cost
of transporting a ton of freight from SL
Louh to New York by the lake route to
Important public
and
Legislature of Kentucky will heartily co
operate with the State of Georgia and other
Sutra fa their effort to consummate the eo-
tW . "yff&LESLTS.
A Saatbera Facile Scale.
A short time back the snow blockade an
the Union Pacific Railroad reached that point
as to almost suspend travel. Wes? cf Omaha
the weather has been fearfully cold, and the
deep cots through the road passes were com
pletely filled with snow. Trains for the West
were compelled to atop at Cheyenne; and
trains were snow bound at Harney Landing.
This delay and want of regularity in the
running of trains as a matter of course
caused great inconvenience not only to trav
elers, but also all classes of the commercial
community. The people of the West cannot
endure the annoyance and pecuniary loss in
cident to an interruption of all bosinraa from
a snow blockade. In fact the experience of
this winter with the Union Pacific Railroad
has demonstrated the absolute necessity of a
more Southerly rout* which can be traveled
at all aeaaons of tha yaar without the possi
bility of being blockaded.
] leraon and property, and, by the blessing of
God, they mean to douL [Applause ]
Sach aoliofi upon onr part removes all pre
text for those outside interferences in our
affairs which the revolution has produced, I
hope never again, in my flay, to see the pres
ence of Federal, power fa the State of Geor
gia to regulate our private local affairs. [Ap
plause.] See to it, my countrymen, that if
such interference ever does come, all man
kind can see that It to wanton, gratuitous,
oppressive and inexcusable. From thto day
forth, let us show to the world that we are
able to execute our own jqwa UfjiMq our
otyn border*, qqd tq pfalput tlig person and
property of quEd^q pxJfae.ol every color,
caste and condition. 1 dojbeltsvg that all the
iqoplp of our State, of every shado of polit-
cal opinion, are now for the complete su
premacy of law and order.
WHAT THE REBELLION HAS DONE FOR US.
Again; Thto revolution has made many
slop to discuss—have been forced upon u>. X
am dealing with practical facts. The essence
of stateinanshlp to practicability—the power
to take facts as we find them, and use them
to advantage. This revolution nasmadc fac
slave a freeman, the freaiuaii a ctlttetq the
citizen a vow;, [lie yotdr a rtjlcr. The politi
cal and civjl nfia'poqs'of the colored raceare,
in my opinion, the least Important of all
their relattous towards us, and,so f it as l am
concerned, they present the least difficult
problems for solution in the future touching
: .hto race. I am fully satisfied that a com
pact, harmonious, white race need never fear
soy trouble or difficulty with the African
race, so far as its civil and political powers
are coneezned. Whichever way the whites
go, the African will go ip those respects, if
ou now heed my suggestions) Buf what to to
-ejtio faje qf tlio African? How can he
be made useful without fqrccf I[ow
civilized and improved, and kept (reef
Are questions which any philoso
pher may foel troubled about, and no
man, I believe, can now determine them cer
tainly. I am free to confess that I have my
fears, and I have never yet arrived at any
conclusions on these questions, that are en
tirely and thoroughly satisfactory,
WHAT WE OWE THE AFRICAN.
This much, however, I do say—that tho
obligation rests upon us to do everything in
our power to promote the advancement and
tl»e ””
can
What .
their capability for improvement may prove
to be, to a problem, and a serious problem.
How they can exist with another race wholly
different, in the same country, not subordi
nate, and yet not antagonistic; whether they
pan prosper, in pomLcUljqn wijh tlje fyliite
race; and whether their civilisation can bo
advanced, are questions for the future. If
they fail ;Tf their destiny be barbarism and
superstition; if their destiny be—like that of
tLe Indian—exclusion from the country; if
their destiny be vagrancy and extinction, in
the name of the people of this State, and in
the name of all that to noble and true, let not
the responsibility of such a fate rest with us.
[Applause.]
pop MADE THE NEOBOA WEAK BBOTUK1L.
He is a weak brother. God pptje hju so.
Theologians tell qs he to a brother. He needs
your help; he needs your guiuance. This Af
rican race has never reached, in any portion
of the world, in any period of human history,
such a Cugfee fif cjyflixajiop as be attained
under ilie tutellage of the South, in ttig (Jay;
of slavery. [Applause.]
Power and force, whether for better or for
worse, have loosed bis fetters, and I do not
believe that the people of the South will ever
re forgo them updep apy circumstances.
Whatever may be the fate of the African, i
am convinced that the Southern people wil
never consent to take hhn hack again into
slavery, even though he were to ask und beg
iL Still he to here among us. What to to be
come of him I do not know. But let us see
to it that if evil docs come upon him, we saall
not bo the authors of iL Let us inculcate
that spirit and' feyiiwg asjqfi/j all classes of
our people. B
LET THE SOUTH BE THE SOURCE OF THE
NEGRO’S ELEVATION.
It to to your advantage; for, if the negro
can be elevated, can be educated, can he im
proved, let the honor of doing it be ours.
And, gentlemen, when you look back over
the lost four years, you must feel kindly to
wards the African race, for there to no other
portion of the human family which could
rccciye what to called the boon that that race
has received, ant] qopld bp taken charge of
by stranges and foreigners as tfiey hare been,
and encouraged In every way to hate the
Soutnem population, their late masters. Isay
there to no other portion of the hnmah race,
that planed under the same circumstances
and conditions that the African race has been,
would have made fewer demonstrations jbap
they have made against the pcnplo that for
merly held them in bondage. Un4er the cir
cumstances, I think they have done re
markably well They are a docile
race. They are naturally inclined
be obedient, and while [ confess
that I have fears for the future of the Afri
can, while I concede that he to exercising
trusts for which he to not now qualified, on
the other hand, I aay that, until Providence
in hto wtodon shall solve the question of what
hto destiny to to be, I, for one, am fa favor of
giving him all tho rights to which he to enti
tled according to the laws of the land,and of
slavery
antj:slt|i
for the
agitator [3 aa much onr enemy as the
—’ agitator, aid there to no remedy
but in the defeat of both parties,
by the election of Be^ and EvcretL [Ap-
plauie.] If thto be iol done, wq stand
within six months w a icfcdqtlon which
will sweep away thevMon, the Constitutio:
' Cfid' interpose, tlie system
change an opinion. I should only regret, as
I do regret, my utter inability to make my
convictions more practicable and available.
no bartizan.
I am free to confess again, that if any gen
tleman looks upon my political course during
the periods alluded to, in a partisan sense, if
he reads 4t in the light of party effeckand de
sire to bnild up and promote the interests of
a mere party, he wilt not understand it So,
also, upon the assumption that I was fa the
field of politics, banting position and desir
ing office,
his political life an eonixa.
I freely state that my political life to an
egnima. There has much been said, doubt
less, of inconsistency, of fickleness, of im-
practicabilitv, or something of that sorb But
only judge me from the true stand-point that
I have never ottered a sentiment, nor ex-
nor done an act to build up a party, or to se
cure office, and all will be plain and consist-
tent [Applause.]
THE KANSAS AND NEBRASKA BILL.
Since the Kansas-Nebraska bill, to which I
have referred, formed fa my mind the con
viction that it inaugurated arevolution which
was exceedingly dangcrons, and which I
feared would sweep over the Southern States
and take from us our property, and would
endanger the Constitution and Union, I have
been intent, for fifteen year* of the time, only
upon doing all in my power to arrest and
mitigate the berm* of that revolution, and
for the last year.ef the sixteen I have had no
political purpose, no political end and no
political desire but to se», what wc now
gloriously witness—the government of the
State fa the hands of the people of the State;
[Applause.]
HE MAKES POLITTCAL SUGGESTIONS.
What shall we now do? What policy
must we now pursue? the crisis to full of im
portance. There are a few plain, practical
suggestions which I wish to make m s con 1
vereatlonal way to thto audience, and espe
cially to the gentlemen of the General As
sembly ; and 1 hope they will be received In
the spirit fa which they are intended.
I believe there is a general sentiment of
moderation, justice and fairness pervading
the country. I believe that the troubles we
have bad. arising from passion and from an
ger and from hate, have all very nearly sob-
sided. I trust so. I hope if there ever ex
isted fa this State, fa whose welfare and rep
utation I have just pride, a disposition on the
part of any to take the law of tha country
into their own hands, and to encourage dis
orders of any kind, the time haa come when,
the reason ceasing, such a spirit will no
longer exist.
We have said, fellow-citizens, during the
terrible ordeal through which we have fait
passed, that our people were not responsible
for the administration of the State govern
ment. It was not onr government This to
true, and history will declare it true. It has
been a government over ns. but not of ns nor
forna. .We have said that if the disorders to
which I have alluded existed, they were at
tributable to the fact that the people had a
lack of confidence iu the power and disposi
tion of the then existing State government
and its authorities to protect person and prop^
anq, unlflss*
slavery.” In January, 1801,'I used this iden
tical language: ^
' “Secession to a remedy for no evil. It to
an aggravation of every evil. Itto prosperity
madly committing suicide. Itto made to de
fend slavery, and yet It fa the only possible
plan for destroying slavery.” For uttering
those sentiments fa 1860 and 1861,1 was de
nounced by able, wise and doubtless patriotic
gentlemen, os a traitor to my own section and
to the Commonwealth.- But was I a traitor?
Look at it fa the light of events and tell me
rbat the answer is. When, however, seces-
sion w»; aq afpqmplisjj iaq;, 1 submitted to
it. I sb>l] never forget that day, when the
resolution declaring that Georgia should se
cede from tha Uuiua was passed by the Con
vention. It was a dark, gloomy, rainy,
drinly day, but therowas more dar-ness in
this n&rl than was in the heavens. The
night that succeeded the passage of the reso
lution, Hillidgcville was illuminated.
There was scarcely * window which
did not have a Tght in it, and
a joyous crowd was parading tho streets,
calling upon every oody for speeches. It was
the saddest hour of my life, and I confess IL
Why, I do not know; hut it was so. I felt
that my people were hurrying themselves
and thefr property to destruction; and when
:; went homo Hint nifcfit. aa l stateJ In q letter
at the'time, whlqh'wits published, when the
whole qity was blazing with bonfires'nud illu
mination," I put out every light, and fastened
every window, and locked every door, and
spent a restless night there alone. What
should I do? To go with secession waa to gq
for tim ruin of Rtf pporJuT To go against
secession was to go against ray own people.
I finally arrived al the conclusion that I
would go with my own people td ruin, and
go to the gallows and to duatb. If need be,
rather than go against them and go anywhere.
[Applause.] I had resisted secession as long
as it was possible to resist iL I had used
every effort and had exhausted cverv
argument against it. But the fact
was accomplished and I submitted to iL
I offer no apologies for my course. My worst
[oars have town realised. I do not regret the
part [' acted. Boms of my kind Union
friends thought I was very wrong, but I
thought to tho contrary, and I think so now.
The tvar did come, ana a fierce and terrible
war it was. Contrary to tny expectations,
Ion, for the fljst time,
ofljee and sent'rpg to
irncry under the new
government Everybody was fierce to go
into the war. The volunteer spirit was strong
among our people, and everything went well,
and I coufiss that before the war had pro
gressed very much I,had hopes of our suc
cess. I began to believe that God was bless
ing our arms and would bless our peoplewilh
independence, and that my fears had been
groundless But iu one year after the war
began the volunteer spirit began to flai
Every effort was exhausted to help it up. F
nally the propositiorewas announced by the
head of the government, that compulsory
ifaeang, to sopufesuppllca for the army and to
flu up its ranks, wav an aiV-oluto' ilcc'v!;y.
My own opinion was that if the fact existed,
and impressment and conscription were neo-
essary, It was all-important that they should
be executed through the states, and the joum-
nafa of the Senate, will show that I advocated
that policy and voted for it, and I did so for
the purpose of preventing controversy and
dissens’on. But the majority differed with
me. Conscription was adopted and impress
ment was adopted; and, after those measures
bc^atpe acpoujpjisked fopts, my opposition to
then)'ceased. 1 wenf through the revolution
upon one fundamental iqca, which qms, that,
when measures were proposed in the Senate,
I should exercise my judgment ns to whether
they were right or wrong and should advo-
patp of oppose them as [ thought bast, but
wlipn they became laws I intended to sup
port them, for that qros the on]y way to sup
port the government Therefore the moment
conscription and impressment were ngitqted I
opposed them on the ground I have men
tioned, But when they were adopted, and
were believed by t|;e GoyernnieRt to be the
only measure/ by which the war could
be . carried on successfully, J gave
them my full support, and I did
not hesllalo to maintain and to act with the
Government in the matter. I deeply regret
that all other gentlemen did not view the
matter fa the same light, but right there dis
sension began, and the result was that our
people and soldiers were discouraged, our
armies were defeated, and final surrender was
the end of alL How did the spirit of intol
erance then mauafest itself ? It was said that
Haws of nations; I looked attliem hi every
light:.and from every stand-point, and I
* ’o toe conclusion that the whole his-
pHL )f the w'orld’s revolutions furniacd
nothing indie -infamous than were tho;C
measures us they were proposed to the South
ern people.! It was not my- purpose, how
ever to say anything. I expected other pub
lic men to do lhaL- I expected those who
bad claimed to he the only patriots and the
only wise men up to that time, would cer-
tamly come-out. andrmanlfest. their abhor
rence of these measures, and point out their
effect upon the people. To my great morti
fication and sorrow they did not do so.
They kept silenL Those measures were pass
ed. The military was sent down here to en
force them. Confiscation, exile and banish
ment were threatened to those who opposed
them, but never A word was heard from
those gentlemen to whom I have referred.
And, right here, fellow citizens, I will say
that no greater injustice has been done me
than that which has been done by my friends
and the professed admirers of my writings
upon the subject. I have been charged with
indulging in the same spirit of bitterness and
intolerance iu those writings that I ant now
condemning. I beg to say that there to no
such spirit in them. There- are some per
sonal allusions of a very severe character which
I regret and would recall, but the purpose
sought to be accomplished, the arguments
used, the end proposed, and the spirit which
animated me are with me to-day, and will be
with me while life shall last. [Applause.]
Did I say anything fa a spirit of resistance
to the government? I tell yon no. I tell
you now, that if those who claimed to be
ourconquerers had framed a constitution for
each Southern State, in Washington City,
and had sent one to this State, and had tent
out their officer* to administer it, I should
not have opened my mouth. I should have
obeyed iL If they had passed a law disfran
chising every white man fa the South, and
enfranchising the negro race as the cnly race
worthy of the privilege in this southern
I country, and had ordered them to assemble
and frame a constitution and make laws for
the government of the State, I should not
liavo opened my mouth. It was not the
power which I was resisting. ■ While I did
not recognize their right to do those things,
yet I did not seek or attempt to
resist tho power which could make them.
I was opposed to the Congressional measures
of reconstruction because of the conditions
which thqy imposed, and I determined, after
that as’onc Southern man, and in view of tny
respon.ibilily in tho future, I would put my
protest on record against the certain infamy
which they proposed to place upon us. Do
you ask fa what the infamy consists? Why
hero it was: The federal government pro
posed, by theso reconstruction measures, to
disfranchise.thogreat holy of our intelligent,
educated lhca, who were formerly masters
and slaveholders under the system of govern
ment under which they had previously lived,
and to enfranchise their slaves and then set
them to work to form a government for their
former masters. But these measures did not
stop here. They demanded the assent of the
former slaveholder-—of these intelligent, edu
cated men whom they disfranchised to the
infamy proposed, under threats of o indica
tion and banishment if they refused.- In
other words, it was a deliberate proposition
by tbq federal government, that the white
race of the South should lie down volunta
rily and allow the negro, race to. get on them,
ff they had proposed to lake the leader* of
what they called tho rebellion and cut
off their heads, they would have
found historical precedents for that; if they
had proposed to confisoato the property of
our people, they would have found prece
dents in history for that; but to take from
the educated master* of this country, all
tbelr political rights; to enfranchise their un
lettered slaves; to set them at work to form
a government for their former masters, and
then to demand those masters to consent to it
and to admit that the government had a right
to do all this, was a refinement of infamy
and cruelty for which there to no precedent
doing all in my power to promote hto welfare
and advancement. Bat all must be done for
hhn in hto position, of coarse as a separate
race.
no negro social EQUAXiTy, j was in favqr of making Davis military dic-
The worst enemy lie can possibly lave to vVby! Simply because I gave the
that enemy who shall dare tospeak to him of -
social equality with the white rate. When
ever that , is attempted—whenever the flat
shall go forth that the African to to be the
social equal of the white man, I will have no
farther doubts as to hto destiny, [t to inev
itable, speedy, eternal extinction, or exclusion
from the country. [Applause.] Such a
thing as social equality between the two
races cannot be. God haa forbidden it, and
man cannot order iL
THE EVIL OF INTOLERANCE.
There to one other subject to which I wish
to call your attention, and I feel intensely up
on iL I look npon it as one of more impor
tance than either of the others to which I have
called your attention. You will say, wbat
can be of more importance than seeing that
the laws are faithfully executed,and thatper-
son and property are protected ? Wbat can
be of more imbortsnea than a just concep.
tion of our relations and of onr doty to the
race that God has placed among us, and
which so much needs onr help ?
Fellow citizens, I am going to touch upon
a subject which has been more instrumental
fa bringing onr troubles upon us, than ill the
others combined. I hope that as thto new
brought us into that revolution and broke us
down in it will not be continued, but will be
abandoned.
That evil to tho “spirit of Intolerance." I
mean decidedly what I have said. That
spirit of intolerance that takes possession of
too many of onr, leading politicians North
and South, has done more to bring all evils
we|have suffered upon us than all other
agencies combined. Why, thegreat difficulty
now fa the way of any gentleman. Republi
can or Democrat, who feels inclined to fade
pendent action and independent thought, and
who would, could he fredy express his Views,
benefit the country, to this spirit of intoler
ance which allows no independence and
which, on its first appearance wags wilSly its
slanderous tongues and frightens the man
back to party lines or thrusts him fa a posi
tion he never dreamed of taking, and charges
npon him motives that never entered hto
mind.
HIS OWN LIVE ILLUSTRATES INTOLERANCE.
I will Qlnstrate more folly what I mean,
and you will pardon me, fellow-citizens, if, in
order the better to make thto fllnslration I refer
to my own history, because I know thto spirit
of intolerance have felt, despised and de
fied, its bitterest assaults. I take the il
lustrations too, from my awn experience, be
cause I will thus be enabled atov to present to
your view the true eolation of my political
life, and without which no man can jndge
me rightly, namely: that in politics I have
always been independent, and acted as I be
lieved it was right to act for the best interests
of tho people of the State, withontrefereuce
to personal ends or party promotion. We
have had, and I fear still have, amoDg ns
gentlemen-who assume to themselves infalli
bility both as to correctness of doctrine and
parity of nature. They never err in judg
ment, they are never wrong, and everybody
who differs with them, to consequently de
nounced as a fool, or knave, or traitor, or
trickster, or alL
Hr. Jefferson, who has been made to father
many extreme theories, certainly never tanght
thto spirit of arrogance, intolerance and self-
sufficiency in hto first inaugural.
BURNED IN KFFIGT.
In 1856 I was unable to appreciate the
value, to the South, of what was called the
Kansas-Nebraska bill, and upon one occasion,
Government' my support fa all measures
which were adopted, because 1 believed it
was the only way that we could be success
ful fa our struggle for life. Was it true, fel
low-citizens, and \fts it right to say that I
Was fa favor of putting the South Ruder a
military dictator * But God being . my
judge, [ would have had n thousand
| military dictators rather than defeat [Great
S t use.] And fa relation to the dtotfa-
ed gentleman to whom I have jnst re-
I, and who was theChtcf Executive of
lyoRr government, fat slanderous tongues
point their shafts at hint as they may, let
others censure him as they may, but in the
hour of hto misfortune I bear witness thst a]
nobler, purer soul, and one u ore devoted to
hto country, never animated a human frame
(Applause.) - Would that all of our public
men had been like- bin). If they had been,
perhaps you and I would not be sitting in
ssrrow and humiliation tiwlay. (ApplauseJ
Well, the war to or. r, think God. J But 11
say to-night that the repeal of the Missouri
compromise and the excitement and bitter
ness which attended the discussion of the
measure, were brought about by this spirit of
intolerance to which I have alluded. It was
made a test of fidelity to the 8outh and to
I slavery, and thereby caused the- sop 4
preswuu -^-independent , q,ougLi ana
expression among our public men. So
the secession of the State was accomplished
in the same spirit and by the same means.
When men opposed, from patriotic motives
and beause it was their honest conviction, the
secession of the State and the commencement
of a war, for the reason that they did not be
lieve it was the best remedy, why could they
not have been allowed to exercise and ex
press those opinions freely, without having
their motives Impugned and without being
denounced as traitors to their country? So,
while I admit that we went into the contest
upon unequal terms; while I admit that wc
did not have the resources which the enemy
possessed; while I admit that the system of
slavery to which we had so long been ac
customed had nol developed the industries
of tLe South to the extent which L-. been
attained fa other countries, (and we felt the
pressure terribly during the war,) yet it to my
honest conviction that, with all the advau-
tages which the enemy had over us, such was
the courage, the chivalry, and the devotion
of our troops, and such was the skill of their
leaders, had onr publio men been willing to
sacrifice opinions, to sacrifice property, and
to sacrifice life itself, if necessary, and had
they been animated by the same spirit which
animated onr glorious chief, we should have
gone through the struggle successfully. [Ap
plause.] These are my opinions, and I ex
press tticrn freely to you to-night.
HISTORY OF NOTES ON THE SITUATION.
The war ended, and soon after its termina
tion I changed my residence from LaGrange
to Athens, intending to carry out the original
purpose of my life, to which I have alluded,
never to have anything to do with politics.
I moved to Athens for the purpose of de
voting my life to the practice of my profes
sion and to the education of my children.
But affair* assumed a new shape. Scarcely
had the first fite warmed my new home be
fore the Congressional scheme of reconstruc
tion was proclaimed. As acitizen of Georgia
and of the United States, I felt It my duty to
give the subject some attention. 1 did give
those measures a calm, dispassionate,
thorough examination and investigation. I
compared them with the Constitution of the
country; I compared them with the terms of
the surrender and with the issues made
daring the war; I compared them with the
in history, cither Christian or savage. [Ap-
-fause.1 That was what I was opposed to.
lur honor was at stake. That was it. To
consent to our own degradation was to dis
honor ourselves. Tha) to Ufa whole spirit
and purpose of the “Notes on the Situation.’'
1 will read you on extract from them.
“I admit then that we ara in daneer of
cQnqscatibn. Those vflio out Ufa patriotism
arid intelligence would' not 'scruple to rob.
’[bp representatives who violate the Consti
tution they arc sworn tq support, fa order to
abrogato State govpmmeqt aqcl reduce the
people fa military bnqdago. could not add to
their iniquities by takfag the tittle property
we have Itf*." * * * “A. people,
however, who are willing to sacrifice honor
to avarice, are beyond the possibility of re
demption. If tho very statement of the
proposiiion docs not awaken a feeling of ab
horrence, we are indeed fa a sad condition.
If anything be baser than degradation, it to
such a motive for stoking to it Lost prop
erty Jnay be recovered; burned cities may be
rc-built; devastated fields may blcpm again;
ftycu hurfad cljitdrcn, faifeqTur tlfair cottuby.
Will live ujpun fa tho quiokened spirits of
new generations. But as with individuals,
ao with people and communities—the eente
of honor once lost to lost forever. Yea, more;
the history of human nature, singly and fa
communities, teaches, without exception of
example, that when self-respect to once lost,
self-abasement once accepted, cities, lands,
libtrty, country, cannot be retained.
“It is natural, too, that all other* should lose
rssppct [or thosq who lose respect for them
selves. If we consent to the humiliation
proposed for us, all mfakind will be ashamed
of us, our children will be ashamed of us,
and our very enemies whose hatred prompted
the shame, will mock and deride us.”
I nttured tho fame sentiment fa a speech
made about that time. It to in thto language;
“ It is better, far belter, that tre permit our
pnemics to dig ten trillions b[ graves and bide
within therq the ten millions o[ people who
inhabit these Southern States, thin [hat wc,
with our op;n hands, stiouht dig tlie one
S rav'e of our sense of honor a* a people and
fe [orcvei the world-Ustcd, and self-bating
sentinels of its hopeles', wakeless death.”
Ah I my countrymen, he who mercifully
E avo me being will more mercifully take
uck thst being ere I take back those heart-
warm words [Applause.]
After those “notes” were written a commit
tee cf gentlemen addressed me a letter thank
ing me for writing them. They said there
was such fear npon our people, that nothing
could convince them that thuy hod a right to
speak upon the subject and to discuss it, ex
cept a speech delivered iu the city of Atlanta
under the shadow of the military authori
ties. I declined to make a speech then. I
suggested to them, however, that they ad-
dre.-s Idler* t" every promiuent man in the
Stale of Georgia upon Ihe subject, and urge
them to make till) awiirus. They di 1 so, and
they invited mp to be proseqt and 'hear the
answers read. I came up be e for that pur
pose. V«'c met in a room fa this city—not
very public nor very secret-—and we opened
oud read those letters, and such an exhibition
of cowardioo 1 never saw. nor ever wish to
see again. (Applause.) Not one consented
to make a speech. After [ read those letters,
I consented tq hiskc a speech, and [ did make
a speech, and the proqdesl hour of my life,
which nothing coaid buy the memory of,
was that day on which I stood fa Davis'
Hall fa thto city, and looked the uniformed
minions of power fa the face, qnd told them
that their masters, who had trampled upon
the Constitution to insult and outrage an
unarmed and a conquered people, were “tl '
perjured assassins of liberty.” (Applause)
I had fa all these things bat one purpose,
and that was to save the honorof the South
and so that I accomplished that purpose, ]
asked for nothing more. There was no
spirit of revolution fa it, no disposition to
disregard the laws, xxv purpose to cncORrsgO
tha spirit ot Intolerance, but aim ply a great
purpose to save the manhood of the country
and the sense of honor of our people. That
was all,
In 1868, when these measures had been
proclaimed, and enforced by the bayonet, os
I always said they would be, and after the
nominations for the Presidency had been
made, I was called upon to deliver an address,
which to commonly called the “Bush Arbor”
speech. It has been said that that address
was intolerant and severe, hot what was the
purposcofit? It was not to bnild up sporty,
nor yet to elect Mr. Seymour. I knew if be
was elected it would be without us. I did
not think the South should meddle fa politics
at that time, for I knew that the whole
strength of the party and the whole contest
lay at the North.
But, fellow-citizens, you must remember
there was a new order of things here. An
other race had been set free and had been
clothed with civil and political rights and
with civil and political power, and it was
believed that there were some men willing
to try and bring about also social equality,
which course I knew would disrupt and de
moralize society and would make the coun
try uninhabitable. I may have overrated
the- danger, but it seemed to me to be very
alarming. The evil was worse than war,
pestilence and famine, and it was to prevent
that evil and to avert that danger that the
Bosh Arbor speech wasmade. Tne only way
to prevent the evil was to consolidate the white
race of the South; and the only way to con-,
solidate the white race of the South was to
make Radicalism odious; and gospel minister
never labored more earnestly and religiously to
save the souls ofmenthanldidwhen I sough t
to accomplish thto purpose. [Applause.] It
was fa that speech that I uttered severe stric
tures upon the men snd the party I believed
were -advancing the evil I have spoken of,
and expressed the idea that social fa return
for political ostracism was the only means,
fa mr opinion, calculated to save the people
from that evil. By these means I sought to
make Radicalism odious fa the eyes of our
people, and if I have succeeded, then I have
1 i ved for a great and glorious purpose. [Ap
plause.] And I will say right here that many
of those gentlemen who have recently pub
lished abusive anoymoua letter! against me
were poor creature* who wanted to be Rad
icals in 1868, hot became then alarmed and
would not he.
After the fall J868, I said nothing more.
I retired and did not make a speech frpm the
fall of 1868 until recently. This to the second
speech I have made since then. I have given
you a history or my political action and I
ask yon the question, what motives prompt-
edme? It has been charged that I was seek
ing < ffice before the war. If I had been seek
ing office do you not suppose I would have
gone along '-with "the current arid changed
when it chang'd ? If I had been seeking
office, would I not have joined with the cry
which made the Kansas and Nebraska bill
the only test of fidelity to the South? Ifl
had been seeking office, or seeking to build up
a party, do you believe I would have been
willing, fa the position to which I was unex
pectedly called, to have uttered the senti
ments to which I have alluded ? Certainly
not, and you will find out, people of Georgia,
yet, that whatever else I have done, thank
God I have not been a dciriagoguc. 1 have
intended and still intend to tell you what I
think to good for you, and take the conse
quences. I had rather be the humblest of
those who would save you, and perish amid
your curses, than be the chiefest architect of
your ruin and [live forever the on worthy re
cipient of your deluded huzzas. [Applause.]
It to better to merit the applause of wise meu
to-mnnow than to receive tho plaudits of
fools t o^l ay.
When thto work of reconstruction was
over, I hoped it was the end of the revolu
tion which has swept over thto country) Thto
revolution had destroyed slavery;'it had
trampled npon the constitution; it bad forced
its measures by the bayonet; it sought to de
grade the white race of the South and it had
failed, because degradation cannot be iufiicted
upon any man unless he consent to it. It to
oppression when not consented to, but it is
not dishonor. But the work Was dune. Re
construction was announc'd to bo over. It
was their work, all their work, and it was
their infamy, all their infamy, and none of it
was ours. [Applause] Wbat wns the next
step to lie taken ? Was it to resist an accom
plished fact? Was it to manifest the same
feeling of determined opposition which wc
had exhibited when asked to consent to our
'own infamy? No. The case wa* now far
diflereut Rightly or wrongly thto work had
been done, and thto work bad to remain until,
fa the opinion of the American people, the
time should come to change iL In themean-
time, what we*p we to do ? What would wis
dom and common sense suggest ? I think just
what 1 suggested, that we should recognize
the work which had been done, obey the
Constitution as amended, and go to work to
build np our own fortunes and get possession
of onr own affairs. [Applause.] And right
hero that same spirit of intolerance, which
accused me of being unfaithful to the inter
ests of the South fa 1856, which denounced
me as a traitor fa 1860, and which declared
me as being fa favor of a Military Dictator fa
1863 and 1861, now came out and said I was
a Badical t! a Radical 11! I am willing
that some people shall call me anything they
please; but the men who, like the cowards
they were, refused to do their duty fa 1867,
and whose tongues were silent when the
honor and manhood of onr people were at
stake, shall never call me anything. [Ap
plause.] When that old Federal military lion,
with siyonl* for his teeth and bayonets for hto
laws, came down hero and demanded with
ito fii'tce roars, that the white people of the
South should voluntarily lie down and let tlie
negro race stand upon them, all the
big politic;’.! dogs dropped their tails
between- their legs and ran under the
house nud left me to do the fighting,
as heat l could It was a very unequal fight,
but I did no: get alarmed nor runaway. I have
told you what I did do. I begged the people
not to lie down. If they must go down, let
power pull them down. Never lie down vol
untarily. Never consent - to your infamy,
degradation and dishonor. Let it be oppres
sion, but don’t fat it be infamy. The people
determined to do so, and let the old lion roar
as much as he pleased. The old lion pulled
them down, but they did not lie down of
their'own accord. And then came aloDg a
peat troop, of carpet-bag wolves and scal
awag skunks, and they began to prey upon
everything they could find, apd it seemed that
they would diiyour and stench the whole
land, aqd what Ufa end was- to be wc conld
not know. It w 03 then I said to the old lion,
“ yoti are ifa infamous usurper; yon are over
riding Uic Constitution apd yon are insulting
and outraging aq unanned and a trusting pco-
g e, Let Ha have possession of uur own before
eae gnawing animals shall utterly devour
us, Wc will abide and obey your amendments
to the 1 'institution, not as rightful laws, but
accomplished facts, and will give every
in of every color as we always would have
done, hi- righ's, dicta e»l by our own ta-
t rest So go, ami go q lick.
Well, the uld Urn left,-and the wolves were
leaving, and tlie skunks were hunting their
holes. 1 lagan "• fed viry joyousand bope-
ftiL Onr state was but a s[:ejclp,n, hu[ there
was still li[c iq iu Jijst ibeq [ heard a ter
wolves, and then I iot Z'vo'u‘to'approve of Uiosq results. I
Win run again. And with noolher sueffi not - {jja right I would lose my
a? The revoludon^has 1 endedfand with it right aim before I would say they are ail
the lingering echoes of a dead system. I do
Kiuoui-oiunii™ r-iiZ, fair- in li'.s'.orv than that power Is the chief ele-
engendered end also. n °“ or ;J^^f)s that ment-of- law, and power has wrougbtreiults,
ne-s, moderation, these j sn fae virtue* fa«t^ meo^ ^ tr - a w|m slatcstuaa
gui le the future destinies ol this country and
iuild up iis prosperity, tvho does not rocog-
nizo these facts and go to work accordingly.
Why, fellow-citizens, there to scarcely a gov
ernment on the face of the earth that to not
the result of usurpation. The time will
come, I believe it will come, I have faith
tliatit will couie-^modcralioD, prudence, dig
nity, forbearance,kindness to ta*h.otber, ab
staining from abuse of each other or
of anvbodv will. hasten it; when a
dark ’ line' will be drawn around
thto infamous chapter in the history
of mankind, and when reconstruction wiU
be blotted cut from Uic records of the coun
try. It may not be in your day, it may not
be in mine, blit I.boiievc it will come at laiL
It to not in y<*r power to accomplish it, but
you can promote it You cannot promote it by
passion, hatred or intolerance, but by good
will toward each other, by forbearance,
charity and moderation, by going to work
and building up your own material interest
—your own universities, your own schools
and by engaging in all those noble works for
the revival of yonr prosperity. If you do
this, the time will come when passion will
subside and a reaction will take place and
there will be a sense of ituiicc in the North
ern people, and they will say “we repent that
in the hour df onr malignat passion, wo
offered such an insult to our brethren of the
South, and •“out damned spot,” they will
crv. At least, let us be charitable enough to
hope it; let us be kind enough to believe it;*
let us have faith enough to act upon IL As
for myself, vou cannot tie me to any partv.
I hare no use for party except aa I can a’c-
complish good by iL I liavo no use for any
organization except as I can promote the in
terests of the country by it Faith fa God
and hope for men are the only fundamental
principles iu my hilmnn creed. To worship
good and to elevate man arc the only funda
mental obligations I admit. Everything else
is subordinate All things else are simply
menus to accomplish these glorious ends and
to discharge three duties. Those are the prin
ciples upon which to acti That great Roman
to whom I have referred said, shortly before
his death, that he had one thing to ask
of the goda, and it was, that, dying,
ho might leave lib country free. Fellow-
citizens that to my ambition. God knowa
it to not office that! want. I want yourcon-
fidencc, hut 1 do not want it expressed fa
that way. I have a yearning and an absorb
ing ambition to build np the country fa which
1 was born and which 1 have seen devastated
before my eyes. And if God should spare
my life, I hare, too, one thing to ask and
that to that when at last I shall die, and my
spirit shall start oa its flight through the air,
let me look down and see on every square of
Southern land, a beautiful cottage filled with
a liappy family and surrounded with every
evidence of virtue and thrift Let me ace
upon our hills and in our valleys the factory,
the furnace and Uic foundiy. with their smoke
curling toward heaven, and filled with busy
multitudes bringing to our people a steady
stream of wealth und prosperity. Let me
University of my
riblb rg'-if iq iqy rc-fa, gnd t Stoked around
anti there were all the dogs, mongrel puppies,
wlielpand hound, and curs of low degree,
scrambling from under the house with their
tails erect and barking very loud and very
fiercely. Barking at whom ? At the au
thors of tho reconstruction measure? No.
At the big lion who oppressed and insulted
us? No. At whom were they barking, then’
At whom do you suppose? Why at toe!
[Applause.] And all the pack, toothless
hounds, yellow ‘curs, and little lice ail over
the State—all at once became very brave and
barking “radical, radical, radical r
[Just at this point, a Newfoundland dog in
the middle part of the hall barked loudly
several times fa succession. The effect was
instantaneous. The whole'audience was con
vulsed with laughter. A scene of humorous
excitement ensued, shouts, clapping of hands,
stamping of feet, exclamations of various
kind* completely drowned the voice of the
speaker, and he was compelled to stop for
several minutes. Mr. Hill, pot in the least
embarrassed, stood, with a smile upon hto
tape, regarding the scene with evident enjoy
ment- A> soon as he could be heard, he saiit]
Fellow-citizens, I do not wish it to be un
derstood that I was reflecting upon that dog’s
character. He to an honest dog.
[This happy remark was the signal for re
newed laughter and cheers, and the do;
added a otiief bark. When quiet was restore!
Mr. Hill proceeded ]
Fellow-citizens, to te\l you the truth fa my
hu nbie way has always been my purpose,
but it has' been my fortune or misfortune,
during the 16 years of my political life, to
tight various animals. I have wrestled with
the lion, charged the wolf, and killed skunks,
but the meanest animal 1 ever yet saw to a
band of yellow dogs who are always running
when there are dangers to face, and always
snapping when there are bones to divide.
[Great laughter.}
I want you to get rid of this spirit of in
tolerance. I want yon to discountenance it
It has created more bitterness; more acri
mony, sod more ill feeling m this country,
than all other causes combined. It to un
worthy of you. Wc are fa the beginning of
a new era. Our material prosperity must
now begin. Wc have been socially disorgan
ized. Our system of industrial labor to to
be improved, Important problems concern
ing the civil and' political relations of the
two races will sooner or later come before
for solution. We need new laws fa every
shape and form; we need all the wisdom we
can command; we need all the virtue, intel
ligence and honesty we can command; wc
need all the fairness and moderation, and
courage we can command in the discussion
and consideration of these various questions;
and let us do away with thto spirit of intol
erance to which L have alluded, so that the
people can feel they arc independent and
have the right to think and act npon all
questions as they may desire. [Applau
. Therefora, I exhort yon ha tha beginning
thto hew era to leave behind thto spirit, and
to no longer, fa our social or political affairs,
proceed upon the proscription plan. Let us
bo willing for each other to act freely and
independently fa all matters of conscience
and opinion. Let ns be content to differ with
each other without assailing motives.
Fellow-citizens; in saying all that I have
said upon thto subject, I have not intended
to he personal I have Intended to strike at
the great public evils to which I have alluded,
and not to attack any man. And while I
think it is the duty of the General Assembly,
through its committees and otherwise, to
ferret oat every crime, and to bring every
man to punishment who has been guilty of
crime, at the tame time I am free to say that
I am In favor of universal political amnesty.
State and Federal I believe that we should
forget mere difference of opinion where mo
tives have been honorable, as daubless they
have been fa many cases, and where any bit
terness has existed heretofore growing out of
these differences of opinion, fat us lay it aside.
And now fa the beginning of thto new era,
when we arc again a free people fa the pos
session of onr own State government, fat ns
declare ourselves fa favor of political am
nesty throughout the State of Georgia.
There another subjects that I wish to ad
dress the General Assembly upon by your
permission, and, above all, I desire to be heard
upon the great question of the education of
our children. But thto grand theme requires
a separate address; and by yonr leave I hope
to make it before you at no distant day.
I wish, before concluding this speech,
to say a few words to you by claasea.
And, first of all, I begin with you, my
good friends, who have made It your
business to abuse me for the last twelve
months. I know what your desire was; I
know that the wish was father to the thought
when you said I was inclined to be nntrne to
the record of my life. You desired to make it
so, but let me tell you now that neither bayo
nets can frighten me, nor power cup buy me,
nor calqmny can slander me one Inch from
what I believe to be my dntv- Great applause.)
You can abuse me "ntil doomsday. I care-
nothing for than I care nothing for your
barking. I know yon won’t bite. IVhat I'
fear to that your noise, continued with the
same spirit of intolerance you have
always manifested, may bring back the
lion and another crowd of skunks
should be inculcated and practiced among all
classes of our people.
A WORD TO DEMOCRATS.
A word to my secession Democratic fr* c °<“-
I know bow honestly you went into secession.
Yon remember the proposition was made m
t-GO—I made tt—that we should firstmake
fight for our rights in the Union, and ifthat
failed, that then we would make a light for
them out of the Union. You didn t accept
that proposition. You insisted that the fight
should be made out of the Liuon as theory
policy your party would adopt. That policy
was adopted, and the experiment was tried
You failed and you see tho evils which have
been brought upon the country, and rcme“-
ber tlie precious lives which fa'Ye bcen sacri-
ficed, and now let uai lock bauds and lock
hearts, and contend for our rights in the
Union. [Applause.] It requoia a degree
of patriotism and exercise of self-abnegat-on
rarely exhibited fa human history, but let us
forget our wrongs. Let us again exult in the
common struggles of tbo better
■bridging tho chasm of blood with memories
of the better before, let us again look up to
the flag of our fathers and endeavor to feel
how-patriots can love IL and how heroes can
die for it. [Applause] By adoplfag fats
course, you wifiatonco join issuowith the
Republican party upon the construction to
be Disced upon the amendments to the Con
stitution. and you never will join issue with
them upon that subject until you have ad
vanced to that position. ....
And now, my Union Democratic friends,
and you, my old Whig brethren, to whom
my heart has always yearned with affection
arid love,you know how earnestly wc resisted
this resolution. You know what Inals wo
underwent, but I bear witness to-day that
there were no men fa the army or in the civil
service who afforded more relief or were truer
to the South fa her darkest hours than were
the old Whig* and UnionTJcmocrats of this
country. [Applause.] And it to a fact,
which 1 will slate here, and which to known
by mo to lie true, that in tho last two years
of our terrible struggle, the Chief Executive
of the Cofcderacy hail to depend almost en
tirely upon, the Whigs as hto best and truest
friends and supporters. When others
failed, when others wearied, when others
tired, theso men who liad been dragged
into the revolution were faithful to Uic
end. You have shown your manhood
and you have nothing of which to be
ashamed. Yon were like myself, you “dinn t,
[O to bo Democrats,” but you are. Rcmem-
>cr that tlie present Democratic party was or
ganized since the war. It was organized
under new conditions and upon new issues
and there to no party fa thto country with
which Southern men, in my judgment, can
affiliate with any self respect, except that o
the present Democratic party. [Applause.
With tho views and tho sentiments which
entertain I could not as a Southern man,
under any circumstances, affiliate with the
party which insulted the whole educated peo
ple of the South by disfranchising masters
and by enfranchising their former slaves to
govern them. [Applause.] It to very certain
in my honest judgment, lual no parly can
carry thto country ogiun and restore the
Union and preserve the Union, except upon
tho principles of the old Whig party as pro
nounced by Mr. Clay. [Great applause.] I
do not allude - to hto mere domes
tic policy. I do not propose
revive that party. I do not propose to
revive any party. I am going with the
Democratic party as long as It to the only-
party that ia opposed to the Republican
»rty, bat I am ready and willing to adopt a
letter party whenever the country shall pro
pose it [Applause ] It to my purpose to
make the insult offered by the dominant
party to the white race of the 8oull> so in
effaceable that it will descend to our children
for generations to come. I say that thto br
ing my great purpose outside of questions of
politic-l policy, 1 am willing, on thto grand
platform of honor and self-respect,
to adopt any policy and to unite with any
party that will accomplish this resulL That
Is all I have to say on thto subject After all,
the fundamental principles of llic old Whig
party arc Uic only ones upon which the gov
ernment can be safely and successfully
administered. The Federal government
to a limited government, with po\V;
expressly delegated, and within
those powers the government
supreme. The States have also certain
powers and reserved rights, and within those
powers and reserved rights they are supreme.
That was the Old Whig doctrine. It further
declared that when questions arose concern
ing the construction of the Constitution
which were judicial in their character, they
had to he settled fa the courts, and that they
were the final arbiters, and whenever ques
tions arose of a political nature the Old
Whig doctrine was that they should be set
tled in a spirit of mutual adjustment and
honorable compromise and concession. That
to the only principle npon which this Ameri
can Government can stand, and it fa the only
principle upon which It ever did stand. And
right here i want to atnto to my Democratic
friends OR historical fact Those heard it
claimed liy them that the Union owed its
prosperity, before the war, to the
democratic party, but I gay now, feoilesaly,
end I will be austafaed W history, that the
American \Jniop owed forty years of its
most prosperous existence to one man, and
that man was Hoary Clay. [Applause.] He
did more to shape the policy and direct the
destiny and advance the prosperity of this
country, than ali ° f (he Presidents combined
who were fa office during hto life. You got
the country into all the trouble which came
upon it by undoing hto work, and yon will
never get the ooomiy out of its troubles un
til yon return to the principles of Constitu
tional construction which he advocated.
The old theories of the democratic party will
not do now. They will have to be abandoned.
The party has been defeated again and again
and upon its ultra secession theory, and yon
have nothing left but to adopt the old whig
theory of our government ta oppose the
tendency to cop trql tom and empire. Call it by
wltyteyer name you choose, that is wbat you
arc - coming ta You must whigire the
democracy. I do not know that
there will beany new party formed, 1 am not
turn my gaze toward the 1
Stale, und sec there thousands of noble
Georgians learning by art and science
howto make great and prosperous their grand
old native Slat 4 . Then let mo pause
for one moment fa my upward flight,
and, binding tny cars, catch the sound of la
mentation coming from this free and pros
perous people, for the recent departure ot
one wbo had done hto whole duty In this,
-lorious work. Then will I raise my eyes
icavcn ward, and with their ascending voices
a holicr escort than thatof angeto,wUl proudly
go to the gates of Paradise and claim admis
sion there. [Applause]
ETThe London John Bull says: “Among
the things generally known to tkn fact that
the periodical literature of America to assum
ing a higher tone, and -to even now, at its
best, fit to stand aide by aide with tlie best
Which to being done fa Eng]aud to-day.”
NEW ADVESTISEMbNTSL
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advocating that—I care nothing for name, I am
for prtaclplof-but I tell yon now that there
to butone way or earth to. arrest the growing
tendency to centralism. You cannot do it
by preaching about the old theories of tlie
Democratic party. You can only do it by
unilfag the Democrats and the old lino Whigs
upon the old constitutional principles held
by Mr. Clay and the old party. There to no
doubt of it; that to where you are coming to»
[Applause.] I have given you what I be
lieve to be a solution of all of our troubles, if
there be wisdom and virtue enough fa this
country to adopt it I have been charged
frequently with intending to revive the Whig
party. Well, I certainly would not be
ashamed of the work, and the only reason,
perhaps, why I have-not attempted it to be
cause I am afraid there to not political vir
tue gnd intelligence enough fa the country
for a Whig party. That to alL
But I will tell you another thing. Thto
present Democratic party fa Georgia to my
party anyhow. I began it, and 1 am the
father of iL I was present when it was or
ganized. It was fa 1867. I heard that some
of our friends at Macon proposed to reor
ganize tho Democratic party, and I went
down there and there was not one of yonr
old Democratic leaders there. They were
under the bouse. I was chosen President of
that convention, and I reorganized the Demo
cratic party, and I am the father of it [Ap
plause!] I tell you it to the best Democrat
party thatever was formed', and it U the only-
one I ever wanted to belong to. [Applause.]
Myold Whig friends, you need have no fears
about it. I have christened it and washed
FREE TO AGENTS.
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it clean, [Applause.]
were hard to get out, t
Some of the spots
admit, but they areal!
out and it to the best we can da Fortbccvils
of the times there to no better party snd its
principles now are right if they are only ad
hered to. But I warn you now, that when
ever that dragon of intolerance lift* it* head
again and seeks to rule thto country by a sys
tem of brow-beating, the party will be fa
danger. Don't allow it to lift ita head again
lest you fall. Let ua all fed that we have a
common destiny. We will not charge you
with the failure you have made. You thought
you were doing'what was best for the coun
try, but if you have failed, you owe it to us,
to your country, and to yourselves, to exer
cise this spirit of moderation, fairness and
kindness.
A WORD TO YOUNO MEN.
And to you, young men, I desire to aay
few words. The young men who have not
acted with any party, who are not identified
with the Whig party or the Democratic
party, and I believe there are no yonng
men fa this country, thank God, who
are identified with the Republican party,
[applause,] arc the hope of our BtiU*
There never was a generation of young men
that had a greater responsibility resting upon
them than rest* upon you. I came to thto
hall for several days after the first assem
bling of the Legislature for the express pur
pose of watching the young men, and of
seeing who they were timt would be promi
nent in the history of the State fa years to
come. I also watched each graduating class
at our University, and put my mark upon
every young man whom I thought was going
to be distinguished fa the future. Thank
God there are men coming forward who are
going to be shining lights, snd are going to be
the strong men of thto country. I feel a
great pride .fa them, bnt let me worn yon
now, young men, don’t commit the blunder
of tying your necks, as you enter the bois
terous sea of public life, to the millstone ot
defeated theories. It to cruel; it to nnkfad;
oh, it to terribly cruel for those who are old
and gray, and who have been wrecked upon
their theories, to spend the remainder of ibeir
days in urging tha young to follow in their un
fortunate footsteps. I tell you the revolution
has wrought results, and .such men are hut
ladMt.
Bvn.1 for Clrouan and
•crlpti ' '
ISM,
Lonli, Mo.
T 3a. o wi b o n’s
WORLD-RENOWNED PATENT
GLOVE-FITTING CORSET.
TIlOBISr,!***
GENUINE PATENT
G L 0YE-FIVTI NO.
No Com* om ever attrised
neb a reputation, either in
till* or any other coontrv. A*
soi{ made la length astd fall-
nocaof host
It Cannot be Improved.
Every Corset la Stamped with the name Taoxsox
and the trade u^ark, a Caowx. Kept by all artt-daes
THOMSON, LANCDON & CO
Sole Owner* of Patents.
391 Broadway, New York*
OS, WOULD I WERE A CHILD AGAIN!
(iahattw weary an! rxhaaste! one, aa tbelaagwr
and la.tlta!« of eprlax comes apoahim- Come And
receive vigor an! atrenctk from ike woadixfnl floats
American Tor Ic
JUHUBEB4.
even to the anticipations fondled oa
W repatatkm. According to the medical aad
eclcM'iflc periodical* of Loud n aad Pari*,llpoe-
■eeeee the Most Poweutl Toxic propertie# known
to Mattox* Melxca.
DR. WELLS’ EXTRACT OF JURLBEBA
oT the LIVES,
SP^EN^INTESTINES, UTERINE and URINARY
a Itto •trehgtkeafMsad nouriahln?. Like inrtrlc Iona
food takra iato tbei* - — • •• —
vigorous action to the who’e extern.
John q. BMMOQQ,tttkttal.NewYork.
Sole Agent fQI-the United State
indistinct print