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thet daily sun. jffhcoCornvrof Broad and Alabama St’* Published by ilio. Atlanta Sun Publishing ('<>inn:iny. Alexander H. Archibald SI. j. Henly Sm: Stephens, Speights, th. \ XMOlSTlWCT Pff>mT t Toprietors. Alexander H. Stephens, Political Editor. A. R. Watson, .... News Editor. I. " :lv Smith, .... Jlanatrcr. Bocal Editor t WILLIAM H. MOORE. Traveling Agents : j. M. W. WILL- J. W. HEARD, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2, 1871. ME31 PHIS CORRESPONDENCE Politics in Tennessee. CONTENTS ATLANTA WEEKLY SUN,” JOB, THIS WEEK ESDIXQ WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 217, 1871. page l*t.—Business Notices. “The New York Wjrl l Once More”—by the Political Editor—(Be- priuted to meet the demand of new subscribers.! Alexander H. Stephens on “Lead Issues”—from she ^twjqtk World. Georgia Hews. Miscella- acoua Neva. rage sill,—Supreme Court Decision*. Crawford* I vine Correspondence. Tho Georgia Western Rail- r al—Uonglss County. Tho PlSjfns of Hew York City. Items of Telega h News—July 25th. Trial Sentence ot James O. Oxford. Alabama Poll- ti s. Tennessee Politics. Another “Borgia” in tUc Field. Miscellaneous Items. page 3d Sun-StsokcB. Tho Belief Law. List of Delegatee to tho Agricultural Convention. Air- Lino Railroad. Pomological Society. Marietta iYiualo Collego. Items of Telegraph News. Cul ture of Flowers. First Bale of Cotton of Crop of 1871. LaOrange Fwnirio College. Miscellaneous Items. page 4th.—“ Kentucky Politics "—By tho Politi- cal Editor. Hon. Purmodua Reynolds and W. P. C of tho New York Journal of Commerce—By tho Political Editor. Kentucky Politics—Extract from a Speech by Judge G. W. -Craddock. The Scauda- loti.-; Report about Mr. Bavis. David Crockett. A Mcara in Georgia. Miscellaneous Items. sanctioning the whole? This is the tenor of the ar gument. _ Xovr doe* the World really thiDk that “negro -*uf- Tlie New YorK World Once 3Iore l&K**!** Much better would it lie for the liberties of this [From tho Atlanta Daily Sun. of the 19th July—Re published to meet the demands of new subscribers.] , uence contend that tlio old Alien and l Sedition lavra and the Embargo law are J live issues. By tlie very terms of tlio 1 reconstruction acts they censed to be op- • erative in any State from the date of the admission of Senators and Itepresenta- j tives to Congress from that State. All 5 the States are represented, and the re- ; construction acts have become void by their own limitation. Au agitation to repeal them would be ridiculous. There | is nothing to repeal. What practical form, then, shall the opposition to them ! take? If Mr. Stephens wishes to over- 1 throw the State governments which were We have had on bur table for Foveral days, a copy of the paper which heads this article, in which is rn editorial pointedly directed to the political editor of The Sirs. This will be found in full in another col umn of our issue to-day. We have taken such time to respond to the WorWi overture in this instance, as we thought the great gravity and high impo t dr the subjects required.— We now reply in that tone and spirit in which the IVorW indicates a disposition to di-cuss the ques tions involved. In the first place, then, we must say, that wo are not aware that we have heretofore been either “mis ty” or “vague” at all in our marking out the linn which properly separates, in our opinion, tho “<lca>l" from the “living unw,” indhe great civic struggle which is to come off in g»is country in 1872—those which should be “laid away in the hortus siccus," and those which should be held np for public con sideration, and popular approval or condemnation at the polls. On this point we tiionght we had been exceeding ly “precise” and "e*.plicit.” It may be that the 1 Yorld has not seen what wo have Heretore sLl.l on that subject, and we, therefore, now bricily repeat our views upon it in lacgusgeeo plain that there can be, »*it seems to us, no misunderstanding la regard r - id a Page 5tn.—dun-Strokes. Items of Telegraph News. An Address to tho Baptists of Georgia. N,w Orleans Going Ahead. Board of Trade. \ JT- nstcr of the Deep Caught by a Fishing Party. Ijcttnr from Oglethorpe. Miscellaneous Items. Page Ottt—“ Dr. Bard Again ”—By the Political Editor. Georgia Politics. Alabama Politics. In diana Planters. Of Intercsi to Cotton Planters. Georgia Nows. Origin of Financial Abbreviations. A Female Odd-Fellow. Crop Report Poetry— Dying for Love. Decision which Ought to be Published. A Man with an Appetite. Miscellane ous Item 3. Page 7th.—"Tho Louisville, Ky.. Courier-Jour nal Again”—By the Political Editor. Politics in Arian-as. Columbus. Sun-Strokes. Poetry— Memphis, July 26, 1871. Editor Sot: Your accession to the ranks of journalism carries me back in History to the better and purer age of our Federal Republic, when such men as Jefferson and Mad ison, Hamilton and Jay, Livingston and Calhoun, Blair and Ritchie, and a host of others like them, did not disdain, by their writings, to instruct their fellow-countrymen, through the public press, in the true principles of Constitutional Liberty. It is a3 lamentable as it is mortify-, mg to think of the degeneracy of modern times in this particular. Many .of those who now address the public through the Press are bare ex pediency men. The people are al most daily advised by-this latter class to surrender some right or to aban don some principle. They never teach, as did the great men above re ferred to, that constitutional liberty can only he piaintained and preserved by those who have the intelligence and courage, to defend it against the insidious encroachments of power. Nor do we anywhere read where they exhort their countrymen, as did those great men, never to suffer an invasion of their political Constitution, in I ware dtepostd of witbiu tha limits of the period so however unimportant a particular, to j <ll xhe C xnith fl ameu,im<.-nt to the constitution of the pass without a stern condemnation, United S sate a, by which the previously existing ro- 1 -, , . j . ■ , lation between the white and black races in some of and. a determined persevering resist-I the States was forever abolished and prohibited, we nrin a [ therefoj-e consider no longer a living issue. It was “ ** adopted within the period stated. AJl the States of Blit the, , former were statesmen, the Union had a. hearing.. .upon it, and an who had made the science of Govern- v0 cSnsatmfonai 11 coZtunencielf^wo’ ment their study, while most of the therefore, regard it as for'however reluctant- latter rise to no higher dignity than Lttonpto’a^to^ that of mere politicians. The former i had learned from reading “old books, tmion oi tho united statute; and was so ratified in hv pvnpriprice and from nhqprvn firm good faith by them without the slightest disposition Dy experience, ami irom ouservauon, “ ntheirparttodistnrb it ItiB therefore, in our that one precedent creates another, opinion, properly classed among the “dead issues;” ii , ..I v _ not because an attempt to disturb it wonld “kindle til at tliese soon accumulate and be- the whole country into a conflagration,” hut because come law, and are then resorted to as . ,1,1 t • settle what they have agreed to, "in good fault, as pretexts by bad and ambitious men, I one of the actual results of the war, whether a legit- seeking to overthrow the liberties of I their country, in order the better to be reversed, conceal their real motives. 1 So muchfor the “ dead issaei ‘ These men have appeared to us, of country if that view was correct. We, however, look upon this as hardly constituting tLe ‘•husks.” Tho “kernel” is in depriving the States of the power of regulating tlil3, as other local questions, each for it self and as it pleases. This Amendment in its “ker nel" strikes at the very foundation . on which all our institutions rest. Its object was. and effect will be, if it shall ever become au “accomplished fact," to r*- fnm’A IVift rinlv harrier hitr^!nfnro MisUrm nrtaintftbfi still believes that the secession doctrine borQ of tLe ^construction acts, let him is tenable in logic; that it is a fair deduc tion from tlie history of the Constitution and.the structure oi the Federal Gov- say so. He has avowed no such inten tion; but if the State governments are to , ...... ., stand, vhv raise unpractical qnestionsre- ernment; and yet, though behoving it 'El cctius £ieir origin? A change in their f'nvrPftr. m vjrinr.inlA. ha rmnp«if:ntinorlv i r .• ___ in principle, he unhesitatingly; ;4 pect f ve constitutions, if desirable, is ,S it to tho limbo of lost things.— ! „ JT Q F.vlprn.1 nolifci«t hnfc of correct consigns it to tno umbo ol lost things.— I no £ a onestion of Federal politics, but of The Constitution has not been changed | statc p 0 u t i cs an d Mr. Stenhens would on tlns.point, by amendment or other- placo iu rj , e if i„ gl aring contradiction to the winter of 1861, when Mr. Stephens domestic government of the States a felt coustnuned by the paramount alio- v ,. i.-sq.." giance hc owed to theGtateoi Mr. Stephens shall BM more to tl&h on the part of any one of ordinary intellcc- c Ueiwop. ■ )'ir p"siilo;; I lill|Hlltilll1|i but clearly stated, is: that all question* and matter* pertaining to tun war, growing out of Recession—its causes, conduct ami actual results—from its commencement to its close; from the firing^m Fort Sumter to tbe surrender of the last Confederate. armed squad; from the seccs- ► ion of South Carolina to the restoration of tho Union, l>y tbe resumption ot their obligations to it under the Constitution on tho part of the States which had attempted to withdraw from it, and tbe claim by them of their reciprocal and equal rights in the Federal Councils—all these questions and mat ters, wo say, which are embraced in these clearly defined limits, should, in our judgment, as hereto fore expressed, be “laid away,” and consigned to the tomb, never to be alluded again to as entering in any way, into the practical living issues of Federal poli tics. Among these nctuul .resuits of the war—whether one of its legitimate results or not—wo include all questions relating to negro shivery, or servitude, as it previously existed in some of the States of the Union, because in point of fact, all these questions to follow it out of the Union against his own judgment of expediency and his own eloquent protests. Why then does he sd fully explained his views we have strong hopes that we may be able to agree with him, because he is too practical and con- move the only banior here? ofonfexistag against the 'wise. It remains precisely as it stood in ; n v n idiprislieu orinoioles bv making Federal Government becoming a centralized despo- *t-J —.. i— -* roe-: —' * v_ cn—i. -— 1' * ■ - - J ~ tism. What right can any State be said to liave, if it is deprived of itsjiower over"suffrage? Ti'isis the vi tal principle of all State Rights and Stato Powers. It is tho removal of this barrier and the destruction of tuis principle, aimed at by the “kernel” of the XVth Amendment, wliieh are to lead to the reduction of the States of this Union, according to the Idea of Mr- Attorney-General Akerman, to mere .corporattous or monicipatitics, which shall depend; even'for their existence, upon tho will of an Imperial Dynasty.— This is the “kernel'.’ of the fruit o' this worse than Upas tree. It is the euncenlr: :ed poison of tiio whole, which strikes at the very heart and every vi tal fibre of our whole system of local self-govern ments. . This, as we view it, is far from being “uolii- ing Vat ordain!, tg negr-isnfcnpe, •• Again, is it true that the “substance” of tbe Xr. tb t Amcndmcut i* nothing but tho security of lhcir civil ‘ rights to th* blick race? Ts <>•- dw W in earnest? Now to those of a living character. How is it with the XIVth and XVth Amendments, jluvuj—|. , . -- ,, , | so-called? If we undeistand the position of the I n e rtinc " etc. Goorria Nows. Montpelier late years, Under SO many names, tliat World it is lhat these should be classed in the same f*’ . „ ... « | T Am iii flnnhl liow to tliPITl I category sis the XUIth, and considered among tbe Items of Telegraph Nows. Miscellane- | J- am 111 CIOUDL UO W IO aCSlgnau, bilbul ac /^ results of the war, whether legitima*e)y or at this time! Only yesterday they rightfully so or not; and that consistency in rcason- were known as Conservatives-, 15)114 sli0uM EOacecpt Is it serious in thus speaking of tr.is most iniquitous usurpation V What! la a ‘ • bill of Attainder,” in the thee of the Constitution, aud without a hearing, agaiostat least cite hundred and ffly thousaivl white citizens, including nearly every due in ten States who was ever honored with ti n public confidence, from the office of Chief Magistrate down to that of Justice of tho Peace, by which they are declared “ disabled” and “ disqualified” from ever hereafter holding aify place of public trust, cither in the State or Federal Government, “nothing but securing civil rights to the black race 1“ Is the declaration that no one laboring under these disabilities,” except by the gracious permission of the usurpers, shall ever be qualified to represent the people in Congress, or servo tbe people of their States in any public capacity, nothing but securing civil rights to negroes V Has not the Constitution declared ard fixed the qualifications of members of Congress? How, then, in the face and teeth of tliese provisions, does the XIVth Amendment assume to add to these qualification* ? We maintain that the attempt to do so by “bills of attainder,” acts of “ disabilities,” or “ test-oaths,” are as flagitiously criminal against the organic law and the public lib erties of the country, as to' add to or take from the Sacred Text would be impiously wicked against the mandates of the Most High 1 Are not these now Jiving, practical facts ? Aro we moving in “the serial region and cloudland of vague declamation,” in thus characterizing some of the hideous features of this so called XIVth Amendment? Are these mpnstrous acts nothing bnt shad ows? Are they not, in fact, and in truth, most sad and pernicious realities to he met, considered and condemned by the people, if the liberties of this country are to be preserved? We assure the JForJd, in all earnestness, that we so consider them. Not only so, hut we look upon them -;s among tho most practical and live issues now to bo presented to the people of the United States. Nor are we, in assailing them, engaged in any such ridiculous ad venture as Don Quixote in his charge upon tho wind-mills, unless the people of these States are ripe for despotism. Nor aro we engaged in any such fantastic political comedy as that of call ing upon the people to repeal the unconstitutional Reconstruction Acts, or anything founded upon them. Unconstitutional acts, and 'everything that rests upon them, are not laws. They are nothing bnt nullities. So Mr. Jefferson and the Democracy in 1800 declared tho Alien and Sedition Acts to be. They set out upon no such “ridiculous windr-mill' contest as seeking to liave nullities repealed. The# frankly qLbs secession as a dead issue?- giaerata a statesman to disturb the liar- Solely because tae logic pf events ld mony or break the uuitv of the onlvpar- pracaeally more conclusive than tlie an-1 ty 4 ich carries the banner of State related diniecacs ot Mr. Calhoun. We j 1 .jg[ 1 t s _ copy with pleasure and hearty insert wliat Mr.. Stephens says on that indorsement the closing paragraphs of his article, and are far more solicitous to find points of agreement than points of differ ence with this able, publicist., and, as we believe, sincere patriot. These admira ble, ringing, paragraphs hit the mark in in tho bull’s-eye: One of tho groat live questions now, therefore, be fore the Peoples of tho United States is, indeed, tho constitutional question, not whether a Stato has a right to secodo, or to nullify an act of Congress, but whether a Stato has airy right which the Federal government may not at its pleasure set aside. On this ALonmoe we willing to unite with nil friends of liberty in all the States of the Union, in the coming contest U> put out of potc-:r those who havt tho presetti control of the Federal government, and who have so wickedly abusetTlheir high trusts—whose progress, if not arrested, will end inevitably in despotism. If the battle be pitched upon this ground aloke. with no soft words for usurpations of any sort, there will he no need of “levies." Volunteers of their own accord, when the signal is given, will pour forth from every quarter with that enthusiasm for the cause which lovo of liberty inspires, and which in popular elections is ever tho surest “earnest of victory.” topic: The riiht of secession for all practical purposes was, as we understand, derided by the war mot that war can ever settle or decide any principle or truth in matters of government or justice between men or States, any more than in matters of science, art or religion. War may decide and may determine per- mknentty questions of policy, but never questions of right. A legitimate result of the late war, we believe, was the settlement, and settlement forever, in this coun try, of the'policy of secession os a practical mode of redress against any .usurpations on the part ef the Federal government. This legitimate result 4 f tlio war has been accepted in good faith by all those States wliieh recently re sorted to this mode of redress for what they regard ed breaches of the common compact and threatened usurpations by their confederates. Hereafter the mode of redress for all abuses of power by the Fed eral government which they seek will be to mate common cause with all the friends of the Constitu tion in all the States. for sal mu iv, ms. Page 8th.—Local News. Telegraphic Items. Financial and Commercial. Advertisements. them. Uj- TH DMAS N. HOPKINS, of Thomasville, is ;; duly authorized Agent for Southwest Georgia. i:g- JAMES ALLEN SMITH is our duly author ized Agent for East Tennessee. His receipts will be respected by this Office. the people discovering their real char- To this we say. by no means. They arenot result* . , ii* i ,, i i • I of tins war. either legitimate or actual. The> arc in actor find design, find utterly repucll- I no way connected with it or its declared objects. at?TKr them tliev re-smneiir to-dav ] These are the results of open, palpable, and avowed 14 3° ,V I1? V usurpations of p jwei- bK aj^tioriiv irr-ermt- nnder the new and captivating appel- gross, since the war—nine* the proclamation ot peace . ,. .» ,, TV of o * face the restoration of the Union by the reaump. lations ot New oJepai try. ists, j lion of their obligations under the Constitution on “ Youmr Democracy,” and “Progres- the part of all the States which attempted towith- . , r ° „ . . . 'ii i l -i. I draw—and alter the full accomplishment of every Sive Men, whichever Will best suit I object for which the war from its beginning to its tlipiv rtfirHenlnr lnenlitipq ll (miner to I end, was avowedly waged by the Federal autliorities. Juju, T. Robert, is our nathoriMdftgcntto I Unwary^^fTll- I Uwftt^MOOTitof r ^S!e I ^f ww *w,ged! dor whaler n^thoy may W wifi bo respected by The Sun office. the people may he 8SSUred Ot One These xrvth and XVth Amendments can, in no • — In* ^ *i* * 1 proper sense, too considered in any waj as timer leg- r> .... nf Athona Gi Is duly author-1 tiling—that the leading spirits who jtimatG, rightful or actual results of this war. They 1 t„ receive subscription^ ’and' advertisements, will eventually Control the movement ^‘^EXtiom XVthe^ends “ oS nd gue receipts for the same. | are nQ Constitutional Lib- were attained, and rest entirely upon meat flagrant ovfx- lint rm enntrnrv imnmr I usurpations of j>ower, infinitely more dangerous to eit), blit, On tlie contiary, aie amon o |y 10 mj er ti es of the country than the “rebelhon lt- its most determined and deadly ene- self, so-caUed, for secession afterallthat may be said mies. In this section of the country, iE^Umable^fit"of , loeM 0 6el^go e vernme^ < on 'the E5£x;&fc‘” «■»>• assumed, as best ™ted to their V erJn Lnding it purpose, the name of New Departu- of which these amendments are some of the results, N, P^er will bflMDt tamn U- offloottU Uto with which they had been dubbed upon their first re-appearance. aQ American free institutions are founded. a 3 +L?a A <3fofo nf Had the seceding States been permitted to “dopait Some politicians in this Dtate, Oi J Jjj peace,” and compelled to return, a3t’ ‘ the class ivlio are always on the look- alltho other States, as well as themselves,' bne UA.S « u« »»t. x1 __ui: _ questionably have been guile as weU off as eceipts i HOW TO REMIT MONEY. Wo will be responsible for the safo arrival of all money sent us by Registered Letter, by Express, or H11CS. for. and names will always bo erased when tho limo ji.xid for expires. t persons sending money by Express must pre pay charges. Make up Clubs. 03 they were, es, would un- i , « - - n i ,, i quesnonamy nave ueeu guile as well off as they were Out to get theil’ lingers in the public at the time the Union was formed. There .would „ ^ ovih lmWl hv the temntinff motto, in bavo been no loss to them, or either of them, of any rsting—containing all the latest news. Wo shall | CUD, 1U1CU U) me ItlupuiiQ niULWj, i I 0 f tho essential principles of liberty. The only pos- 911 it with good reading matter, and shall have in substance, of 11 Anything JOT VlClOVlf sible loss, in this particular, would have been the ■Mch issue as much reading matter as any paper in , « 7 „ « Aivrfliiritr in win » greater security for the maintenance of thewipnnci- Ocorgia and wo shall soon enlarge and otherwise (111(1 opOKS, iiny lUing to IV in, pj eg an q rights, which it was one of the leading ob- mprove it, so as to give it a handsome appearance „ | ias f e that WAS AS imprudent jects of the Union to establish. The usurpations, a,l make it easily reed aud desirable to have in the , * A, however, upon which these amendments rest, and Umily. 1 in them as it was indecent lor honora- W hich marked the beginning of this new war, were We isk our friends to use a little effort to make up -.1 iniymed at tllC bait thrown thoroughly revolutionary in their character—^bolffiy, 1 club for us at every post office. See our dub rates. Die men, junipeu. tti, lug u.iiu ‘ dariDgly, and confessedly revolutionary-ui tbe fun- \ very tittle effort is all that is needed to mako up a 1 out, and hooked themselves ; but tllC dameutal principles upon which thewhole iabnc of '»“■ - great mass of tho Democracy have I ”” "im t. co CTt .ro,„u»t.. almost .maaimously refused to give ™SS?, -—7 _ - - ... it their approval or sanction, notwitll- OJ,, jou of commonwealths, at the very time the ob- Mr. Htephcns will remain in Crawfordvmo. ™ rppom- Meet or the war against secession was accomplished, onnection with The Sns will not change his red- standing the UlUlUttlOriZCa^ recom 1 liavin; , them restored to their “practical Jeuce. All letters intended for_him, eittar on pn- ni endatiOU to this effect by the State relations to the Union." Their entire popu late matters or connected with the Political lie- only called upon the people to declare them nullities by popular vote at tho polls, and toputinpower men who would so declare them to be in their respective official positions. In this way the Alien and Sedition Acts of usurpation were gotten rid of, not by repeal, hut by electing men to office who-held them, to be as they were, not valid laws, but niduties. These Acts still remain upon the statute book as a monument aud record oi tho iniquity of their authors, and as a beacon to guide posterity^iArj*!! time to come, how to pfitrid-pf jdi tivr,pym?TMitioa*i —xrtTo Suitors ot five wish to Snow how wo propose to deal with these fraudulent Amendments, wo say to them that we propose, to deal with them just as Mr. Jeffersonand the Democracy of 1800 dealt with the Alien and Sedition Acfs. Let tlie people everywhere be aroused to a proper sense of tho danger which now threatens the over throw of their institutions, and called upon to vote for no man for any office, from the Chief Magistracy down, who will give his sanction of validity to any measure based upon such usurpations as these so- called Amendments aro known to be. Is not this an easy, peaceful, and effective mode by which tho complete rectification of all these wrongs can he se cured? IVe assure tho World that it is our object, above every other earthly consideration, to save tho insti tutions of this country, if possible, as they were es tablished by our ancestors. TVc believe this depends entirely upon the Democracy. To succeed, we know harmony and concert of action are essential. Wo have thus given fully, and frankly, and clear ly, we trust, our views of that line which distinctly separates tho “dead" from the “living issues," and that tine of policy which, if adopted, will most surely lead them to success in tho coming conflict; bnt if those views should not meet the approval of the ma jority, then we shall have one thing to ask (this we shall askin the name of everything that is sacred), and that is, that the masses of the party, in arraign ing their opponents for their misdeeds, shall not by any platform orpronunciamenlo, be committed to a sanction of the validity 01 policy ot any measure which is based entirely upon “usurpation, fraud and perfidy.” L H. S. >-»-« We are glad to find from tho ablest po litical pen iu the Southern States this clear admission ! that policy and practica bility are legitimate grounds for setting a great controversy at. rest. We submit that by this clear admission Mr. Stephens is estopped from again arraigning the progressive majority of the Democratic ;iarty for recognizing irreversible facts. In such cases charges of deserting prin ciple for expediency are as irrelevant as they are discourteous. We do not accuse Mr. Stephens of bartering right for pol icy becauso he has yielded the convic tions of his judgment to the fortune of war ; nor can it serve any good end for him to use such censorious language to ward Democratic opponents who apply the same rule of judgment to other cases. Every argument employed by Mr. Ste phens and his school against the pro gressive Democrats is an equally valid argument for keeping-alive the contro versy on the right of secession. They are as much exposed as anybody to the charge of renouncing principle for ex pediency. On the secession issue Mr. Stephens reasons like a statesman ; and if he will apply the same rule of judging to other issues, there will presently be no difference between us as to which issues are dead. Mr. Stephens classes slavery as well as ttoftpryj-n firqontr the- dfrftfl isflqpa. pith on gh he does hot seem very positive as to whether this should, or should not, be regarded “as a legitimate result of the war.” He says: GEORGIA NEWS. From the New York World, 8th July. Alexander II. Stepliens “Dead Issues.” on Terms of Siibserlptloii: DAIXiY: ected 'With the Political Do- I _ ( -r-, . • /-* _ , _/? ii. A | i a tiona of over seven millions of people, with I-artmentof this paper, should bo addressed to him Central ExCCUtlVO Committee ^01 tllC liberty, and property, were subjected to abso- »*. Crawfordville, Georgia. Porfxr This T Irnntn to be liaTticular- lute military rule, without legal protection or even All letters on business of any kind, connected with Jrai LV. -LIUS 1 lUlWll j , the recognition of any one single civil right whatev- Thk Sun, except its Political Department, shonld be 1 W true of tllC Middle ttUtt \Y extern er Tliese ten States were aU then claiming their addressed to J. Henly Smith, Manager, Atlanta, Ga. | £ . » ,. Of„+ p equal rights in the Federal Councils, to which they CtlOllS Ot tllC OLHie. w ^re unquestionably entitled, but the right to be 111 tlie Cities aud towns, one may heard upon these Amendments was denied thorn by . -i .I, n « "NVw the majority taction in Congress, in the face and meet, here aud there, R Itll a ” ] ver y teeth of the Constitution, which declares that <<each Stato sludl have at least one Representative” in the House, “aud that no State, withont its con- * yy I mocraey ; blit It is almost lrnpussiuic l sent> 8hl|U b0 deprived of its equal suffrage in tho Turee Mouths ’ " ts Un find nno such ill the country. Senate." Nay, more; these usurpations making tho Giie Month — 7S IO 1IHU UI1L ‘-‘Jt'it lu J beginning of this new war upon the Constituuon, _______. r^Tix-vTTxr • Y onr course is indorsed and approved eu ? le d, not m ths expulsion of ten states from the 00,,.™]'.*“^'..'. }« by the great body of the Democracy *“ • 88 luocnie? arc sincerely and devotedly -*• ’22£^*& , S£2tZgT8i “ “ 1 attached to the Constitution of their | Fathers and will never stultify them- g i llicUWi - - * - - ■ -nty “ ttity « ;... P> „ ] Fathers and will never Stuitlty tliem-| g'piJV^'werrcaTriea, as lsnotoriously known, by WEEKLY—SIX MONTHS : I i,_ Q.v,vr>fi miintr inCilttlire 5 ivllich military force, and not by tho voluntary action of ■Mtjrie Copy, Six Months, 1 JW l tGiA Ca b\ ^dUCll onu)_. IlltoLUic-, even these creatures of the revolutions so affected. 2 25 7 00 13 00 .... 27 50 -"entv •< «« •• i-i'y ' •• *• “ No subscriptions, to the Weekly, received for a •Jit Tier period than six months. AU subscriptions must be paid for in advance ; all names will be stricken from our books when I- time paid for expires. they have, for years past, denounced as These ratifications “ usurpations.”unconstitutional, revo- acc - epte d, that lilt ion arv and void.” I Congress can monldand_6hape, change and modify _ Jl not the acts of these States, majority faction ia Congress: And n TI>POT I th ^Constitution of the United States, - as well as the Li.Lr.Kl. | constitutions of the several States, aa they please, these Amendments, so proposed and so carried, can never be considered valid by any man or people People who attend the springs oT^btic K drink a wonderful deal; but tbeir pot.\- ^ ivoiid, ihe usurpations, monstrous B5U The Okolona, Mississippi, News, | tions ^ not always of water. J “ 1 “ ‘The I , . * ”. al I pealed, tor they no longer Have any tovea-they have venerable Indiana dame, eleven 1 done their'work. Bnt is their work defunct ? ‘ '* ‘ anuouncmg a marriage, says : very leaves live but to love.” It is rea-1 Eof & - Tf • Autumn * years old, is suing for a divorce. It i& singular how people can make np their sonable to suppose, then, that iu ■he leaves “fall in love.” ic-jL, The New York aSuii asks, “will Mr. i'isk please settle up?” If .Mr- Fish will I lease settle down upon whether he is! Suing to resign or not, he would do the Public a favor; but who ever heard of a Radical office-holder settling np. minds to separate after living together so many years. A great many folks continue to seek the watering-places. A great many who can’t get out of the city continue to seek the brandy-and-watering-places. The people get around reading Reade’s “A Terrible Temptation, ’ by quoting that passage of Scripture which says, “lead us not into temptation. JBtir* “Where are we now ?” the If one is permitted to Ana these etnpendons /raiidCknoivn as the XIVth and XVth Amendments, obsolete? Arc not thesa inflraaoTts acts boldly claimed as oelual results of the new war now being waged against the Constitution, the rights of the States, and tbe liberties of the people? They are; and they, together with the flaring usurpations upon which they rest, constitute living questions, as we maintain, for pubtio consideration and popular con demnation. Can the fan dameutal Jaw of tlie Union The New York Globesays: “John •' issoli Young has got home. He was ' uc ‘ only American journalist who saw iv.ris Inirn.” While no doubt a great taan y regret not having witnessed the spectacle, a great many more regret that I Courier-Journal. _ _ ^°lui Bussell Young was not burned in- j judge by the coloring you give to po 1 s tea l of p ar j s ._ • cal matters, you are in the Radical enmp. be changed by such acta of violence, perfidy and wrong ? We say it cannot be. The World, in a late article, admitted that it ought not to be. Then why not call upon the people in their majesty and control ling power at the polls, to declare that it shall not be? The World seems to think—we regret to see—that these Amendments—tho results of these usurpations —after all. do not amount to mush; they only secure civU rights, including suffrage, to the black race; and as ice have no disposition to disturb these rights without a fair trial in our own State, or in any other Stato where the people are willing to award them, why not—it asks—let these Amendments, with all the usurpations upon which they rest, pass withont censure or condemnation ? Why quarrel with tho “form” when the “substance” is accepted? Why “waste time over the husks of a question after accep ting the kernel!” Why not join what It is pleased to can the Progressive Democracy ia accepting and We have no reason to retract or re gret our cordial welcome to Mr. Ste phens on his entrance into the field of Southern journalism. We desire to see no important question of party policy decided without thorough sifting and full debate; and there is a manifest ad vantage in having in the arena of discus sion the keen logic, ripe experience, and robust sincerity of a statesman like Mr. Stephens. He compels us to respect his views even when we are constrained to dissent from and combat them. Although Mr. Stephens’ statements are usually crisp and clear, and quite free from trimming vagueness, he seems for once a little misty upon the dead-is sue question. We aro not certain that we fully understand him, and suspect that our views and his are not so widely at variance as they may seem. We beg that on one or two points he will be little more precise and explicit. In a long article signed with his initials in Tee Atlanta Sun of July 3, headed “On What Issue Shall we go into the Fight?” Mr. Stephens maintains that some of the issnes of our former politics are dead, and others full of sap and vi tality. Thus far, at least, we agree. So far as we differ, it is in drawing the line between the issues which have become obsolete and those which still remain as questions of political politics. We only disagree as to the comparative length of the t wo catalogues. Onr list of the issues which shonld be labelled “dead” and laid away in the hortus siccus of dried speci mens is a little longer than his; but this seems to be the whole difference. One of the points on which we wish Mr. Stephens would define his views with more precision is the principle on which the dividing line shonld be drawn. What are the symptoms of death? By what rule of classification must we determine which issues shall be inserted in the cata logue of dead and which in the list of live issues? If we can agree upon such a rule, the controversy is practically ended. m-u: Mr. Stephens declares it to be his opinion that the right of secession is a “dead issue.” Now let us examine the grounds‘on which he . rests this opinion and see if the some rule of judgment would not include several issnes which he insists are not obsolete. Mr. Stephens So of the old question of negro slavery. The Southern seceding States all—every one of them— abolished that institution by their own acta. This act on their parts respectively may or may not bo considered as a legitimate result of tho war. Wheth er the one or the other,- however, it was done by these States themselves, aud after tho close of the •war—after they had fully resumed all their obliga tions to the Union under the Constitution, and were fully recognized by tho Federol Government as constituent members of the Union, and entitled to an equal voice upon all questions pertaining to its welfare, even those touching changes in the organic law. It is by tlio acts of these States that the XUIth Amendment of the Constitution is now a valid part of the organic law of the Union. These questions, therefore, relating to the right of secession, for all practical purposes and consider ations, as well as those relating to the nature and ex tent of negro servitude in the Southern Sates, wo consider emphatically among tho "dead issues." We have do disposition to revive them, nor any question relating to them antecedent tc the war. We believe also that in this matter we but repeat the universal sentiment of the Southern States. It is true that the Southern States rat ified the amendment abolishing slavery by their own acts;” bnt nobody knows better than Mr. Stephens that those acts were not voluntary. They were done at the bidding of Andrew Johnson, then the master of half a million of soldiers. Mr. Stephens would need bnt a small share of bis acumen and logic to make out a strong case against the validity of those extorted ratifications; but it would be an idle expenditure of argumentative skill. The real reason why the abolition of sla very is final and irreversible is, that it is sanctioned by such a body of settled and strenuous public opinion, that an attempt to re-establish slavery would kindle the whole country into a conflagration. It is because of this state of public sentiment, that the stability of emancipation is so immovably fixed, and that it wonld be so idle and futile to contest the validity of the thirteenth amendment. And if there is a similar state of public feeling respec ting negro civil rights and negro suffrage, it would be equally futile and unprofita ble to undertake a crusade against the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments.— If we accept their substance (as we be lieve Mr. Stephens does) what will it avail to quarrel with their form ? Prac tical statesmanship disdains to waste ef fort on the husks of a question after ac cepting the kernel. As Mr. Stephens does not wish to deprive the negroes of their newly acquired franchises, he prac tically admits that negro suffrage and ne gro civil equality are dead issues. In op posing the amendments he is therefore fighting with shadows. The contests of Don Quixote with the windmills had more of the character of a real battle.— There could not be a more fantastic po litical comedy than to admit negro suf frage to be a dead issue and at the same time make the fifteenth amendment (which does nothing but ordain negro suf frage) a live issue. The comedian laughs with one side of his face and weeps with the other, and it is not easy to tell wheth er he is really jocose or grieved. Be consistent, Mr. Stephens, and if you do not wish to spill the water make no futile attempts to break the pitcher. Mr. Stephens seems equally chimerical in insisting that the reconstruction acts are a live issue. ‘When we descend from the jereal region and cloud-land of vague declamation to the solid ground of fact and precise ideas, we find that the re construction aots cannot he repealed, for the simple reason that they are no longer in force. How can an obsolete and de funct act of Congress be alive issuo ? Mr. Stephens might with as much perti- Col. Halbert has a long letter iu the Columbus Sun, advising the people of that city to build a railroad of their own. The Sim says: One of the best lawyers in Columbus and most excellent speaker —who is rising in liis profession—could not read when he was nineteen years of age. The Macon Telegraph and Messenger of the 29th says: Freight which left New York per steamer San Salvador on Sun day morning, July 23, for Macon, and which came via Savannah and Central Railroad, was delivered to consignees in Macon on the morning of Thursday, July 27, in four days, being one day faster than the shipment from Baltimore to Macon via Charleston, noted in a late issue of the lelegraph aud Messenger. • The Augusta Chronicle anil Sentinel of the 30th says: Mrs. Small, the widow of. Mr. John Small, deceased, who was one of onr most respected citizens, died yes terday morning i^t her residence. About seven e’clock she complained of a pain in the region of tho heart, and had a mnaffl.pl plaster put unon her chest. A few minutes aftenvlUxrsTsnuexpirea. — death is believed to have been the result of disease of the heart. Some of the Augusta officials appear to be very jealous of formality. The Chronicle and ,Sentinel of Sunday says: Between eight and nine o’clock yester day morning a colored man, whose name is unknown, was brought to the Freed- meu’s Hospital—which is situated at the head of Center street, on the outskirts of the city. He was brought there in a waggon, driven by Jonas Sangfield, col ored, and accompanied by a white man and two colored men. They stated to the keeper pf the hospital that the man was sick and destitute, aud they wished to get him admitted into the hospital. The keeper replied that lie was not al lowed to receive any patient into the building except upon the order of the Ordinary of the county, and that the man could not be received until such order should be ob tained. The men then attempted to leave the sick man upon the steps of the building, but were prevented—the keep er repeating to them his instructions. The man was removed from the steps and carried back to the wagon, aud one of the men stated that he would go to the Ordinary for a permit and then return to the hospital. But when at a short distance from the building the wagon stopped, the sick man was placed upon the ground and his companions went away. There, upon the sand of the na ked commons, the poor wretch lay, pros trated with fever and exposed to the rays of an almost tropical sun, until at about one o’clock in the afternoon God sent re lief, and he died. BgL. Kev. J. B. C. Quillian, of tms State, has ready for the press, a book which he calls “The Star of Redemp tion; or Thoughts on the Mediation and Glory of the Redeemer.” The work has been in preparation for some time, and is now about ready to be committed to the printer. Those who know Mr. Quil lian, anticipate a most excellent book. He is a learned and eloquent divine, a close student, a clear writer; has a fruit ful imagination, while his descriptive powers are magnificent. The following titles to some of the chapters will give a general idea of the plan and scope of the book: “The Tree of Life or Waving Symbol of the Earthly Paradise.” “The Golden Promise, or Light breaking through, the Gloom.” “The Ark Float ing on the Waters.” “The Covenant Bow in the Cloud.” “The burning bush of Horeb.” “The Smitten Rock of Heri- bah.” “The Cloud of Witnesses.” “The Wonders of the Incarnation.” “The Mysterious Agony.” “The Wonders of the Cross.” “The Tomb of Christ. “The Glory of the Ascension.” “The Great High Priest in His Sacredotal Robes.” “The Song of the Redeemed. ^ “The Last Promise of the Apocalypse* —— Bowen’s case establishes the pre cedent that a plurality of wives is onoo the rewards of loyalty. That being the case, much marrying may be expected scalawag and carpet-bag circles. ir IS**!