The Weekly sun. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1870-1872, August 02, 1871, Image 4

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► 4; THE DAILY SUN Saturday Morning ..July 29. THE ATLANTA WEEK! Y S U N- Kentucky Politics. We call the special attention ofonr readers to-day, to an extract from the very able speech of Judge Craddock, of Kentucky, upon t lie 14th and loth Amendments (so-called) to the Con stitution'of the United States. It will be found in another column un der the title which heads this article. It will well repay a careful perusal on the part of any one who is in search of the truth and the right. The whole validity or invalidity of those so called Amendments, Judge Crad dock clearly shows, depends upon the fact whether they were regularly pro posed to the States, and properly rati fied by the requisite number of States, ns required by the Constitution. It all turns upon this matter of fact. If they were proposed and adopted in the mode and manner, and “by the authority constitution ally appointed,” then they are valid —npt only defacto but dejure parts of the fundamental law; but if they were not—if they were proposed by a minority Faction in Congress, with the denial of the right of ten States to be heard upon the question of their proposal, and if, after that, their ratification in those ten States was carried by “brute force,” then they are utterly void and of no effect. Judge Craddock’s reasoning upon this subject is unanswerable. His position also, that this matter of fact, cannot be decided or adjudged by the Secretary of State, or the President, or Congress, or all them combined, is equally conclusive. Inquiry into this matter of fact in any Judicial pro ceeding that may be instituted in any case arising under them, or either of them, cannot be precluded by any statement by the Secretary of State, or Proclamation of the President, or Resolution of Congress, for none of these officials have any rightful pow er to decide and pass judgment in this way, upbn this subject. The people of England, in the days of the Stuarts, were taught by the Bourbons of those times, that “Royal Proclamations” were not laws. This great truth the people of the United States received from their ancestors, and will not appreciate it the less highly because it is advocated by the so-calleci Bourbons of this day. A. H. S. 1 ating, degraded, fallen condition of | an honorable, high-toned people, &e. | * * * But the “New Departure”! Party say: It is policy—to get Nor-: them votes—to yield all our former: notions of State Rights. My opinion is, to adopt the “New Departure”; doctrine is to indorse the Radical Party and all the w*v>ngs they have j inflicted on us. * * * I am truly yours, Purmedus Reynolds. Hon.' Purmetlus Reynolds and W.-p. p., of the N. Y. Journal of Commerce. In the issue oi The Sun of the 24th iust., a notice was caken of the re ported “ interview ” of W. P. C., of the New York Journal of Commerce, with Judge Reynolds, of Covington, in this State, which was then going the round of the papers. In reference to what was said in that notice of this “ inteiwiew ” we have received a private letter from Judge Reynolds, from which (though liberty of giving some extracts, which show that there “'interview ” in the article referred to, ———- — — and which presents the Judge’s true aU 10n ^ ^ an ac ^ ^ On o ress position to the country in quite un mistakable language. lie, nor did I desire newspaper noto riety, yet if he had detailed all I said I should not complain. I gave him frankly my sentiments. He in- Kentucky Politics. Extract from a very able speach made by Judge G. W. Craddock, in question touching the Frankford, Ky., 3d July, 1871, upon the validity of the 14th and 15th Amendments (so-called) to the Con stitution of the United States. The Constitution of Government is of higher dignity than a statute; it is fundamental, and is not within the power of the legislative, or any other department, or functionary cre ated by it. And whilst it is made subject to amendment, it can only be amended by the same authority which originally ordained and established it, to-wit, the people of the respective States, acting as separate srrvereign communities. The fifth article pro vides that PROPOSITIONS OF AMENDMENT can only be made by Congress, when two-thirds of both houses shall deem it necessary, or by a convention called upon the application of two-thirds of the several States for proposing amendments, which, in either case, shall be binding only when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conven tions in three-fourths thereof. Thus it will be seen that the only agency which Congress can exercise in the process of amending the Con stitution consists simply the submis sion of propositions of amendment to the States. To do which the Con stitution requires the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses of Con gress. There is nothing in the fifth article, nor any other portion of the Consti tution, authorizing Congress, or any other department of the Federal Gov ernment, to determine authoritatively and finally whether propositions of amendment have been properly sub mitted, nor whether they have been ratified by three-fourths of the sev eral States; Certainly no mere po litical party has such authority. THE LANGUAGE OF THE CONSTITU TION is, that propositions of amendment shall be binding only when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, The Radi cals allege that three-fourths of the several States have retified the Four teenth and Fifteenth Amendments. The Democratic party deny the truth of the allegation, and thus arises an issue of fact, an important fact, a fact involving the reserved rights of the States as yell as of the people. Is it possible that there is no tribunal in which this important question can be examined and authoritatively settled? Is it true that the States, as separate political corporations, or that the peo ple of the States have no remedy, no right to inquire into the truth of the facts upon which these amendments are declared to have been ratified ? Is it true that the announcement by the Secretary of State to the effeet that three-fourths of the several States have ratified, is conclusive of the question ? Whence does the Secreta- it was not written for publication) we r )'of State derive such power and take the liberty of giving our readers autbont y • -^ ot J r0 .^ Constitu- J b b tion, as must be admitted by all who will examine, nor from the nature of was no error on the part of The Sun the duties of his office, nor from the in the opinion expressed about this Executive, but, as is alleged, he is . -j —J iu clothed with the high and responsible WHAT AUTHORITY HAS CONGRESS to determine the question or to an- We fool assured Judge Bevnolds •n • % "• , . ° - can be found, in the Constitution. It Ml , V • 1 ^ auilllu. in tuc VJUUttUbUblOn. -JLb will not object to the use we thus ig not a subject within the scope of nf ha a XT o the legislative powers and duties of Congress. It can do nothing more than to submit propositions of make of his letter. A. H. S. Covington Ga., July 22, ’71. r****** “ v ' ui Hon. A: H. Stephens: Dear Sir—I amendment to the States. When that see copied in The Sun from the Jour- bas beea done, the subject is wholly nal of Commerce (N. Y.) a reported anc l W^rely within the control and interview between myself and W. P. J-“ 0 State “wLTta“tlicLerSHf C., a correspondent of that paper.— the same right by which thev had While I had no thoughts that the in- originally ordained ,and established terview was sought to be made pub- Federal Government, may alter * its Constitution so as to make it more conducive to the happiness and pros perity of the people. But nothing can be more clear than that amendments which have troduced the conversation by asking no ^ been ratified by three fourths .of me if I approved the VaQandigham not binding, -m X* V ® , It follows, therefore, that unless the Platform for the Democratic Party; j Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amend- and it was on that issue that my re- j ments have been so ratified they marks were made and directed. 11 are not parts of the Constitution, now say to you, I fully indorse your j ahhougli i both the Radical and views, and am at a loss to conceive!P arties > in their respec tive platforms, may so declare them how any Southern man can sustain his political integrity and consistency and advocate the “New Departure” to be. No one can fail to see the glaring absurdity of the proposition that, ad- doctrine. It concedes all the rights * the amendments under con oi.,, , . jt ., , 0 ,°, sideration were procured by force and SL*5i® ° States fraud, and worn not in fact ratified by Got eminent, and adopts all the near- the three-fourths of " ~ ‘ pauons, and unconstitutional and op pressive measures that have beenforced on Party in their Platform to adopt them, and carry them out in good faith. I caunot mceiye of a more humili- the States left free to act according to their best judgment upon the subject, neverthe- us; by assuming to pledge the I less > tl . ie P . can ^ kicked on to the . -i Constitution by a compromise be tween two political parties, or by the ratification of the Democratic party. Those who favor what is termed THE “NEW DEPARTURE” all concede that said amendments were procured by force aud fraud, and not in accordance with the fifth arti cle of the Constitution, and therefore not binding, as the letter of the arti cle itself declares, still they propose to put the whole question at rest by ratifying them and thereby making them binding. This is an unconsti tutional mode of amending the Con stitution. They say that they are de facto parts of the Constitution, and they now propose to make them de jure by the ratification of the Demo cratic party. They propose to accept that which was accomplished by force and fraud as legal and binding. How much worse are they who perpetuate a fraud, or who cany measures by brute force, than those who volunta rily ratify and confirm ? To submit to that which we can not escape or avoid is neither coward ly nor mean, but to approve and rati fy voluntarily a great wrong is un worthy of brave and honest men. No parly can maintain self-respect, nor secure the confidence and support of the people, which acts upon such a policy. If the Democratic party abandons its principles and becomes tiie MERE CAMP FOLLOWERS OF THE RAD ICALS, it might as well prepare for its disso lution. It is no longer of any service to the couutiy. We are commanded by the New Departure gentlemen to right-shoulder shift—march into the abandoned camps of the Radicals, and feast on the offal of our progres sive adversary. I do not like the manoeuvre, aud I certainly am not tempted by the promised feast. If it be spoils and plunder which gentle men are after, then why not go with the party that deals in those articles. The Democratic party never was, and certainly is not now, a good place to conduct a traffic in that business. But I am told that THE NORTHERN WING OF THE PARTY favor the “New Departure,” and that we. of Kentucky will be left out in the cold. That may be so. We shall see. I have confidence in the patriot ism, prudence, and good sense of the pa^ty, and I have no fears but that when it assembles in National Con vention it will act in such a way as to preserve its principles, honor, and dignity, and promote the prosperity and happiness of the country. And not only so, it will nominate a Dem ocrat of unquestioned integrity and of undoubted allegiance to the princi ples of Democracy, as our standard- bearer in the Presidential contest. A victory gained under such circum stances would be substantial. It would be a triumph of principle and not a mere change of spoilsmen. It would give peace aud quiet to the country, and relieve the public mind from that constant anxiety in regard to the future which is now felt by all reflecting men. With such a standard-bearer there would be a departure; a departure of the Goths and Vandals from the Fed eral Capital; a departure of vam pires from the Treasury, and of venal and corrupt officials from high places. But I am asked WHAT I PROPOSE TO DO WITH THE AMENDMENTS. I have already said that the amend ments must stand or fall upon the question whether they have been pro posed and ratified as required by the fifth article, of the Constitution.. If they have not been so proposed and ratified, then they are not binding. I use the language of the article it self, “they are not binding.” Not binding on the States; not binding on the functionaries of either the State or Federal Government; not binding on the people, or.any one of the people. They are void; not voidable, but void. But if they have been proposed and ratified as required by the fifth article afore said, then they are' binding, and as much so as any other parts of the Constitution. I am one who believes they were not proposed nor ratified pursuant to-the requirements of the fifth article, and in this I have the concurrence of the whole Democratic party—the New Departure men and all—-as well as a large portion of the Radical party; and so believing, I am not willing to stultify myself by admitting that they are binding as parts of the Constitution. I am not willing to forestall an examination of the question, even if it could be done, by resolutions or platforms. I am for leaving it open freely to be inves tigated by any tribunal having com petent jurisdiction of the subject. I do not propose to set on foot any lawless or revolutionary modes of re sistance to the enforcement of the amendments. That there are peaceable and legal modes of determining the question can scarcely be doubted. It seems to me that this is THE TRUE POSITION FOR THE DEMOC RACY to occupy. It is consistent with their former views, and avoids the humilia tion of the “New Departure,” which is a surrender of the whole subject to Radical usurpation and revolution.— It is said, however, that the Radical party will continue to enforce, as it is now doing, the amendments, and that it is useless any longer to think of resistance, or of corrections. That is a desponding, not to say a cowardly, view of the subject. So long as the Radicals continue in the possession of the Government, they will not hes itate to do anything to pemetnate their power. They have already tak en away the jurisdiction of the Su preme Court to decide upon the Con stitutionality of the reconstruction measures, but this can and will be restored. I have great confidence in the sober second thought of the peo ple. It was by brute force that the amendments were carried through the forms of ratification, and It is by like force that they arc being execu ted. Submission is the only alterna tive in the presence of a superior force. It is the alternative of the man, who, with a cocked pistol at his head, is required to surrender his purse. But it does not follow that the man robbed shall not only part with his money, but afterwards vol untarily ratify the robbery. This is, however, what the New' Departure men substantially propose to do. But I am regarded as a Bourbon, and am denounced as an old fogy. I am accused of having formed my ideas of the Constitution and of the philosophy of the Government from the teachings of Jefferson, Madison, Jackson, Chief Justice Marshall and Clay. I am suspected of having read in the Federalist and the debates in the convention which formed the Constitution of the United. States. Well, I MIGHT AS WELL OWN UP. In my young days I w as a Clay man. I followed the fortunes of that great chieftain, until he succumbed to the common enemy and went to his rest. I heard-him disband the Whig party, that noble old party of which he was the accepted champion. It was his thanatopsis. I will not say that he was inspired, but I will say that he seemed to look into the future as if he had taken counsel with something higher than reason. I became a Democrat because the party was national, not sectional, be cause it held and taught the true theory of the Government; because it acknowledged the dual nature of our system, and insisted upon keeping the State and Federal Governments witlfln their respective orbits. They never could have collided if the Dem ocratic theory had been adhered to. But if the noble old party is to be stripped of its principles, and is to become a mere organized contestant for the spoils; if it is to be disman tled of everything but its name, I don’t know what I am. If CUNNING IS TO TAKE THE PLACE OF STATESMANSHIP, and principles are to be made to yield to party policy; if Constitutions are to be plated upon the footing of a mere statute, subject to be suspended at the pleasure of a dominant party, or to be amended by forcing a com pliance with the forms of amendment by the use of the bayonet; if parties are no longer to be the exponents of great political principles, but to become mere organized rings to appropriate the offices and treasures of the nation to the use and benefit of its own members, then, indeed, it seems to me, that, so far as the people are con cerned, it matters but little what par ty may control. I stand here to-day as one of the humblest of Democrats to maintian the honor and integrity of the Dem ocratic party. I protest against the attempt to humiliate it by assigning to it a position in the rear of the Rad ical party, following in its line of march, and subsisting upon the crumbs and offal of the abandoned Radical camps. But if this must be its fate, if this is the position assigned to it in its old age, then I ask but one other favor, and that is that the names of Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Jackson, be blotted from its chronicles, and that it be rebaptised as the party of the “New Departure.” NEVV_YORK. JTmjtorlanl Cuban JixptAUion forming- in Cun. rm * Procured and Bounty JPaiil— Hoffman lieuounced. . *^" OEK » July 28.—Domingo Ruaz, indicted for a violation of the neutrality lavra in furnishing aid and comfort to the Cubans, has been released. A Montreal dispatch savs : It has been definitely ascertained that the Cuban Junta of New York has for some weeks, been actively enlisting men to form part of an expedition of about seven thousand, who are expected to sail for Cuba in two or three weeks. The commander of the Canadian contingent is Maj. Robinson of the Prince of Wales Rifles, who was engag ed in the Red River expedition, last year, and was very active and efficient. The regiment which Major Robinson is to command will number about 1,000 men. About seven hundred have been already enlisted and a portion of them sent to the States where the several rendezvous are to be made, along the coast. Some of the men are in Portland, but the ma jority are near New York city. It is sup posed they will assemble near Bamegat and embark, or go direct from New York city, taking a pleasure boat, seemingly for a fishing excursion, and be met by steamers outside. J Several thousand stand of arms, the short Snyder rifle, have quietly been passed across the border, and is supposed by the officers to be safely shipped by this tame. The men received 8100 boun ty- A large meeting has bitterly denounced Hoffman, and resolved to elect the police men dismissed for disobedience of orders on the 12th, to some office. The first bale of new Texas cotton was sold at auction to-day, in front of the Exchange, for 43 cents. Tire Scandalous Report Mr. Davis. About From the Memphis Avalanche. DAVID CROCKETT. i Tire Old Coon Hunter as a JL e( | ter-Writer. Trenton, Tenn, July oi Captain Seat, an old and respected c 1 * B izen of our town, died some f . since. In the perusal of his file , | slander first apj . • I found the two following letters toLvi rliafc tlie Memphis f rom David Crockett, the embodiment 51 We have heretofore given our rea- -fiers the card of Mr. Davis upon this ; subject; also the explanation of the Louisville Commercial, in which the We now present w Appeal says editorially—it being pub lished in tbc city of Mr. Davis’ resi dence—in reference to tbe same scan dalous charge. It is in these words uniqueness, who was an old friend Seat. You will see that they pay n 0 ,? j gard whatever to punctuation, and yl have to be governed by the context t-1 . ascertain where he intends his sWU You will further see that he was not ;V- || been told, in the presence of two or more gentlemen in this city, he said that he would get even with Mr. Davis. He has essayed to do it by this slander. He was expelled for using publicly the contents of a letter marked private and confiden tial, written by Mr. Davis. He was too degraded to know, or too vile to refrain from an infamy impossible to honorable men. It is not strange that such a crea ture should be a little sore and become malignant from the touch of Mr. D. ’s boot, nor is it strange that one capable of vio lating tbe confidence among gentlemen should also be capable of any slander ne cessary to gratify his revenge against a man he had injured. To such a reptile the motive was irresistible, and no possi ble testimony from him is worthy of ^a thought, or could receive attention from any not the enemies of Mr. Davis. “Men of as high character as live in the world are to be found here, and throughout the State of Mississippi, whose voucher in behalf of the distin guished statesman, soldier, and ex- President goes back for forty years. We have ourselves bad more or less acquaint ance with his public and private reputa tion since 1835, and living before 1840 four years in the same county with him, never heard a breath to sully his fame from that day to this, notwithstanding the readiness with which, as a Whig an tagonist and editor, we may then be sup posed to have welcomed charges against a political opponent. If a, private life like that of Jeff. Davis’, known intimate ly by millions, is not to go unscathed among men, then we despair of finding a faultless gentleman. “The card of Mr. Davis appears in an other column. He has never been sus pected, much less accused, of falsehood. The whole story originated with an igno rant negro. It was readily gobbled up by this revengeful correspondent, who may have easily instigated the negro to the slander, and probably did so. No respectable citizen will give it counten ance; that will be left to the enemies of Mr. Davis, who are numerous and pow- ful enough, and the enemies of the Southern people as well.” In addition to this, we subjoin what the Lovisville Ledger says upon the subject in its issue of the 24th inst. THE JEFF. DAVIS SCANDAL. Let it rest, henceforth and forever, in that silent oblivion to which the just and generous heart. of Col. Kelly has con signed it. It is all the more gratifying to the friends of Mr. Davis that the very spot of its origin should become the place of its sepulture. The Commercial first gave it. publicity—the Commercial is the first, with a generosity and fairness unequalled in the annals of Radical jour nalism, to deal it a prompt and manly death-blow. We commend the Commercial's article of yesterday, on this subject, to the care- . “ _ .. .. lou wm iurtner see uiawie was unt A We both deny and disbeheve t le accu- spe n er then in Congress; and h! sation made by the corresponden o e JlQ was nofc particular as to th Louisville Commei-cial We believe it ^ of cap italletters. U , originated in mahee alone, and that it is Thinking perhaps these two letwi as false as it is infamous. This same n- foe G f some importance to you‘t dividual, we are informed, visited Mi. inclose them, hoping yon m’ Davis for the purpose of interviewing appreciate the same from an uuinfl/ him, and was expelled by lIr. avis tluced friend and fellow-citizen whod£ from lm office only the day e- s t res the wholesale promulgation of ft. fore. He was a correspondent of he Ayalanclie , s Conservative ideasVourt Isew York Hmald, writing fo o out the whole country, and that it JL line in the Louisvil e Con t t < , be caught up bv other people in oft2 climes, and lustily lisped ty L £25 til.Conservatism, both m politics and re- ligion, shall pervade the whole -world, which is compelled to take place before 1900, and I do pray you and I may live to see the ushering in of that dawn. Your friend, R. E. g The letters referred to are as follows: [A true copy.] Washington City Mar 1118^ Dr sr You will excuse me for not wri. ting to you earlyer I did wish to Lave somthing worth your attention tho it fa in vain to wait any longer we are engage in the Tariff and I expeot we will not gel Rid of it until the first of April this will be a long session and do but little goo : there is to much party feeling exists Lere that it is with great dificulty to do air thing I did believe that I would hart been abel to give information to my dis trict that we had procured a Relinguish. ment from the genl government for om vacant land tho I cannot give you this in formation as yit tho I have strong hope that I will give you this news as soon se git Red of the Tariff I intend to vote against all amtest I wish you to write me the times in our country also tender mj best respects to all friends I remain yont frend and Humbell servt David Crockett. Mr. Seat. Washington City 26 January 1829. Dear Capt I take the liberty of Direct ing a number of my addresses to mj constituants to you which I hope yon will do me the favor to give them as wide wide Circulation as passable in your Country and you will confer a pai-l ticular favour on your frend I know! of no person in your town better qualli-1 fyed to do me this favour than yourself J we have nothing new here and is doing but little business in—Congress I am in as fine health as you ever saw me and I hope these lines will find yon enjoying the same. Respectfully you old servant David Crockett. A MEAKA IN GEORGIA. A Dreadful Tale of tlieLBrutality of a Fat Her toward Ills Chil dren. From tho Griffin Middle Georgian. It has-been our unpleasant duty to re cord an instance of barbarous cruelty that would shock the nerves of a Hottentot. The author of this cruelty, is one Pink Dupree, of Pike county, and the victims of his brutality are bis two children, on; 8 years of age, and the other 10. Brutes will not maim their offspring in the in human manner to which this fiend re sorted. He commenced his work of devilment by first taking these children from their grand-parent in Mississippi, (to whose special care they had been given by a dying mother to raise and educate) with t-lie understanding that lie would carry them to a town near by and make then some presents, and return with them. “There has been nothing like Grant’s San Domingo message since the days of Jackson,” exclaims Simon Cameron. The public is unable to discern anything like in, or before the days of Jackson. Women in arms!” exclaimed Pogue, laying aside the morning pa per—“they are always welcome to be in my arms.” difference between the generous, open political opponent and the sly, dastardly, back-biting insinuations of the pretend ed friend. If Mr. Davis, had been guilty, much as his people love him, they had been the first to turn away in loathing from lum. And they despise a mean action too deeply not to appreciate a manly and comprehensive disclaimer like that of the Conimercial. They would be as poor in spirit as they are in purse, if they could soon forget it, or remember it without remembering also that a man may be a Radical and still be a just-minded Gen tleman. b t S3T Messrs. E. & H. T. Anthony, of liew York, have made a most interest ing and valuable contribution to art, by the collection and publication of a very large and magnificent series of stereo scopic views of the Yosemite Yalley, and other noted scenery in the grand Western part of America. These views are from photographs by an artist sent out by the firm named above, and they are gotten up in a style superior to anything American or foreign that has yet found its way to Atlanta. In the list are found views of the famous Yosemite Yalley, with its im mense water-falls, deep ravines and high mountains, and those vast trees which are so great a marvel that it was long after their discovery before the public would believe the stories told about them. The series of views is the largest ever pub lished, and they bring before the eye correct representations of natural scenery which, for beauty and grandeur, has no equal in the world. The Messrs. Antho ny deserve the thanks of the public for their great enterprise, and consequent ex pense, in getting ont this set of views They are large, beautifully printed and superbly mounted, and’are worth very much more than the price at which they are put upon the market. These views are for sale by Messrs. Phillips & Crew of thisciiy. ’ fnl perusal of all good men, of every “tnm _ with thea. shade of political opinion. Men of ail i ir ^^ ea , returning with them he parties are too ready to circulate un- i ron q lifc to Georgia, where they!] founded and gratuitous scandals against aav ® been _rae special recipients of his the conspicuous men of the other mrfcv cruelty ' ' woul J seem that in his heart 1 and the Commercial has set an exainnle ® on pentrated the evil of all mankind, g which the editorial profession mav be t m 1118 soul 18 bufc au embodyment of i proud of. The CommerciaVs article does c P mmon . only to the lo wer order f credit to our common humanity. None ° f mu 6 br ? te ® reatl0n - , I but a brave, manly, and generous heart J- bese tw° boys were brought into ourl could have conceit it, fnd to “ le?It jammed them. The tipi in a Radical paper, required a moral of their tha “ b s and fingers had the ap l courage which defies all that is little and °[ b ? m S mashed. They were| mean. It has enabled ns to estimate the b , , bru ises, and the nails of set- ,1,-iV 1, esmnaws me era p k ad come off _ rp,^ lw _ „„ The boys on beteg askea tbe cause of these mashed finger.!, replied that their father had split a pole and put their fingers in the split, and pulled out the wedge, leaving them in the clamp. One of them had a peculiar mark on his nose that had the appear* ance of having been in a -place similar to that in which the fingers were clamped, and the little boy did not hesitate to as sert that his father had placed his nose in the clamp. The other one added that he had placed his tongue in the clamp, and showed it. to the crowd. A piece had been cut out. The scar of the clamp could be readily seen. Besides these marks of brutality,two great, gaping scars on the breast of one, and a back, black with braises, was shown ns, together with scars and knots on the head. Braises, sears, lacerated sores, told a tale of cruelty too horrible to be repeat ed, and all perpetrated by a devil of a father upon the persons of unprotected, m, n - celess , P u . n y orphan children. This “fiend in human form,” confessed that he had cruelly whipped the children, and that he could not otherwise control them. But the children know no such as “whip.” Sticks, hoe-handles, the fist, “beats,” but never ‘whips.’ A broken tooth in the mouth of one of tbe children, and an almost broken arm of the other, together with tales told by neighbors, attest more than words can express. The step-mother of these children is o most worthy lady. The children say that sb ® " vvas kind to them on all occasions. The man Dupree was arrested on a writ of habeas carpus, by the grand-father of tlic children, who desired to curry them to Mississippi, and rather than that tbe case of cruelty should be ventilated, seh tied it. The grand-father left for Missis sippi with them yesterday. There is no law whose penalty is commensurate with the crime committed by Dupree. Wer e ‘ gret that such a state of cruelty should appear in our columns to disgust some of our readers of tender sensibilities. Snch an outrage should not go unpunished." Law and humanity cry out against it; tbe people deplore it, and as an organ, pub lished in the interest of the people, ice denounce the outrage.