The Weekly sun. (Atlanta, Ga.) 1870-1872, August 09, 1871, Image 4

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THE ATLANTA WEEKLY SUN. THE DAILY SUN. Saturday Hamas. ....August 5. From the Bloomfield Democrat. PENNSYLVANIA POLITICS. • We call the attention of our read ers to-day, to the letter of Veritas, from Philadelphia. The source from ■which it comes entitles it to conside ration. We have no personal What the Ninth Resolution Doing. is lic it occurs to ns that there is not that vim and vigor in some of our Democratic exchanges that charac terized their editorials in past cam- , puisrns. It is true, thev are ail for quamtance with the writer, anu i McCandless and Cooper, and evident- none, except what has sprung from ly sincerely desire their election; hut -correspondence, voluntary on his ^ ieu s P ea !f of the monstrous jl l „ ... _ „ t, .... , usurpations of the dominant partv; part, since our position as Political u ^trageous Ku-Klux and En- Editor of The Sun. But from that, forcement°Laws; the palpable ten- we are well satisfied that be is a close observer of passing events, and un derstands very well the real state of Public Sentiment in his locality. It is for this reason we call attention to it. The attempt has been made, and is now being made, to mate the peo ple believe, thut the 9th Resolution of the Harrisburg Convention, expresses the views of the Pennsylvania De mocracy; and that the principles of this Resolution will be adopted by the next General Convention of the party. The truth is, as we believe, this Resolution does not meet with the -approval of one-tenth of the true De mocracy of the “Keystone State;” and never will he endorsed by, or Incorporated into, the creed of the Democratic Party of the Union. What is said by Veritas of the <r War Democracy” of the North has great force and truth in it. • 'rThc “New Departure” by many is UVged as an expedient to secure the votes of this class. But of all men, they are the last who, upon correct principles, might he supposed to fa vor it. In the war against Secession, they . stood, a3 they supposed, by the Union of the States under the Constitution. After, the Union was maintained— ■after they were successful in that loar every consideration of Patriotism, as well as Consistency, requires them, with equal energy and zeal, to throw all their power against the Revolu - tionisls, who are now waging the new war against the Constitution. No Northern “Wav Democrat” can with any consistency now go for the “New Departure,” which is nothing but a sanction, of the usurpations of the Radicals in this hew war upon the fundamental principles of the Gov ernment. A. H. S. JSpocial Correspondence of the Atlanta Daily ’ Sun.] 1 ’ PHILADELPHIA. * The New Dephrtnre not En dorsed by the Democracy of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, July 31,1871. Editor of the Sun: According to my promise, I send you a few lines to let your readers know' how we are getting along in Pennsylvania The political canvass with us, thus far, has been unusually quiet The M New Departure ” here comes to us so unfortunately stamped as not to commend itself to any right thinking Democrats. It comes to our consid eration lathered by a clique—headed by a half concealed Radical figure in the back-ground, the tail end being ^turned toward us—and has been re pudiated unequivocally by the Demo crats here. We expect success this fall, but as said by one of our noble Democratic nominees here, it should he made a victory which will preclude the pos sibility of “ counting out .” We have excellent nominees, who strongly -commend themselves to right think ing Republicans who have themanli ness to disregard the tlireatenings of the party whip. The dissatisfied part of the Radical party is the most de cent part, and we cannot win admi ration or support from them by any "New Departurefor they have re pudiated their own party for the very reason • of its acts which are now sought to be approved. It seems to me the Radical party have acted most shamefully, and their extreme and reckless condnot has made it too apparent that other than human agency is at work, and the prayers of our people should seek to further elicit the counsel and aid of Him who ever rules the destinies of nations, and has declared that he will turn into hell the nations that forget God. He has said “to the North "give up, and unto the South hold not “back; 5 ' and the true men North and : South should unite for the common weal, and show to the world that the war was for the preservation of the • Constitution, and not for its over throw, and that the American people, dency of Radicalism to Centraliza tion, &c., they are confronted by the damning fact. .'landing right out be fore them, tliat they have approved a resolution which “ deprecates the discussion of all questions that have been settled in the manner and by the power constitutionally appointed.” They seem to feel that, having stul tified themselves, abandoned a part of their old faith and surrendered their championship of the doctrine that each State lias entire control over the question of suffrage and the right to regulate its own affairs in its own way, that there is a gross inconsis tency in opposing the offspring of the very'measures they have voluntarily acquiesced in. .Some of them appear to have be come wearied in ringing the different changes arranged for them by the leaders of the “new departure” and which they were made believe would revolutionize the politics of their res pective communities. But they have not yet seen a sign of the wondrous effects that were to have been pro- duped by this departure from the old 'andmarks, and are now almost at their wit’s end to know what further to say or do to bring about the mar vellous consummation so devoutly wished and so surely predicted by blundering leaders at Harrisburg last May. Hi their distress they have turned their guns upon the true organs of the Democracy that would not fol low the lead of Cassidy & Co., and abandon the faith of the fathers of the Democratic party. Papers whose existence is scarcely known outside of the Congressional district in which they are printed, but whose locality can be ascertained by a reference to Geo. P. Rowell’s Newspaper Directory, are talking drivelling nonsense about “the ob scure county journals which refuse to endorse the ninth resolution of the Democratic State Convention.”— Other papers, of wider circulation and more note, hut less honesty, copy their balderdash and parade it as evi dence of public sentiment throughout the State. in behalf of the greatest political blunder of the age. Paid, hireling writers who scarcely pretend to belong to our party, denounce in unmeasured terms honest, life long Democrats because they will not de sert their old principles and consent to lie down with the “new departin'- ists” in the dirty ruts of Radicalism. The same men who betrayed the Democracy on the eve of the- last Presidential election and suggested the withdrawal of our candidates, originated this departure movement. The same men caused trouble iu the last National Convention, prevented the nomination of candidates who could probably have been elected, and through whose persistent and silly efforts to force the nomination of men who could not he nominated, were frittered awav the power and influence of the Pennsylvania and Ohio delegations in that Convention, We know of what wc speak. Not Tammany, the debauched World, nor the hired pimps of lesser lights, can ever drive thousands of honest Democrats into the support of a resolution which, if acknowledged and recognized as truth, is a virtual abandonment of the fight for the rights of the States, a great stride towards centralization and despotism, and a cowardly surrender of the vital principle of self-government. If we could approve the “new departure” plank of the platform, we could readi ly swallow Ku Klux, Force Bill and all the other infamies, usurpations and abominations of Radicalism. To those who have the management of this campaign we have a word to say. A rnrther attempt to dragoon honest, unwavering, consistent Demo crats into the support of a measure which they cannot conscientiously and consistently approve, must result disastrously to the party, You must call off your hounds. We speak for this county alone. As matters now stand the Democracy of Perry are unit for the brave soldiers, McCand- less and Cooper; but nineteen-twen tietlis of them repudiate the ninth resolution of the State Convention and will continue to oppose it.—Perry Co. Democrat, Bloomfield, Pa., July 2Gth, 1871. ants are received into the order, and its professed objects are to support and de fend the reigning King or Queen of Great Britain, the Protestant religion, thermion of Great Britain and Ireland, and the royal family of England. Any member marrying a Catholic is at once expelled. The association takes its name from Wil liam Third, Prince of Orange, whose contest for political and religions supre macy in Ireland ended at the Battle of the Boyne, July 12th, 1690, by the defeat of James Second, and the slaughter of his Catholic partizans. The Orangemen were assisted by a combined force made up of detachments from almost every Protestant Kingdom in Europe. The Orangemen have always been aggressive, turbulent and lawless—so much so that, notwithstanding their avowed devotion to “British loyalty,” their parades are now forbidden by law in the Uni ted King dom. In Canada, where the Institution flourishes, the Prince of Wales, during his visit of 1860, persistently refused to recognize it. The population of the city of New York is largely made np of Irishmen, by birth or descent. These men have fled from hardships and oppressions of a gov ernment that they detest, the outrages of which upon their ancesters and them selves are a bitter and burning memory. Casting off allegiance to the Queen of England, they have joyfully taken the oath of naturalization of this country. ***** By the very terms of their oath-bound association, Orangemen must remain for ever loyal to the government of England, and can take naturalization from no other. They must be always the supporter of those who oppress the Irish. Was it to be expected, under these circumstances, and with these facts, that the Irishmen of New York were to view unmoved the parade of their old-time oppressors and the enemies of republican government upon the soil of their asylum? Were representatives of British monarchy, as they crept by cowering between double lines of military? We say this, not in vindication but in palliation of those whose blood boiled at the sight. Theoretically, any body of men, while preserving the public peace, have the right to associate and parade without hindrance. But if in the future we :ue to take measures to prevent the transfer to this country of the political and religions qnarrels of the old world, the manner of doing it may become an important question. And in considering the means to that end, shall we give the place of honor to our traditional enemies, and turn our backs on our never-failing friends. With questions of religion, as a nation we have nothing to do. The broad principle of universal toleration alone obtains. Each and all are free worship and proselyte, so long as the rights of each other and the public peace are respected. With questions of politics and policy we have much reason to concern ourselves. When a “Loyal Orange Institution” demands the right to parade through the streets of an American city with arms and banners, and protected, by armed men, it must do it as the specially sworn upholders of the British throne, aristocracy and gov ernment, as well as the government poli cy—as a society alien to our soil and hos tile to our institutions. The adopted citizens of this country who look with disfavor on those parades have cast their lots with us for all time—they and their children. The British throne and its oath-bound supporters are abhorred, by them, as they should be by all citizens of this country, native or adopted; We have obligations to them which aliens cannot share. The duty of allegiance and the right of protection are recipro cal. Is it a stretch of the executive power to forbid the offering to citizens of conspicuous and needless public in sult by avowed alien enemies ? Was it such as a measure precautionary to the preservation of the imperrelled public peace ? We would not care to look upon the heaps of corpses that incumbered those streets, of men in prime of life, the innocent spectators, the women and the little children, the pavement red with their life blood, and reflect that an act of ours had permitted the slaughter, Let those exult who can, the future will read the history of that day by a differ ent light. Hon. B.H. Hill on White Labor. No. 2. Flora the Bellast iM&ine) Republican Journal. Tlie Orangemen’s Riot. Extract from a Private Letter, Addressed to tlie Editor of tlie Atlanta Daily Sun. ' Washington, D. C., Aug. 1,1871. * * * ■ . * % * I accidentally learned to-day, that correspondent of yours has sent you a full copy of the testimony of Mr. N. L. Angier, the State Treasurer of Georgia, given before the Ku-Klux Committee. I hope you have re ceived it and published it before now. I wish it was published and circulated extensively in New York city, where Goy. Bullock has been selling your State bonds, and is still trying to sell more, I understand. * * * * It would do much to wards breaking np the rascally den for the utterance of Georgia Bonds. A telegraphic dispatch from this city to the New York press a few days ago, giving a few of the points in Mr. Angiers testimony, fell like a bomb shell among the stock dealers of Wall street Since that time Bulloch S ents have spent a pile of money in vertising, ~ in order to counteract the effect — one of their tricks being the republication of Gov. Bul lock's letter in answer to Senator Scott’s circular. * * Yours truly, The procession of July 12tk, in New York city, which led to the massacre of perhaps some persons guilty of an inten tional breach of the peace, and certainly of many innocent spectators, has sent a thrill of horror through the country. . ... „ ,, _ - . * - The remote causes of that unhappvaf- ■ especially Anthem War Democrats, fair are so little understood, that ahis- were neither a aet of knaves nor fools. * ‘ ’ Of all men in the world, it seems to me that a War Democrat should be the last to go for the “New De parture.” They fought to preserve oui institutions, and not to destrov them. Veritas. torical summary of the origin and pur pose of the association that paraded on the occasion is appropriate. “ The Loyal Orange Institution” is a secret political society of the British Em pire. It is bound by secret oaths, and members are known to each other bv signs and passwords. None but ^rotest- The August number of the South em Cultivator is a very excellent one. table of contents embraces a great variety of topics pertaining to the farm, the gar den and the house; besides it is so clear ly printed, on such good paper, with the edges so smoothly cut that one cannot __ sist the temptation of running over its clear andbeautiftdpages. The Cultivator has held its own better than any other Southern periodical ever did. It is now m its twenty-ninth volume, and is appa rently more vigorous and healthful than ever it was before. But it deserves suc- eess. Its pages are crowded with matter of general interest to farmers. Its mat- ter is fresh and lively, and of practical utility. It is a book of permanent value, hence it is patronized and sustained bv ^ 16 People. The Cultivator is published at Athens, by Wm. & W. L. Jones. Its subscription price is $2.00 per annum. THE ALABAMA AND CHAT TANOOGA RAILROAD. The primal cause of our failure as a people is the fact that our system of labor isaa slavery. From this, as from a den of disturbed vipers, have crawled out the innumerable and poisonous evils that have lamed our energies, and polluted our blood. If the correspondent of the 2sew Era to be believed, such is the oppxobious language that was blown into the face of the cultivated intelligence of Georgia by Mr. Hill:—who could, with unblanched cheek, face the same audience to-morrow and assert, and attempt to prove, that slavery was a divine ordination; that it was the greatest possible blessing to the negro—also to the white race, particu larly to the white laborer; the grand ele ment of our unparalleled prosperity, and that its destruction was a damning sin against the laws of the Almighty. The monstrous error of the foregoing extract is, that it assigns one of the great causes of our great success, as the cause of that which has not occurred, viz: our failure as a people, and the pollution cf our blood! Who, but Mr. Hill, in the very teeth of history, which has transpired in his own day, of which he has been a con spicuous witness, and in which he has been a prominent actor, could condense so much that cannot be sustained, in so few words, and then without blushing for shame, thrust it in the face of those who have been his friends and sup porters ? When did that “failure as a people” begin, and when did it end ? Was it when, through the institution of slavery, as it was called, , we took the low down African from his bestial condition, and improved and elevated him, morrally, mentally and physically, to his present condition ? Such an improvement in a race of men, was never brought about by any other means in the history of the world. Did the violent abolishing of this condition of the Negro, consti- tute “our failure as a people ?” Did this elevation and unparalleled improvement of the negro; the elevation and improvement of our own race; our mental culture and vigor; the purity and virtue of our women; the good morals and integrity of our people generally, and the uncontaminated state of religion among us, stamp us as a fail ure ? Was it when we produced three- fourths of the exportable values of the Western World, famished the material for the manufactures and the carrying busi ness of the North; and when we fed and clothed the hungry and the naked of other countries ? Did our failure consist in building up such noble institutions of laerning as the University of Georgia ? Was it when our pnlpits were adorned with such men as Bascom, Soule, Mercer, Dawson, Andrew, Pierce, Breckinridge, Hodges, Thornwell, Palmer,- Elliott and Lipscomb; or when we gave to the Judi ciary such men as Marshall, Taney, Lumpkin, Dougherty, Charlton, Nesbit and Wayne; or when we sent to the Fed eral councils such men as Washington Jefferson, Madison, Randolph, Clay, Calhoun, McDuffie, Forsyth, Crawford Berrien, Stephens, Hunter, Toombs, Ben ton and Mason, whose wisdom, virtue and mental power are recorded on every page of American history during and since the revolution? Was it when the policy of the Government, famished and carried out—its foundations laid and superstruc ture reared—by Southern men and Southern patriotism—brought this coun try to a condition of prosperity and ad vancement that was never before attained by men on earth ? We failed to triumph in the late war, but was that a “failure as a people ?” It was only a failure in a single direction— not as a people. But further: was our “failure as a peo ple” exhibited when we rose, Phoenix like, from the ashes of our desolation, and in six years have astonished the world with onr powers of recuperation ? Have we failed as a people, when we have ac complished this in our oppressed condi tion—disarmed, unresisting, taxed with out representation—throttled by exultant and exacting power—with all the cruel ties and injustice which have been heap ed upon us, which even Mr. Hill’s daring invective could not shake off from us ?— He resisted and denounced the Constitu tional Amendments with the greatest bit terness; now be would have us accept them as binding and irrevocable, and thank God for the blessed privilege! What has caused this change? He, however, has a right to'change his views, but not to slander our people and his country. And why outrage common de cency in proclaiming his conversion from truth to error ? What could have induc ed a sane man to choose such an occasion to disgrace himself ? But perhaps he is trying to make his newly chosen bed soft and downy—to console his conscience and bolster up his pride while making this last political somersault, or perhaps trying to remove the barriers that stand like towering mountain peaks in his path to high place and preferment. To ac complish this, it may be necessary for him to think, and try to make us think, that we have heretofore lived in igno rance—that we have been degenerating— growing worse and becoming debased, and that all our achievements in the past are disgraceful failures, and that all our oppressions and persecutions, against winch his eloquent pen and tongue so long aefended us, were, and are, our greatest blessings, wbicb we must cordially em brace, and for the imposition of which upon us, we can never be thankful enough. If such is the road to high honor for him, let him follow it; but there are many of us not prepared to take up the line of march with him. Georgian. Stanton Arranges to Bribe Gov- Lindsay. Got. Bullock’s Advertising—. Tlie Constitution. The Chattanooga Times of the 1st inst, has the following: On the 25th day of June, 1S7L in Cozzen’s Hotel, at West Point, New York, D. N. Stanton, President of the A. & 0. R.R., told Gen. Roddy, form erly of Alabama, in the conrse of con versation about the road and his fail ure to pay the interest, that . Gov. Lindsay dared not take possession of the road. That he had paid a man named McKay, who was on very inti mate relations with Lindsay, $5,000 money, $20,000 in negotiable notes, $50,000 in 1st mortgage bonds of the Alabama & Chattanooga Railroad; and other securities making in all about the equivalent of $100,- 000, to be used in bribing Gov. Lind say to let the road remain in Stanton’s hands, and to pay the interest for the State for another year. That McKay had seen Lindsay and it was all right, or words to that effect. Gen. Roddy at once went to the room of Gen. James H. Clanton, who was stopping at the same hotel, and repeated the conversation. “ What!” said Clanton; “ does he say that he has bribed Robert Burns Lindsay to do such a thing as that ? Lindsay must know of this at once.” Gen. Clanton then returned to New York city and informed Gov. Lind say, who had gone there to arrange for paying the interest on the A. & C. R. R. bonds endorsed by the State, wbat Roddy had told him. Gov. Lindsay at once sent for Mc Kay and demanded to know what he meant by making such reports. McKay was terrified into making a clean breast of it, and gave Governor Lindsay his written acknowledgment, which Gov. Lindsay now holds, that Stanton had paid him the money as above stated upon his own solicitation and promise to fix Lindsay, but that he had never approached the Governor on the subject, hut kept the money himself, inducing Stanton to believe that Lindsay was bribed. To this day Stanton does not know but that the bribe was paid, and hence he is so insolent in his demands that the State keep her hands off, and he has even alluded to “the arrangement made with your agent” in a letter to Gov. Lindsay since the seizure of the road. Probably he will soon know that Gov. Lindsay is not for sale, but that he himself has*been most egre- gionsly sold. If any one doubts this statement, we refer them to Gen. Clanton, who is now in this city, from whom we obtained tlie facts with permission to publish them. [Special Correspondence of The Atlanta Sun.] LETTER FROM STOCK- BRIDGE. Death of an Aged and Good Citi zen-Three Children Burned to Death-Singular Freaks of Lightning. In our issue of yesterday morning, speaking of Gov. Bullock having caused his long letter to the Ku Klux Committee to be extensively published in the newspapers in the United States by paying for the same as an adver tisement, we said: It was published by him in the Cm- slituiion of this city, and the Constitution. edist, of Augusta, for $50 each—so we are informed from a source not likely to be mistaken. Upon this, the Constitution, in its edition of last evening, remarks: The statement that Gov. Bullock had his letter published in the Constitution, paying $50 for the same, is an utter mis take. We intended to givo a synopsis of the letter for the benefit of our readers, according to the rule of every well con ducted news journal, to furnish general information of the events and. news of the day. But one of our citizens came to the office and offered to pay for its insertion. We stated that we should charge him $50 for its publication in full. He agreed to pay it, and he was consequently charged upon the books of the business office with that amount. Governor Bullock was not known in the transaction; nor did any one in the business office Of the Constitu tion dream that the publication was to be an official advertisement; nor was it. It seems tbe only mistake we made in our statement, is, that though The Constitution published it as an ad vertisement, and was paid $50 for the same, yet it was done at the in stance of a private party, and not by Governor Bullock as an “official ad vertisement.” IVe very cheerfully give our neigh bor the benefit of this statement. "We did not suppose that what we said would do The Con stitution any injustice, nor was such onr object. We only aimed to establish the fact that the Gov ernor was paying the newspapers to publish his letter. It seems that some friend of his—probably holding some of the bonds lie is charged with hav ing illegally issued—procured the publication in The Constitution— which amounts to about the same thing as if he had done it directly himself. We think it likely that Gov. Bullock paid the $50, and that his go-between accomplished a grand feat for him, viz: the publication of the long letter in the columns of The Constitution, dog cheap; for we are informed from a source not likely to be mistaken, that the Gov ernor paid other journals a much higher price—among which was $160 to our friend Grady, to get it into the columns of the Rome Commer cial. In making these statements we do not mean any reflection upon the journals which published' the letter. If it had been offered to us as an ad vertisement, we should have pub lished it and commented on it. Near Stockbridge, ) July 29th, 1871. J Editors Sun: On the evening of the 26th inst, one of your subscribers, Chas. L. Powell, was suddenly taken ill; one hour after which he was a corpse. The venerable Wm. Dodson, eighty or more years old, who was on a visit that day, had just left, when the deceased complained of a severe pain in his stomach, and before the physician, Dr. Calhoun, the dis tance not over two miles, arrived, he had breathed his last. Mr. Dodson states the' deceased was in usual good health and conversed freely. He was in his 64th year, horn the 18th Dec., 1807. He was an orderly, con sistent and devout member of the Primative Baptist Church. On the night of the 25th, a house in McDonough was consumed by fire. In it their mother (colored) had left four children, of whom the three youngest were burned to death. The oldest of these, a girl six years old, was awakened by the fire and ran into the room where the oldest, a hoy, was sleeping and awaked him. He ran out, hut she, m attempting to rescue the other little ones, perished with them. Crops are looking tolerably well corn on upland, which has been tilled well, looks finely, hut on bot toms badly, owning to too much rain Cotton is improving and growin rapidly, but owing to tbe late colu and wet spring, there is not much oyer a half stand, and it is boiling two ■weeks later than usual. We are now needing # rain, not having had any since the 17th and 18th, when there were heavy rains with hail and violent thunder. The door steps of a near neighbor were struck by lightning, shocking terribly a mule standing un der a gin house a short distance, and on an adjoining farm the lightning struck in a cotton field (no tree near) killing the cotton in a space of twenty yards. Yours respectfully, H. £§r"Tlie Courier-Journal of the 2d inst, exhibits less lunacy than has appeared in it3 columns in some time. There was not a word of editorial in it. S® 0 * Grant, in looking over the few keepsakes that have accumulated since he has been President, said he would “know all men by these presents.” We publish two very able articles from Mr. Stephens’ paper, The At lanta Sun, and ask every one of our readers to give them a careful peru sal. We rejoice that Mr. Stephens has become associated with the press. He will accomplish more good in that capacity, perhaps, than if he were a member of Congress. For he can now speak to the people almost daily, and his clear voice was never so needed to strengthen the weak, to en courage the weary, and to convince the doubting.—Columbus, Miss.,Dem ocrat, July 29,1871. * 8©=, The New Brunswick Times says “every man has his use.” Would the Times be pleased to specify what “use” Ben. Butler is? Pogue says he may he of “use” as an awful example of “total depravity” set up as a warning to the na tion. IS? 1 *The «Rome Commercial asks: What makes more squeaking noise than a three-dollar fiddle iu the hands of a three-dollar negro?” Pogue says it h reasonable to suppose that two such fid- dies in the hands of two such negroes would. The country came very near re ceiving a permanent benediction the other day. Ben. Butler fell into a Mas sachusetts river and narrowly escape drowning. BgL. There is a negro cadet at ^ eit Point named Gee, who, it is said, will take partin the coming campaign in Alabama. It is not stated whetheivhe aims to stomp the State or bayonet it. The President has recognized Christian Bore as consul for Norway as Sweden at New York. This is not the first bore a President has been called °P on to recognize. Monogram baby carriages is latest novelty out. Monogram babtf 5 will be the next thing. J8©°* The boiler of the Westfield ^ patched; but of course, that could have been the cause of the disaster. ar- Mace and Coburn have agam ranged to “take the field.” It is ft P 1 they did not take the Westfield. The Radicals have struck the boniferous period in American F° 11