Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

6. THE ATLANTA WEEKLY SUN, THE DAILY SUN. Fbiday Morning August A Tit© Atlanta New Era—The Montgomery Advertiser—The %New Departure. We lay before our readers the fol lowing article from our Radical neigh bor, the New Era. It is a commen tary upon, and an answer to the po sition assumed by the Montgomery Advertiser in its advocacy and de fense of the “New Departure.” The article is short, but it covers the whole ground, and seems to us to ut terly demolish the position of the Ad vertiser, in assuming, as a Democrat ic organ, to defend the “NewDepart ure.” The time is rapidly approaching when, not only the “ Sentinels upon the Watchtower,” but every man in the country, whether connected with the press or not, must choose under which banner he will enter the great struggle of 1872, Will the editor of the Advertiser enter under the ban ner of sanctioning open and palpable usurpations of popular rights, or the banner of those who condemn these outrages? There are but two sides to this question, and every man must take position on one or the other. The New Era professes to be perfectly satisfied with the position taken by the Advertiser. This, of course, is not surprising to any one, who looks to principles, as the proper basis of party action and association. It is a little cool, however, for the New Era, to speak of those as “im- praclicables’ > and “revolutionists’ who calmly but earnestly appeal to the people through the ballot-box, to arrest the. consummation of what is admitted by it, we believe, as well as by the Advertiser, to have been pro jected entirely outside of the Consti tution, or at least, what no one with any regard for truth, will deny was, not only in its inception, but through out, utterly revolutionary in its char acter, aims and objects! This is certainly a coolness- border ing upon impudence, when addressed to an intelligent, as well as a free people—those who know their rights and, knowing them, dare, “peaceably at least,” to maintain them. A. H. S. Prom Uio Atlanta Now Era, August 2. \VUat It Is. The Montgomery Advertisin', defending its position on the “New Departure” platform, asks— What then is this Now Departure about which so much faleo and flatulent rhotoric has been expended? Wo affirm that its whole meaning is thiB, that the Democratic party makes a public and formal decla- raUon that it does not intend to maintain before the pcoplo that the XTVth and XVth Amendments to the Constitusion are “revolutionary, null and void/’ but that the Democratic party rogards and will treat theso Amendments as valid parts of the Constitution. This Is the beginning and cud of the New Departure! And this is the embodiment of the “ beginning, the end, and the middle” of all that Southern Republicans can ask, or have ever asked. Southern men who have acted with, and been of the Repub lican party, have never gone beyond this. It embodies the essence of their “ De parture ” in 1867, nnd it is just where they stand to-day. The only difference between them and those who now “ac cept the situation,” is one as to time only. The principle is precisely the same, and the difference in party name amounts to nothing. They can, and doubtless will, act together henceforth, as against the impractieables and revolutionists of both factions. It is the only truly conserva tive ground. It avoids the extremes on either band, and in this responds to the common sense of the American people everywhere, independent of mere party names. IMPORTANT CORRESPOND- * ENCE. Our ‘Commissioner’ on tlie wing —Collecting Northern Senti ments a la mode the Journal of Commerce — Through the North—Summer Resorts—Spicy Items "by the Wayside—Long Branch—Gen. Grant—An “In terview”—'The JLate Governor of Idaho. as witnesses, among them Tom. Harde man, Judge Wright, Christy, Ranse Wright and others. In my opinion the Radical portion of that Committee did not derive a vast deal of comfort from tlie evidence of those gentlemen. From Washington to Baltimore, Phila delphia and New York, the ride is de lightful and quickly over. Baltimore looks gay, Philadelphia staid, and New York effervescent—pushing, steaming and restless. The Grand Central is the rendezvous of Southern people mostly, but you meet them everywhere in the city. Of my rambles throughout Goth am, and of a charming day I spent at Central Park with a gifted lady of your city, I have not time to speak, nor would your readers be edified thereby. I may say, however, that I met with an old ar my officer, and one who did good service in our army, who told me something of Grant—was with him in Mexico, and knew him intimately. Says Grant was a good sort of fellow, and very companion able—gave no sort of evidence of ability at that time, but bad great firmness of character as a young man was fond of a cocktail, a good cigar, and would go it “heavy” sometimes on the Mexican game called monte, as well as American faro, of which some Georgians know something. Lieut. Grant’s star was not in the ascendant in those days, and he had a rough time of it, until final ly, after the close of that war, and the ar my returned home, he was stationed in Oregon, where his career as an officer en ded in drunkenness 1 From that period my informant could not trace him be yond the rumors of his tannery experi ments, his wood-hauling exploits, &c.— He next appeared on the stage about Cairo, during the late war. And here ril drop Gen. Grant for the present. I grew weary of New York in one week, and then what, was the question ? Not up into Massachusetts among Ben. Butler’s spindles, or the cobblers of Henry "WilsoD, nor over into Jersey, where cider is the chief product, forme; and I scratched my head in a complete state of non-plussedness. Where should a Southern man, tired of New York, af ter transacting his business, and having a few dollars and a week’s leisure left, go? A friend said to Long Branch. And to Long Branch I came. I’m here now. A good hotel, a fine beach, and mag nificent drives, much fashion, a great deal of shoddy, parvenue, and fancy people, are at this same Long Branch, among which must not be forgotten the portable government. Gen. Grant is here, and some of the other officials, not to mention that frightful swarm of gad fly politicians ever to be found where roy alty treads. At Washington, when there is an office to be had, or a political job to “do up,” the attacking party ordinarily makes an assault directly in the front, but here it is a series of flank movments and raids in the rear—a “social’’is gotten np, in which some pretty woman is. as signed a role, or a yacht ride, a horseback gallop, or something of the kind. The President is a vast beleagured fortress all the while, in which his relations make inore breaches than any body else! Well! and now I am coming to the point. You will give me cred it for the accomplishment of that which few have had the hardihood to un dertake. I have “interviewed” the Pres ident in a most extraordinary manner, as you will see, and have madewhim talk— and it was not all horse-talk either, as you will see—though the subject of asses did come up incidentally. I, a quiet, unobtrusive citizen of Georgia, have out- Bohemianed anything you ever saw or heard of, completely eclipsing those per sistent ebaps of the London and New York press who, within the past year or two, went in vigorous quest of Bob. Toombs, Ben. Hill, Stephens and others. Well, how did this come about ? you ask. I will tell you: I saw General Grant repeatedly on the drives, and became possessed of a desire to “speak with him.” Now, Bir, since boyhood’s bright and happy days I have had singular good luck in the achievement of ends both difficult Long Branch, July 26, 1871. When I promised to send you a letter occasionally, as we puffed a cigar on that pleasant evening in the vestibule of the *‘Kimball,” I did not comprehend at the time the rashness of that promise. You people of the professional quill do these things easily, but it is out of my line.— But here’s at you. In one of the Kimball sleeping cars, where I ensconsed myself at Atlanta, the trip to Bristol is quickly made; thence to Washington by the same pro cess, is equally a small affair, for in ftw progressive age we rush frantically through the country (and through life) at break-neck speed, whir-r-ing and buz zing along as if it were absolutely neces sary for us to get somewhere in just about twenty minutes. Well, a day in Wash ington suffices to illustrate the intensely uninteresting condition of the place now. With the portable government at Long Branch, there was not an object worthy of interest save the Ku-Klux Committee, and I had no desire whatever to see tbia high imperial Commission. Took by the hand a few Georgians who were there and delicate. I suppose almost any one might be introduced to, and speak a few commonplace words with, Gen. Grant, by taking the proper course; but the idea with me was to “draw him out, dig all around him, and find out some thing. Few men now alive have ever done that, and the reasons are good enough, for in the first place the Presi dent of these United States don’t know more than a President ought to know; and secondly (and here is the secret of his reticence) he knows just enough to know how to keep people from knowing what he don’t know! But I “went for” him; and you, and your readers shall have the result of that expedition just as it occurred. Fortunately had met here among the gayest of the pleasure-seekers, an army officer not long ago on duly in Georgia, a gen tleman of culture, with whom I had fre quently been thrown in association, busi ness and otherwise. He kindly proffered to present me to the President, and the time was fixed for 10 o’clock, to-day. was so elated with the prospect before me, and thinking of what topicsl should introduce when the presentation should occur, I locked my door, stretched my self upon a sofa, and fell into a train of deep meditation, which became scarcely distinguishable from sleep. In this con dition I had a “dream which was not all a dream.” The hour for the presentation seemed to have arrived; my friend, the Colonel, had called according to appointment, and we both made our departure to the President’s quarters. We found General Grant in his private office. His seeming leisure indicated that the morning’s busi ness had been transacted. Visitors, oth er than ourselves, there were none. General, good morning,” said my friend. “Permit me to introduce Mr. , of Georgia, a very unrepentant reb el, but to whose acquaintance and kind offices many old officers in Georgia recur with pleasure.” “Happy to meet yon, Mr. ; take seats,gentlemen. The morning is pleasant, and I am more free of official demands to-day than I have been for a month. Colonel, when do you return to your com mand ? I wish to send a personal mes sage to Gen. , through you on your return.” To which my army friend replied, when Gen. Grant turned to me: “Well, sir, a little warm in Georgia just now, I guess, and you are here to snuff the sea breeze.” “Yes, General, and to meet old ac 1 quaintances and make new friends, have always believed, sir, that if those who were arrayed against each other in the late war could meet oftener, and know each other better, sectional animosities would disappear al together in a brief while. When I first met, in Georgia, the Colonel here, I was in no frame of mind to approach him in a friendly spirit, even upon matters of business ; but you see we are quite good friends now, and were so long before he left my State; and I must confess, Gen eral, that we all felt, much more kindly towards you after reading your report on the State of affairs in the South soon af ter the war closed than we did before.” Here the President gave a puff of his cigar, and assumed the meditative air for a moment, then answered : “But your people have assumed an unfriendly post tion, both to the Administration and to myself.. You gave a majority of 50,000 at the last election, in opposition to Re publicanism, though, in other particulars, Georgia stands deservedly high as one of the reconstructed States, and it gives me pleasure to meet her citizens.” “Thank you, General, for the compli ment. The 50,000 against Republican ism to which you allude may admit of some explanation. It was not against you personally that it was given, and per mit me to say that the party to which you belong is, in many respects, one thing in the North and quite another thing in the South. I will not call in question the honest intentions of a portion of the Re publican party in the North, but among them in the South honesty and real love of country is rarely to be met with. Very few of your party at the North under stand us, while those of the South who are acting with your party understand us very well, but for purposes of plunder it suits them to misrepresent us. Sir, and I disclaim any disrespect to you, but it is a melancholy fact that the leaders of the Republican party in the South are mostly composed of the bummers of your army, who have nought but their own mercenary ends to subserve; andsuch has been their deportment that the honest, well meaning masses of Georgia look upon the Republican party with very great disfavor. And, General, allow me to say that the charges of disloyalty which these men are continually ringing in your ears, so far as they have foundation at all, rests solely upon the protests of the Southern people, not against the Gen eral Government, but against the vile horde of bummers who are so fearfully misruling them.” “Ah,” said Gen. Grant, and here taking a fresh cigar, and offering one to each of his visitors. It was plain that he had brought me out upon an unpleasant sub ject. “My friend there,” pointing to the Colonel who had introduced me, “can bear withess, General, to the fact that the people of Georgia have no desire to oppose the Government of the United States; and he can, though a member of the Republican party, farther bear wit ness to the general bad character of the men who have been conducting the affairs of the Republican party in that State. Sir, do not understand me as holding you entirely responsible for their elevation to office, for you, like the mass es of the Northern people, do not know them, and even if you did, you alone should not be held entirely responsible for their actions. They are camp-fol lowers, and for purposes of gain, have foisted themselves upon your party.” “Yes, I suppose there are bad men among them.” “But, in alluding to the unfriendliness of our people to you, General, you will not lose sight of the fact that it was a man in Georgia who first nominated you for the Presidency.” “Ah; who was that ?” “It was Dr. Samuel Bard, was it not, who first suggested your name in an Atlanta paper, and advocated your elec tion?” “Perhaps he did—I don’t remember, but it does not appear to have been much to my advantage to have first received the nomination in Georgia, as Seymour led me 50,000 votes.” “Well, it does look that way, General but you recognized the obligation, and whether it was of service to you or not, reciprocated the compliment by appointing the Doctor to office.” “How is that?” Bard Gov- * Why you appointed Dr. emorof Idaho.” “Oh, yes, I recollect;” and for the first tiniA a smile flitted over his face. “But the Dr. did not prove steadfast, General; he opposes you now in his pa- What is his paper, and per. “Ah! indeed, where is it published? And where is be?” „ . “He calls it the True Georgian, anu it is published in Atlanta, Ga.” “I didn’t know, as I have not heard of him since he was in Washington about a year ago. I was importuned by some gentlemen of Georgia belonging to both parties to give him some place, It was represented to me, if I recollect correctly, that Dr. Bard was a sort of a good-natnred gentleman, who meant no harm to any man or party, and had no principles or purposes beyond a public provision for his private comforts. A re- tired station for him, with good perqui sites in some remote place, was therefore thought to suit his own views, and was believed to be as little distasteful to the views of all parties in Georgia as any disposition I could make of him. To these representations I yielded. But two planes were then left on my hands of a remote nature, and I had been for some time seeking incumbents for them. One was an unimportant place in the Peru vian Islands, which I gave to Col. T. Mc- Barron Timmoney. The other was the Territory of Idaho, which I gave to Dr. Bard, and I did so in deference to the wishes of numerous Georgians. X offered the place to Captain Bryant, but he re fused, then to Swayze, and finally to Bowen, of South Carolina, but they all refused. Had the latter accepted, should have been released from the disa greeable party necessity of pardoning him. Col. Timmory, some one told me, bor rowed money in Washington and put out for his place, and I thought Dr. Bard had done the same, but I recollect now that he got two months leave of absence, and then resigned.” “The Dr. is still with us in Georgia, and is opposing your administration through his paper. He has hoisted the name of Gov. Hoffman, of New York, for President in 1872, and is running the “New Departure” line of Democracy.” “Well, that’s good for us, whatever it may be for Hoffman. The New Depart ure platform is just what we want the whole country to get upon, as that will secure our principles, at all events, and is moreover the surest way to secure our men, also. I am glad now that Dr. Bard did not go to Idaho, and to learn that he is now serving his old friends in a very impor’ taut way, by urging upon their opponents the adoption of our own policy and meas ures.” Just at this moment the loud sound of the dinner bell aroused me. I found that the hour appointed for the actual inter view, which was to do me so much honor, had long since passed. My friend, the Colonel, had called, and finding my door locked had left, supposing I was out.— “Sic transit gloria mundi.” Your most trusty “Commissioner,” B. O. Heihan. For the Atlanta Daily Sun. Hon. B. H. Hill on White Labor. Keen was the shaft, but keener far to feel She nursed the Pinion that propelled the fatal utec..” This distinguished Georgian has sprung a new mine in his fruitful aud creative brain, and ventilated its odours with its gems over a body of cultivated gentlemen convened for literary purposes and social joy at the University of Georgia; and sought through the alliances of that time- honored Institution to give circula tion as well as dignity to his depart ures from the tenets of his past life. I shall not discuss the extraordina ry proceeding in so far as it violates approved usage and shocks refined taste,—although these enter largely into the demerit of the thing when we consider that so large a number of the rising intellects of the. country are to be affected by the models se lected for them upon such an occasion. I will concede to Mr, Hill the right to offend and disgust the Alumni of his Alma Mater, and the large collec tion of the educated ladies and gentle men of his native State; and for the purposes of this article only enter a protest against his right to falsify the history of my country. If correctly reported in the Era of to-day, he said: Moreover, we ignored the claims of the mechani cal classes. We kept the mechanic in a scale be tween ourselves and the slave, and refused to assim ilate or associate with him. Labor was looked down upon as ignoble,mercenary and debasing,and hence the brave and intelligent mechanics of other sections, when asked to share with ns his fortunes and his labors, proudly answered, “No, sir; I am not a slave thank yon.’’ Whatever purposes of Mr. Hill may be answered by this statement, in his rapid passage from the prond position of author of “Notes on the Situation” and the vindicator of Southern hon or, and the motives of Southern peo ple, to the embrace and fellowship of those against whose detractions and slanders he so nobly defended us, when examined as matter of fact, the mildest term that can be applied to it is, that it is not true; and it is pre suming too much in favor of the ig norance of the great orator, to say that he did not know it was unfoun ded. It must have been known to him from the day of his youth to the end of the late struggle, that there was not a country on the globe where the white citizen, mechanic and * la borer, were so nearly assimilated to and associated with the owners of property, as in the Southern States; and where there were fewer barriers to social, intellec tual and religious intercourse.; that no man in the South ever be came so rich or aristocratic that he would not invite a mechanic or a la boring man into his parlor, to his ta ble, into his hed-cliamber, into his church pews, aud send his children to be educated at the same school. The menial race of this country, which in all countries have been de nied these privileges, were negro slaves, who were a distinct and infe rior race, upon ’ whom God, in His ■wisdom and mercy, had indelibly stamped the badge of inferiority. . All that Mr. Hill says in favor of labor—educated labox*—is fully ap proved; not only that it is best for our race morally, physically and in tellectually, and for the progress of our country, but that our situation makes it a necessity. But we should not allow a glaring misrepresentation of the past progress and development, and their causes, to go uncorrected. It is true, in fact, that tlie property holders of the-South were not the laboring class, for the simple reason that a large part of their property was. labor, which served to relieve them from the necessity of actual toil. The system, Mr. Hill now thanks God is abolished, was so pros perous, brought so much ease aud leisure, so much domestic peace and comfort, so much time for intellectual and moral culture, that we were not only farther removed from the hard ships and burthens of life, but had reached a higher degree of cultiva tion, refinement, moral elevation, and intellectual power, in the aggregate, than any people on earth. Mr. Hill seems to measure the pros perity of the Southern people and their happiness m the past by the rule of immigration and the intro duction of foreigners and new breeds, augmenting the masses of the inhabi tants of a given area of country. By this rule every part of the united States has been more prosperous and happy than the people of the South. But this is uot the true rule when applied to a historic period, aud to a people. Take the ancestors of the North and South, aud-aggregate their in crease, their wealth and their intelli gence and comfort, and it will be found that ours have more actual de scendants, who have lived better, had more comforts, and enjoyed more of the blessings life, aud have in the main attained a higher moral and intellectu al standard. The negro slaves of the South increased more than the native Yankees, and enjoyed better food, shel ter and raiment than the laboring clas ses among them. Under the system de fended by Mr. Hill until now, the people of the South were in great part exempt from labor, and by the use of labor which they owned as capital, they produced the exportable wealth of the United States. Georgian. Atlanta, August 2. VIRGINIA. The Great Jlg-riculturisls .Imoner the F. F. Alexandria, August 2.—Hon. Horace Greeley, who was here on a visit, deliver ed an address at the Methodist Episcopal Church this evening. The notice being short, there was not a large, though high ly intelligent audience, composed princi pally of Southern men. Mr. Greeley thought it desirable to have a respite of politics this year, in anticipation of the grave issues that would have .to be met next year. Reconstruction had been thought slow, but it had been fast enough. Had all been agreed, six years under military rule would have been better, be cause of the imposition of light taxes.— There would have been no parties, no fury, and no creation of debt. Southern SUN-STROKES. B@^,Tlie Courier-Journal of the 1st pro poses to “depart” on a narrow gauge railroad. Kentucky * will hold an election next Monday for the purpose of continu ing Governor Preston H. Leslie in office Salt Lake wants a public park in which to show off its numerous and in- teresting wives. ►-•-< BQL. Col. Tyler M. Peeples has pur. chased the Gwinnett Atlas, and will ffi future be its editor and publisher.-— Boully retires. B@r,. “Marriages between cousins are permitted in Kentucky, and the result is an increase in the idiot and insane popu lation of the State.” This may account for the Courier-Journal's lunaev. The Courier-Journal says: “JJr. Stephens says he has no indisposition to answer any and all questions that may he put to him. Then, Mr. Stephens, ‘Sup pose you were shut up all night in a tower with a small baby, what would yon do?’ ” In such a situation, Mr. Stephens could do no better than to send for the editor of the Courier-Journal, who, judg ing from the matronly manner in which he handles the “New Departure,” would make a most excellent wet-nurse. The Louisville Courier Journal ought now to be intensely satisfied with its course since it has received an approving pat on the back from that high Radical cockalorum, Morton. In the course of his speech at Louisville, a few days ago, Morton said: “The Couriei'-Journal, representing the progressive element of the Democratic party, is leading in the right direction, and in its war upon the Bourbon Democracy, who refuse to read aright the lessons of the war, we bid it God speed.” The Courier-Journal lias a most rapacious vanity, but it was enabled to surfeit itself on that tit-bit. men were not prepared to go into the union at once from the war. The South had recuperated faster than any other country did before; faster than this country did after the revolution. Froicriptlon Should be Set JLside. If the men who seceded were to be rep resented, they wanted their first, not their fifth choice. Efforts to disfranchise ne groes ought not to be made. He warmly favored the “new departure,” saying that foreigners could not be disfranchised twenty years ago, how could four millions of blacks be now disfranchised ? The Democracy ought to accept the Fifteenth Amendment, and the Republicans would then doubtles advocate the removal of disabilities. When the questions passed away finance would claim attendance. He argued strongly in favor of Faying the jyalional Debt at Fail «« Fallible It was the only way to keep up the pub lic credit. , Virginians thought too much of poli tics. They should devote their attention to the development of their natural re sources. They had all the resources of Pennsylvania, and could be equal to that State. They wanted wise and active men. They should have faith in their State.— Every man ought to look for a mine, for a water-power, etc., in order to be a util ity- He closed with a eulogy on Henry Olay mid the policy of the deceased statesman. He was warmly applauded; and most of those present were introduced to him. SOUTH CAROLINA. •* Conservative Triumph in Charleston. Charleston, August 3.—The count of the votes cast in yesterday’s election is not iyet concluded; but the election of Wagerier, as Mayor, and the whole citi zen’s ticket is now conceded by their op ponents. The majority, at the lowest estimate, is 500 votes. There is great re joicing among the people. “Why, Uncle Johny,” said his friend, “can you afford to eat shad at twenty-five cents a pound ?” “Mine Got,” said Uncle Johnny, triumph antly, “I can put him in mine ice che3t and keep him till he gets cheap er.” • Fairness, in controversy, is a vir tue that is as important as truth. A ri valry that has to resort to unfairness to substantiate its claims, is no rivalry at all, but miserable envy tbat does no cred it unto him, or them who use it. Ever since Atlanta has been the Capitol of Georgia, a bitter hatred toward her has been encouraged among, the people in the lower part of the State; and there has been nothing too mean for them to say about the city, and the people of At lanta. True, all this cannot injure the city at all; yet it evinces a malevolent disposition that ought not to exist be tween any two sections of the State.— The last number of the Federal Union, a paper published at Milledgoville, con tains an article which illustrates this point. The following is an extract from the article in question: Not long ago The Atlanta Sun, in. reply to some remarks of a Marietta paper, against Atlanta, asks why their are so many editorial flings from papers all over the State against. Atlanta. The Early County News answers that question, and gives many good substantial reasons why there should be flings against Atlanta from all over the State. We have copied the article from the News in another place, and, in addition, we will give a few more reasons for these editorialflings against Atlanta. To induce the Conven tion. to move the Capitol to Atlanta, the people of that burg promised that the State should not be called upon to pay one cent for public buildings for ten years—that they, the people of Atlanta, would’furnish all the necessary public buildings for that time free of every charge to the State, and after that the people of Atlanta, by tbeir promises, induced the Convention to comply with their wishes, they utterly refused to com ply with their part of the contract, and have been demanding and getting various amounts of money for public buildings ever since, and, having broken their part of the contract, the whole contract with the Convention is rendered null and void. Nothing could be farther from the truth than the assertien that Atlanta has violated any contract she made in order to induce the passage of an ordinance removing the capitol from this place. True, she is not now paying rent for the use of buildings for the State, but she paid one hundred and teirly-five thousand dollars of the purchase money for the present State house, in lieu of rent, and also paid ten thousand dollars for the fur niture in the Executive Mansion. This does not look much like violating a con tract and it is hoped the Union will he just enough to make the correction. The article in the Early County News, to wliich the Union refers, closes with the following paragraph, which contains all the point there is in the whole article: At Atlanta, too, do congregate, to get their share of spoils, all manner of vil lains. This assertion is correct to a very lhU' ited extent, as a few of the people of Atlanta, remember to have seen the edi tor of the News here some time ago. NORTH CAROLINA- The Flection in JVorth Carolina. Wilmington, August 3.— The election passed off quietly. The 2d ward of this city returns a Conservative gain of 75. At Magnolia, Duplin county, the Con servatives gain 17. The whole vote oj the city shows a majority of 973 against the Conservatives, which shows a Con* servative gain of 21 since the last elec tion. 18SL. “Through tickets to go round the world” are advertised in London. 1* they are through tickets why are they to go round? Savannah buried 24 of her citizens last week, of whom 6 were white.