Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page.

6. THE ATLANTA WEEKLY SUN Till'. DAILY SUN. Thursday Morning August 10. ve recently observed that the has been busily engaged Wa h Radical x In publishing articles from the “ Bourbon and Croaker ” papers in the State, with the view of encouraging their allies and -of injuring the Democratic party through them, if possible.—Montgomery Adver tiser, Auq. 6,1871. When and where have the editors I them asserted in 1868; but that it is Is the Advertiser now, in its fright and lliglxt from the Democratic hosts, prepared to undertake the humilia ting work of maintaining that these usurpation, acts were not “unconsti tutional, revolutionary and voidt”— Is that paper really prepared to main tain that it is not only offensive to the Democracy to repeat what all of •of the Advertiser seen published in any Radical sheet, articles from The Atlanta Sun,“ Bourbon” as it is, •with “ the view of encouraging their allies,” or for any other purpose? When and where has Senator Morton, •thegreat “bugbear,” Cyclops,"mon- strum horrendum ” of tbe “ Depart ures,” in their “ skedaddling ” flight from the Democratic party, ever spoke approvingly of the doctrines of The Sun, or any other “ Bourbon ?” Did .not this great Chief of Radicalism pay a high and approving compli ment to the Courier-Journal, the other day, in his speech in Louisville, Kentucky ? Did not this approving •compliment and endorsement of the position of the Chief of the " De partures ” include the whole squad, the Advertiser as welL as all the rest ? When our course shall be approved and endorsed by Radical leaders, then it will be time for us to enter upon a reconsideration of it But the proof mnst be furnished. No bare, bald assertion will suffice. A. H. S. —. ►-*-« — “insulting'’ to tbe “Radical Party itself” so to characterize their high crimes against the Constitution of tbe United States and the Liberties of tbe people? A. H. S. Mr. Stephens’ Position. In the meantime we must confess our unfeigned surprise at the want of candor exhibited by the Editor of The Atlanta •Su.s'. He tells his readers that Democrat ic Conventions in Ohio, Pennsylvania and •other States, have, by their resolutions, sanctioned open and palpable usurpations of popular rights.” He makes this bittc .• charge against these Democratic Conven- vions “without a single grain of fact to ■support his indefensible allegations; and Me could make no charae more offensive and ■ insulting against the Radical party itself.— Wo here take, therefore, square issue with • our Atlanta cotemporaiy, and deny the truth of his assertion so positively in- • suiting as it is, and so well calculated to do damage to the Democratic party in the estimation of all those who may be lieve it to be trno. We arraign Mr. *.Stephens before the country on a charge against the Democratic party, that he cannot honestly maintain.—Montgomery Adverti ser, (Uh Aug. 1871. Ab, indeed! It is then downright offensive and insulting, is it, to the Radical Party itself \ to say that the 14th and 15 th amendments, so-called, • to the Constitution of the United > States, arc nothing but the results of • “palpable usurpations of popular ■rights ?” It has come to this already, •has it? We knew from the begining -. that it would at last What v tbe “hitter charge” we have made - against the Pennsylvania Harrisburg 'Convention—we will not say tbe Democratic party, of Pennsylvania, for the voice of tbe Democracy of that State was not uttered by that (packed body of “tricksters” aud -“money changers.” What, we -say, is the “hitter charge” we made against that Convention ? It is that •they uttered a great untruth when •-they asserted, as they did in effect, that those “ fraudulent” acts, called Constitutional Amendments,had been incorporated in the organic law of the Union, “in the manner and by the au- ■ thority constitutionally appointed and that when they put themselves before the country with the announce ment that they “ deprecated” all discussion of questions relating to the validity of these glaring usurpations, they rendered themselves “accesso ries after the fact” to these high •crimes against Public Liberty. This is the charge for which we are arraigned by the Advertiser before tbe country, and which that paper pleased to say we cannot honestly .maintain. It is no charge, we re peat, against the Democratic party .as the Advertiser states. Far from it The Democratic party of the United States has never yet exhibited such a disregard of truth, and snek a spectacle of profligacy in principle .and degradation of character; and we have too high a regard for its pu rity, integrity and high aims]of patri otism, to suppose for an instant that . it ever will. • But are we seriously called upon by the Advertiser to make good our charge as it stands stated? Does that paper deny that tbe validity of these 14th and 15th Amendments rest solely upon Con gressional usurpations which were “unconstitutional, revolutionary, null i and voidf 3 Did not the editors of that paper, •.and two milliojis and six hundred thousand and odd Democrats so de- • elate in 1SG8? W onld not three hun dred thousand more, constituting a majority of the voters of the United States, have done the same if they The Hon. Alexander H. Stephens is, apparently, never so much at home as when engaged in the discussion of a con stitutional question. His early fame in the Congress of the United States was earned in the field of political debate, and age does not appear to have cooled his love of controversy. His latest and only elaborate literary work, “The Con stitute: A View,” &c., of the causes of the late war between the States, is cast in the form of a dialogue, or series of imaginary conversations, for the benefit, apparently, of the larger scope which this style of composition affords for argumen tative discourse. In his new vocation of editor of Tub Atlanta Sux, the veteran statesman is not likely to let his contro versial talents rust for want of use, and we are not surprised to find him crossing words with the New York World upon the mooted question of recognizing the validity of the last three constitutional amendments. Mr. Stephens opens his side of the debate with the studied cour tesy of a duellist of the old school, po iitely saluting his antagonist before pro ceeding to take his life. “We have tak en such time, ” he says, “to respond to the Worlds overture in this instance as thought the great gravity and high cratic or Radical name, will,of course, never attempt to cure them. Only those, therefore, who do feel them to be hurts and will attempt their cure, can,in any proper sense,be styled “true friends of the Constitution and consti tutional Government throughout the country.” The “ Common Platform” of those true friends of the Constitu tion must discriminate between those who hold them to be “hurts” and those who do not; those who will heal them, if possible, and those who would not “ undo them if they could.” “ Discussion” at this time is essential for the purpose of ascertaining who are and who are not the true friends of the Constitution. The roting masses must take sides upon the first great question, as to whether these Radical changes in our system of Government he, in fact, hurts to tiie Constitution or not. tie credit can be given to one who thinks he has discovered the future greatness of Georgia in an ntter ignoring of the past, and educating the youth to emulate the nation whose greatness in engines and furnaces may be traced in broken obliga tions and the plunder of the public treas ury. Another item in your bill of indict ment against the land of your nativity is that Ii.-d not been most wrongfully aud shamefully disfranchised? import of the subject required. We now reply in that tone and spirit in which the World indicates a disposition to discuss the questions involved.” After this sol emn note of preparation, Mr. Stephens proceeds, through three columns and a half of distinction and argument, through which we do not propose at present to follow him, to define his position with ref erence to the three amendments. The 13th amendment, which forever abolishes and prohibits slavery, he considers as “no longer a living issue,” as one of the actual results of the war, whether a legitimate one or not,” and “as, there fore valid and not to be reversed.” To the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, Mr. Stephens objects that “they are not results of the war, either legitimate or actual”—“they are results of open, palpa ble and avowed usurpation of power by a majority.” Ho objects alike to the cir cumstances under which these amend ments were engrafted upon the Constitu tion, the means employed to secure, or rather to compel, their ratification, and to the principles which they embody. At the same time he emphatically declares that he is engaged in no agitation for a repeal of these obnoxious enactments, which, he says, would be a “fantastic po litical comedy,” an adventure as ridicu lous “as that of Don Quixote in his charge upon windmills.” Like the alien and sedition acts of 1800, which were never re pealed,but suffered to remain upon the sta tute books “as a monument and record of the iniquity of their authors, and as a bea con to guide posterity for all time to come how to get rid of all like usurpations.” Mr. Stephers, itwould seem, is in favor of letting the amendments severely alone— leaving them where they are, just to rnarkT contempt for them. It can never be necessary, he says, to repeal nulities. The alien and sedition acts wore gotten rid of not by repeal, but by electing men to office who held them to be not valid laws, but nulities, and he would deal, he says, with these fraudulent amendments just as Mr. Jefferson and the Democracy of 1800 dealt with the old federalist usur pations. Politically speaking, if we may reduce distinctions so metaphysical to any prac tical conclusion, Mr. Stephens “accepts” the results of the war so far as they are “legitimate and actual,” but among these he does not class the fourteenth and fif teenth amendments. He does not pro pose that these amendments shall be re pealed, but that they shall be ignored.— He makes their validity, not their repeal, the issue in the canvass, and the shibbo leth of democratic doctrine pure and un defiled. This, at least, is intelligible, and indicates a very decided “departure” be tween the position assumed by Mr. Steph ens and that occupied by the World. Con sidering, however, that both he and the WoD'ld are agreed that tho election of a Democratic President and a Democratic Congress is the only practical cure for the hurts the Constitution has received, and that to secure that result the united efforts of all the friends of the Constitution and of Constitutional government throughout the country will be required, it would seem that this common platform is not to be found in the discussion of such ques tions—the chief value of which, in a cri sis like the present, is as a warning and admonition of dangers present aud to come, and as an incentive to unite for the purpose of averting future and great er mischief and calamities. First, get the ship of state, if we may be pardoned the novel metaphor, out of the breakers into, which her reckless navigators have earned her, and then when she is ome more moored into a port of safety, such old pilots as Mr. Stephens may point cut at their leisure upon the chart the devia tions that have occurred in th9 course of the voyage and the cause of the perils in which we at present find her.—Baltimore Sun, 5th Aug. 1871. Mr. Stephens would say to bis es teemed cotemporary of Baltimore, that he does not think the “hurts” which the Constitution is suffer ing from can possibly be aired by those who do not believe that any “hurts”- have been inflicted upon it There are those in the country who believe, or affect to believe, that what we and our cotem porary deem most serious and dan gerous “hurts,” have nothing wrong about them, and will be at tended with no injurious consequen ces. Men of this class,'if brought into power, whether under a Demo- The chief value of a platform at this time is, indeed, as a warning of dangers present and to come, and for the purpose of uniting all the true friends of the Constitution in a grand effort to prevent, for the fu ture, still “'greater mischiefs and ca lamities.” But what yarning will he so effective with an intelligent people as a full, clear, and faithful portrayal of those “hurts” our cotemporary speaks of—-those deep and ghastly wounds already inflicted upon the Constitution, whose bleeding lips now call so loudly for stenching and heal ing! As to the nautical figure, the New York World and other “New De- par turists” from the Democratic creed, as Mr. Stephens understands their position, do not believe or realize the fact that the Ship of State is among any “breakers” at all. They do not find any fault with the policy of the navigators who have brought her to her present position. This policy, at any rate, they now propose to accept adopt, indorse and to “build upon” for the future, if they come into power. Under the lead of such “pilots,” Mr. Stephens sees no prospect of the good old Ship of State ever being again relieved from her present strand ed condition, or ever again being moored in safe waters. The only hope is in putting her in charge of Commanders who will “retrace the steps” of those “reckless navigators” who have “piloted” over the shoals and amid the rocks where she is now in such imminent peril of immediate wreck and destruction. The new pilots must he known to be opposed to the policy of their predecessors, and not those who sanction it and aver that they will adhere to it/ A. H. S. Here again you are at fault, and I cannot account for it upon any other ground than that to vindicate your defamation it was necessary to pervert your facts. First, then, in the social relations of life, do you really think the South inferior to the North? In manners—how stands it?— Take the female characters of the two sec tions. If I could blind your vision to the fascination of place which you have never occupied, but which by no means has cooled the ardor of your desire, I would even make you a witness upon the respec tive merits of the social progress of the manners of the two sections. My habit of thought, a3 well as the walk of my life, causes me to curb any vindictive feeling I may entertain towards a peq^tle who have done injustice to their own Kind and kin dred, and who continue to heap upon us wrongs innumerable, but even the “chari ty that snffereth long and is kind” makes no demand upon me to elevate them above their deserts or sink my own people below their merit. I can readily under stand the formation of opinion, if I could as easily discover the motive—even WE IGNORED THE CLAIMS OF THE ME- CBANJCAL CLASSES. statistical facts connected with the sub ject (and to suppose that you are is more complimentary to your character than to award you knowledge,) I would advise you to give some attention to the work ings of the system. You will be aston ished to find that three-fourths, if not seven-eighths, of at.t. THE APPROPRIATIONS MADE BY CONGRESS have been expended in the North. All the class legislation has inured to the capital and industry of the Northern sec tion, and that often at the expense of Southern productions. Your other pro position that we ignored the mechanical classes has neither the solidity or even the semblance of truth. Every observing man could but notice the apparent fact that in the South there was less of that distinction in society than tb ere was at the North, or in any country where the capi talists and the laborers were of the same race. That there should be distinctions in the one more than where slavery exists is founded upon principles apparent to any who reflects, and to all who think. When was it ever known that a Northern capitalist ever gave to a laborer the hos pitalities of his house? When in the South was it ever conceived to refuse it to the mechanic or to tbe day laborer ? THE DISTORTION OF PACT can be made to harmonize with the pro pelling power of self-love and self-inter est, and while truth itself is unyielding and unbending, individual opinions may accord with theories, based as they sup pose upon facts, which they see through other mediums than those who invest* gate for the truth’s sake. We are, even in this corrupt age, still under the in junction “judge not," though we are not without the privilege of examining the fruits to discover the nature of the tree. In your case the public have no fruits in the character of your past life to discover or determine the integrity .of your inten tion or the purity of your motive. One day elevated to the standard of true statesmanship—the next herding with those whose highest idea is STATE AGRICULTURAL. CON VENTION. Tlie Ele pliant Accommoda tions—President Colquitt’s Ad- dress—-Col. Sam’I Barnet’s Re port J. S. Newman’s Ad dress—-Collation. INDIVIDUAL INSTANCES may have occurred where labor was look ed upon as degrading, but the many at the South have alwaysjheld it in- honora ble appreciation. I regret that the sub ject is so prolific as to prevent full justice in so limited a space, but I have given Rome, Ga., August 9,1871. Editors Sun: Rome lias drawn the elephant. There is a delegation to this Convention of quite five hun dred members, making the most re spectable and intelligent body of it has been my fortune to see assembled in Georgia, since the war. Although the hospitable citizens of Rome are making their utmost efforts to entertain the delegates, their re sources are inadequate, and many of them are forced to the necessity of camping out. The Court House, (where the Convention assembles) presented a scene at 6 o’clock this morning of men stretched upon benches and tables, where they had been roosting for the night. There are many of Georgia’s dis tinguished sons here, among whom you the general heads, by which you will are Col. Thomas Hardeman, of Ma- be enabled to judge of the incorrectness of the defamation you have heaped upon your own, your native land, and if you are not led to detract, I envy not the re flection which disappointed ambition may yet-have to indulge. I have been so out- con, whom I find is the favorite with many of our substantial men for the next Governor of Georgia. Mark A. Cooper, David E. Butler, A. R. Wright, and Wm. LeRoy Brown, and raged at the injustice you have inflicted Wm. Louis Jones, from the Universi- SELF-AGGRANDISEMENT Af THE PUBLIC EX PENSE : one hour eloquently discoursing upon our rights—advising non-intercourse with the reptiles who fatten upon our misfor tunes ; the next banqueting with these miserable vampires, who hold hellish or gies around the battlements of the Con stitution—with a corrupt judiciary as their associates to sanction any plunder they may commit upon the public treas ury, or any infringement they may make to shock public propriety—you have no right to seek shelter under or ask protec tion of that charity whose ample folds might have hidden your transgressions, if it claimed not to hold no joy in iniqui ty but to rejoice in the truth. THE SOUTH, INFERIOR TO THE NORTH in the social relations of life—such a sen timent, at such a time, and from such an oracle—its enunciation is ridiculous, its publication criminal. The free-love and the woman’s right section to be given the priority over the Southern character (I speak not of individuals), whose corner stone is purity and whose strengthening brace is a modest propriety of what is recognized as woman’s true position.— The opportunities made public and from which alone the public can judge from, not even a data to suggest a comparison between the two sections and individual intercourse furnish us little, much less to justify a Southern man to hold up his sec tiou as inferior, and “driven back from the marching column of social progress. upon a people with more marked and distinguished virtues in their character than any the sun ever shown upon, that I have found my pen verging to invec tive, with every desire to be moderate and every determination to be just.— You MUST NOT EXPECT TO ESCAPE CRITICISM; your changes have been so sudden; your opinions have so fluctuated as to bewilder some, to astonish others, and to wound all without any other interpretation than their suddenness, and totally have, at least, the appearance of a charm if not the merit of a miracle. When I read your speech I turned to the first speech that was delivered before the societies forty-three years ago, the 8th day of this month (August), and I was struck with the almost prophecy of this sentence: What country was ever more respect ed for its wisdom? When was the science Government better understood ? When were institutions more flourishing or laid in a deeper sense of equal rights ? When were a people more united and af fectionately devoted to the common in terest? When were intelligence, wealth and refinement more rapidly increasing, until the visionary project of making a nation of weavers maddened the states men of America, and what has been the consequence of-tliis.way ward infatuation ? took the lead—giving his experience A PUNGENT LETTER To Hon. Bens. H. Hill. From tho Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel of tho 8th. Hon. B. H. Hill—Sir: At the risk of exposure to public criticism, I will ele vate you to the similitude of a character whose detestation the world’s orator has clothed with immortality, and in his language ask, “HOW LONG, OH, CATILINE, WILL YOU ABUSE OUR PATIENCE ?” Your winding way since and even before the war has gratified your enemies and mortified your friends, but your last im position upon Southern forbearance, in your late speech at Athens, robs silence of its virtue, and makes comment a ne cessity. Treachery, in all its forms, its combinations and its motives, from the creation of Adam to the moment in which I make the declaration, never, not only had an advocate, but never found a defender. Even the beneficiaries under the treason always despised the traitor. On the other hand, Txuth—and I mean by it that comprehensive significance which includes integrity of character in all the social and political relations of life, whether in business, in pleasure, in the private citizen or the public official, in those holding power and those desir ing its possession, at home or abroad, in society or out of society—never had an enemy. Many characters are without it as a foundation, but even these pay hom age to its shrine. It is not always the road to success in temporal matters, but even FALSEHOOD WOULD BARTER ALT. ITS EARN INGS All that was proud in sentiment, lofty in character, and dignified in council have been given up to drapers and wool- staplers, and we are now drifting to some unknown catastrophe, pregnant with ev ery thing but safety.” In contrasting the sentiments of this first orator with yours, I must not forget to remind you that the South, with all its want of energy, FOUGHT SUCCESSFULLY AGAINST THE NORTH, BUT MANNERS ALONE do not constitute tho only element in so cial progress. Morals I am aware is or ought to be the foundation upon which to build society. The comparison even here, with all due difference to your pub licly expressed opinion, can never make the true friends of the South to blush or be ashamed. Individual cases of crime will occur in all communities, but they are not the true indices of the public morality. But the general standard in which virtue is held points unerringly to the character of a people, and pro claims their purity or the want of it. No intelligent man, who has any respect for his reputation, will hesitate to give to the South a higher rank in the scale of puri ty, whether in their teachings or their practice, than belongs to the North.— Take the pulpit—in what age was it ever more degraded or prostituted than it is at present at the North ? With some lion orable exceptions, every denomination of Christians is as leprous with the sin of malice, envy, hatred and uncharitableness as was the Israelite, with THE LOATHSOME DISEASE, who thought his case incurable until the teachings from the Mount discovered to him a power wherein he might be made clean; and I fear the same power will be requisite to cleanse a people whom you have elevated above your native land in social jjrogi ass. The philanthropist and the Christian find cause to weep over the decadence of Christian teaching, proprie ty and practice that pervades Northern society, and the friends of true progress lament over the shadow of protertanism which their own bad conduct ha3 caused and which will take half a century genuine Godly, piety to illume. to have a place in her holy temple. These general observations are made prelimina ry to the comments I propose upon the in famous doctrine of your late speech, and the vile slanders you have heaped upon a people noted in the nast for the nobility of their practical efficiency in the social and political relations of life. The South ern people,'certainly, never had a superior, if they ever had a rival, in all that consti tutes greatness. The elevated feelings ox the statesman, the high-minded prin ciples of the patriot, and an ardent devo tion to the cause of liberty and the rights of man,have ever been the marked and dis tinguishing difference between them and the nation of speculators who have lately proved, with the help of foreign aid, their superiois in the field. . You have been pleased, in a public ad dress, to announce to the too anxious Lis teners that “ THE SOUTH HAS BEEN DRIVEN BACK from the marching column of social and national progress,” and you have discov ered the cause in the institution of slave ry. I agree neither with your facts or your philosophy—and I appeal to the his tory of the Government to show how lit- IN STATESMANSHIP the comparison causes no blight upon Southern pride. The Washingtons, Henrys, Pinckneys, Jefferson?, Madisons, Calhouns, Clays and Crawfords will com pare with even the Websters, Bancrofts, Storeys, Chandlers, Yates, Morriseysand Mortons. In warriors, the first revolu tion produced none superior to Washing ton and Green. Our last revolution had no character superior to Lee, among our enemies, and our own army tolerated none so infamous as Logan. I might allude to the measures of our statesmen in shaping the policy of our government and its pu rity as long as they controlled; but I fear I have already trespassed upon the pa tience of the public in holding up your opinions to their scorn and contempt— I must not forget to point you to the ex ports of the country to vindicate the South from ty of Georgia. Gen’l Colquitt, upon taking his seat, made a practicable aud sensible little speech, congratulating the Society and the country on the large attendance and auspicious circumstances attend ing the meeting. Col. Samuel Bar nett made his report as Commission er of the Society. He said that his first tour over the State was a rapid one, in which he attempted to awak en the attention and secure the co operation of farmers over the State. He gave a rather flattering account of the results of his observations. Capt. B. H. True then read his poem, “The Plow,” prepared for the occasion. It was a little gem of a poem, and replete with beautiful ideas and figures, and was listened to with great interest. Mr. Newman, of Hancock, deliv ered his discourse on the subject of Home Fertilizers,” in which he plainly demonstrated their economy and, ceteris paribus, their great su periority over commercial fertilizers. This was followed by discussions, in which the Hon. Mark A. Cooper m a very humorous manner. Mr. Cooper said in one year, from ten head of cattle, he saved twenty-four thousand pounds of stable manure, worth $725, aud made eighty bushels of corn. Mr. Ragsdale, of DeKalb, suggested he had better sell his ma nures instead of applying them to the soil. The Convehtion adjourns to-day with the advantages of Germany and at 12 ii., to meet at the Fair Grounds, other portions of continental Europe, not only by men and munitions furnish ed, but the advantages of every new im- provemrnt in all the appliances of suc cessful warfare, while we were blockaded and dependent upon our own energies, and our own inventive genius, and when overpowered with numbers and compell ed to surrender, we returned to the ad vocations with our capital as it were taken away ; in many places onr houses burnt; our farms laid waste; our cattle and hogs destroyed, and our people dis- Iieartened, and yet in less than four years when a collation will he given by the generous citizens of this pleasant lit tle mountain city. More anon. Yours, &c., Ager. GEORGIA NEWS. Savannah buried eighteen of her citi zens last week, fourteen of whom were colored. - • “ - The Newnan Defender of the 9th says: .. , . , Mr. A. T. Walker had his hand badly in- our cotton crop sustains the credit of the j ure d by the bursting of a gun on Mon- Government that has robbed us. I ■* • • & b THIS IS NOT ALL. day evening last. i , ,i We are informed, says the Newnan De- One of Southern birtn holds her up to \ fender, that on Saturday night last onr the scorn and contempt of her worst ene- Marshal, Mr. R, M. Hackney, while sit- mv on an occasion too sacred for the nf_ i; -_.-i.t- < n ... , . s’ , my on an occasion too sacred for the ut terance of the slander if it had been true. Could shame demand a deeper blush or infamy a deeper brand? I must not let the occasion pass to warn my fellow-citi zens against your teachings. In review ing their past history they need no com mentation to point them to an institu tion, sanctioned in every age, by every religion, almost co-equal with creation, and authorized by the Deify Himself, as the cause of their misfortunes. The only duty of the South is to be true to them selves; forego the luxuries of wealth for a season; maintain your own high in tegrity of character; remember the hal lowed associations of the past; be vigi lant; be moderate; be virtuous, and truth ful, not carried away by every wind or corn and cotton in those sections, doctrine or deceived by every unprinci- Some neighborhoods have had good sea- pled seducer of your confidence or be- sons, but crops generally have suffered trayer of your trust, and you will yet ^ ror “ drought and intense heat. In this have the proud satisfaction of inscribing section we have been more favored. but upon your successful banner "per an- gusta ad augusta,” “through troubles to grandeur.” “Georgia. 1 of ting with his family in his front porcb, was assaulted by some cowardly miscre ant who snapped four or five caps at him. The weapon did not fire. No one was visible, as the night at that hour was quite dark. A son of Mr. Hackney fired a gun in the direction of the assailant, but without effect. Bev. Dr. Gurry, of Alabama, declines the Presidency of Mercer University, and the Macon Telegraph suggests the re- election of Dr. Tucker. The Greensboro Herald of the 10th says : An extended observation and in quiry through Middle aud Upper Geor gia, leads us to believe that we are likely to be disappointed in the aggregate yield crops of all kinds are now wanting rain, and the ground softening for tnruips aud other |Fall crops, which we hope will be looked after to help through the winter. The Gwinnett Atlas says: About a half mile from town, on the Jefferson road, near the residence of Col. Hutchins, is a 1 An excli ange says: “In the co urse of her travels Mrs. Stanton met an Irish woman whose hack bore the scar I . of many a whipping at the hands of I sp^S, which is pronounced by our pby- ’ ’ ’ ’ *' ~ ' sieians to be valuable for its medical her husband. Mrs. S. thought it was, .. , . _ , a splendid chance to gain an advocate l he ™ ter ? trou ^^ for tlwwamnn ! pregnated with sulphur and iron; Canse ’ a * d ton? and vigor to thest/macM 'and'aids I-? 1 ,i° f * n° nCe }T on the head of Biddy the secretions. We understand some of like the flow of water over a milltail. Mrs. S. finally stopped for breath, aud her auditor took occasion to say, *1 always feel better after Patrick whips me.’ The orator stood not upon the order of her going, but went at once,” YOUR WILLFUL, WANTON ATTACK , __ ... _ , iV 7 7 , Bounced that “ Col. James F.sk, Jr., has upon their energv and their indnstiv. 1 ,■ , - r , . , „ h tho. i entirely recovered from his wounds.”— ■Whatever of wealth the North possesses is traceable to the exclusive benefits they have derived in moulding the policy and managing the finances of the Govern ment. If you are really ignorant of the the water has been sent to Atlanta to be subjected to a thorough chemical analy sis. The Chronicle and Sentinel says: On last Monday CoL A. F. RudLer, a well known citizen of Augusta, died at tlie Hot Springs in Arkansas. CoL Rualer was a friend and comp anion-in-anns o! the great filibuster, General William Walker. He accompanied Walker m both of his trips to Nicaragua, and was his second in command of the last expe dition. His great nerve and fine tary abilities were conspicuously display - ed in both campaigns. When the las invasion resulted so disasterously, he ami Walker were both captured and both sen tenced to be shot. The efforts of Col. Rudler’s friends in this country, however. The friends of Fisk need never have had pardon and 7 ^ph. any apprehensions m regard to his ulti-! distinction as a Colonel. He had been mate recovery, as it is only the ‘•'good '’' in bad health for some time previous to that “ die young.” ! Ms death. k The Newnau Defender of the 9th says: The little son of Mrs. Whelan was shot accidentally on Saturday. He was in the act of taking a pistol from a drawer, when it discharged its load. The wound is not serious, but the occurrence should be a warning to boys who are in the habit of carelessly handling fire arms. 1 SSS^The painful intelligence is an-