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THE ATLANTA WEEKLY SUN. the DAILY SUN. Jripai Moknp?q September 1. vxotiTerT trick of the HIDEOUS COALITION. POLITICS IN GEORGIA. From the Chronicle and Sentinel. New u Notes on the Situation.?? Iu the issue of the New York Herald of the 27th ultimo, which has just reached ng we find an editorial, which we pre sent in full to our readers to-day. It is entitled. “The Lost Cause'—An Astounding programme, though Perfectly Absurdand ivell might the addition have been made to it of “utterly false.” We received by the same mail which brought us the Herald, with its notice of it a copy of the “remarkable pamphlet” referred to, with its “strictly confidential” circular, and pronounced it, upon read- ■ug it, another perfidious resort, on the part of the enemies of Democracy in the conflict between Constitutionalism and Imperialism in this country. “Strictly confidential Circulars” are seldom sent forth without a najie, and they rarely get first into the hands of those against whom they are intended to operate. Everything about this insidi ous pamphlet has the ear-marks of the rrork of the deadliest foes of Democracy and Constitutional Government. It is another Trojan horse of the enemy. The insinuation of the Herald that this “document” was prepared “by Alexander H. Stephens,” is as base as any of the other work the Herald, and other kin dred sheets, are now hired by the coalition to perform. “Air. Stephens’ whole heart” is not “devoted to a South ern repudiation of Northern Democracy; but it is devoted to the great patriotic object of uniting the Southern and North ern Democracy against the treacherous movement of their common enemy, known as the “New Departure” Coalition. AU this, the Herald man knows perfectly well, notwithstanding the guileful sophis try, by which he, “serpent-like,” attempts to instill a contrary belief in the minds of the honest, uususpecting masses of the people. “Jeff. Davis,” says the Herald, “has pro claimed in Alabama and Georgia that he accepts nothing ;” end “Mr. Stephens in his newspaper, holds the same position.” On this “Satanic” statement, the Her aid exclaims: 1 as Dogberry puts it, “they are both Completion of the T9evv Departure Rail- way—Safe Arrival or Mr. Hill at the Terminus — Rapid Passage—Home at Last—The Sew Route Sow . Open all the Way—Sleeping Car Accommoda. tlons—Tunnel Through the Constitu tion—Pass Through at Night—Go to Bed a Democrat, Wake up a Republi can—Forget all About It—Pare Cheap —Only One Change or Cars—Fine Ac commodations at the Republican End —Air. Akerrann Must Give Way to Air. Hill—Speech or the Former in North Carolina May Save Illm — Plenty of Room, and Quicker Time than by any Other Line—For Further Information, Comult the New Era, New York Tri bune, Address of Mr. Hill to the Peopl- of Georgia, Speech of Mr. Akerman in North Carolina, Correspondence of Yew York Herald (recently published in the Chronicle and Sentinel,) Speech of Mr. Hill at Athens, giving Instructions Detail—Weather Notes — Gentle Zephyrs from the North—Fructifying Showers—Aspect of the Stars—Ulysses and Benjamin in Conjunction—Aker man Setting. •’ ’Fora God,' iu a tale.” Now, wliutveei’ptfr. Davis may have pro claimed in Alabama, Georgia, or else where, as to what “he accepts” as the re sults of the war against Secession, whether he “accepts nothing,” as the re suit of that fc war, it is well known to the Herald that “Alexander H. Stephens' has repeated again and again that he does accpl, and in good faith, all the actual results of that war, whether legitimate or otherwise. The Herald knows that the position of The Atlanta Sun (“Mr. Ste pliens’ newspaper”) is not that assigned it in the article quoted. The Her aid knows the position of The Sun has been distinctly stated in these plain and uumistakeable words “A legitimate result of the war, we believe, was the settlement—and settlement/orerer—in this country of the policy of secession as a practical mode of re dr jss against any usurpations on tho part of the Fed eral Government-” * * * * * * * • * “These questions, therefore, relating to tho right of secession, for all practical purposes-and considerations, as well as those relating to tho nature and extent of negro servitude in tho Southern States, we consider emphatically among the •dead issues.’ We have no disposition to revive them, nor any ques tion relating to them antecedent to tho war. Wo be lieve also that in this matter wo but repeat the uni versal sentiment of the Southern States.” Is this the same position which is as signed to Mt. Davis in the Herald's Fiend like statement ? Would even Dogberry, upon hearing them, have said, “they are both in a tale?” Would not that simple minded person, if such a statement had been presented to him, backed by any number of witnesses (claiming the two positions to be the same) have exclaimed, as he did in the play : “BostB.—Marry, sir, they have committed false re port; they have spokenuutruths; Secondarily, they are shmdera; Thirdly, they have verified unjust things; aud so to conclude, they are lying knaves." We give the IJeratd Dogberry’s judg ment upon the case he has made, and «ay to oar readers that we believe “ this very remarkable pamphlet” is nothiug but another wiley trick of the “New Departure Coalition,” to bring trouble in the Democratic Camp. Our duty re- ■quires us to sound the alarm, and urge the Democracy every where to “beware, and to be on their guard against all the scheming of those who are “now plotting’ their destruction and the overthrow of free institutions, not only by usurpation, violence and perfidy, but by resorting, when occasion suits their purpose, to the vilest system of “deceit and lies.” AH. S. »-•-< A Card to the Public. Atlanta, Ga., August 30, 187L The books and papers of the Western and Atlantic Railroad having been for mally turned over to us, we deem it pro per to announce to the public and especi- to those interested, that we shall occupy, as a business office, room 25 in the Cap itol building, formerly occupied by At torney-General Farrow, who lias kindly vacated for our convenience and com fort. the — — the hours of 10 and 12 a. m. and 3 and 5 p. M. t when it shall be our pleasure to re ceive them The times being out of joint, wc have remarkable events to record and review. Upon a recent literary occasion, before an unsuspicious people, assembled un armed, Mr. Hill, the well known author of the “Notes on the Situation,” and of sundry more recent documents of inferior savor, treated the audience to a dish of politics, served up under a thin crust of philosophy, so-called. It was well cooked, and presented in a form sufficiently pala table, but “from this, as from a deh of disturbed vipers, crawled out innumera ble and poisonous evils, to lame our ener gies and pollute our blood.” To whom were we indebted for the shrewd turn the literary occasion took, and the infinite entertainment and in struction of the audience on an unex pected line of thought ? Were the com mittee of invitation cognizant of the bill of fare ? -Why had we Mr. Hill, or any man of equivocal position? Informa tion is needed. Did he push? Did he seek it ? The occasion was auspicious for his ends. Did it come by accident—a mere piece of good luck—-or was it by contrivance? The fairness of the whole procedure, and the agreeable surprise of the audi ence in the enjoyment of a North side view of themselves and their institutions, aud their tmprepared state for this whole some shower bath on their cherished no tions and connections, served to render the scene memorable and impressive. No dispositions having been made for the unexpected attack from within, the hear ers were quite taken by sir prise. The confusion was expressed for a .while only by astonished silence, but the company rallied and retired in good order, leaving few prisoners behind. Most of them have since made good their escape, and the handful left in duress, it is hoped, will soon be undeceived and appreciate the situation. The surprise attack, on the whole, was vigorous and well conceited. Our own colors were on exhibition, and it was not known how far the new departure would reach. The orator himself, after a retro spect, had decided that “returning were more tedious than go o’er.” Bold was the leap, but the followers few. The lookers on looked into each others, eyes, rubbed their own, and evidently did not understand the business. All parties having business with Committee will please call between M e are gratified to announce that the Attorney-General has procured the ser vices, as bookkeepers, of Messrs. B. F. Moore, Paul Romare and John A. Doane, than whom, we believe, none better could have been selected. We most repectfnlly ask that the Public will be patient, while we assure them that no delay shall be had in a speedy bringing up of the hooks. C. L. Redwixe, C. C. Hammock, E. E. Rawson. What dowry could grace the new es pousals? Mr. Akerman with the election bill failed on Georgia, and was well nigh up set. Mr. Hill was out of piublic em ployment.. He pined, he longed to serve his native State, In December last (election bill, his own address, and all to the contrary not withstanding) he had failed signally of carrying Georgia. So a seat in the Sen ate, to servo his beloved State, was not secured. Can he carry it now, by this new play on its forbearance and patience? Carry Georgia thus? What an enquiry! The grand old Ship of State moves steadi ly on its way. Mr. Hill’s gyrations make no impression. We have looked over the prow of a ship and seen a porpoise apparently leading the way. running in front for a long while. But when the porpoise—blowing and tumbling—turned aside from his course to accomplish his own ends, did the ship turn aside with him? The ship proceeded on its stately way aud the porpoise on his—the great and the small their several ways. But, even if Georgia cannot be carried, something else may happen. Some months ago tho Chronicle and Sentinel caught a distant dreamy view of Mr. Hill in the Cabinet. Let us watch and wait. Possibly the good faith and good taste of all this may be more apparent to the speaker and to others than to us. Mr. Hill may unwittingly help sound princi ples by showing whither unsound would conduct us. But are we not a patient people? The great object of Mr. Hill in his nd- dress seemed to be to demonstrate that in all the leading matters of dispute be tween the North and South, the North was in the right. . The soundness of abo lition principles, and the superiority of Yankee civilization, were his main topics of discourse. The superior insight of the Radical party into the true policy of the country was made very manifest, and our own errors exposed in a masterly way. Now, if we had been invited to such a banquet (of the Delano type), and a rep resentative man of those principles an nounced as such, had entertained us there would have been no ground of complaint. But to come in the name of a disciple, and with the kiss of a disciple, was that fair play? By the standard of old civilization—no—with emphasis—no. But with the new type, fair is not the word. Shrewd is the word—shrewd, sharp, acute (omitting the first syllable). These words are popular with the new lights. Number them—count them one by one, and try these words upon them — they will fit them all. The December address and the rail road lease were in ominous, suggestive proximity. What is to follow the Alumni speech? What is \x> follow? Is it to be a seat in the Cabinet? Was that the elevated aspiration “Which waked to ecstacy the living lyre!" Or is the conjecture of the New York Herald correspondent the sound view It is not in humjm nature to behave so for nothing. To come more particularly to the mat- ter ana manner of the address. The distinguished ventriloquist ad dressed two audiences—a Northern and Southern. It was a hard task, and re quired both tact and face', but he posses sed both, and one guiding thought sus tained him to speak to the North over the heads of the South, without startling the one too much while tickling and de lighting the other—this was the problem. The easement was this, viz: That the North must be pleased at all events. This steadied him. Brass was in demand, but 'fhe supply was adequate. The display of eger de ling (of tongue, not hand) was fine. The little Japanese Tommy, who cried “all right,” used to jump through barrel, not turning over the tumbler of water, nor putting out the lights placed withia on the bottom. Such a piece of ugglery did Mr. Hill attempt. He went through the barrel successfully, and lan ded on the Northern side, but in passing he turned over the tumbler and extin guished the lights. His Northern audi ence were delighted. Preans will go up in his praise from the Republican party press. His speech will be a campaign document, as erst was that of the more illustrious Akerman. But at the South oh, here ! he spilled the residue of con fidence, if any was left after the speech and actions of last year. Mr. Hill’s caul dron had been then and there turned over and spilled in the fire. People were angry at themselves that they had trust ed him ever. What they had mistaken for quite unexpected manliness and ad hesion to principle- on his part was all explained, and when seen exposed in its nakedness, it proved to be sham and stuff—the mere vagaries of a man in search of self. The argument of Mr. Hill was at once loose and dogmatic. It too, was a sham, and will pass away as a shadow. There" was no close and careful study of princi ples or application Of principles to facts. A few of those common places in regard to our people and our industry, winch were familiar to all men of observation, aud iu perfect harmony with their own established convictions— were enormously exaggerated and blown into huge soap bubbles by the breath of the speaker. They broke of themselves on the touch of reflection. The argu ment assumed all the form and gravity of aspect of a most philosophical discus sion, but it will not bear weight. If the ostensible aim of it all was real, then the insults heaped on our institutions and people were gratuitous. They were lugged into the discussion with profuse and wasteful liberality. The form of argument selected by the speaker was that which gives most play to powers of sophistry, viz: tho inference of a cause from an effect. There is large range here for misrepresentation and de ception. From an effect, to go back to its cause. The effect may he complex— of long duration, of manifold aspect, and wound up iu many an involution. The ingenuity of the sophist selects one ante cedent among the many, and says this par ticular antecedent is the cause. The cau ses may be as many and as complex as the series of effect, but it is his province to direct attention to the one single antece dent assumed to be the cause which is to explain everything. This he exaggerates and magnifies, and so traces its effect, not by actual comparison with facts, but by the method of evolution out of his own head, instead of the historical mode of observation and comparison. Slavery is this one cause—the fountain of all our evils, “whose mortal taste,” &e. Never did Abolitionists look with more evil eye on slavery than does Mr. Hill. "Would it be stranger than some things which have happened if, in Decem ber next, he should denounce it in the true blue style, as “the sum of all villain ies ?” We shall see. This new depart ure road is a rapid one. “A den of dis turbed vipers” is not far short of the mark. Indeed, we are not sure but it is an improveihenl, which will be adopted by the rhetoricians. “A den of disturbed vipers” is even more suggestive than “the sum of all villainies.” Mr. Hill is an expert rider of the Abo- litian hobby he has mounted, and makes fine time. He will evidently win the race. With slavery in his eye, he can see no other cause of our troubles. That is on his brain. He seems to forget that during the entire war the slaves of the South were under perfect control—fed the armies in the field—fed the women and children at home, and were among the most industrious of producers, furn ishing human muscle of an inferior race, guided and controlled by human brain of the superior race. Not an insurrection, and scarcely an apprehension during the whole war. The number of negroes, about 4,000,000, was not too great to be occupied in the production of bread- stuffs. Was slavery then an element of weakness ? Perhaps, however, it was not sla very, but the mere presence of the black race in the South in any condition that weakened us? Mr. THU did not say this, nor would it help him. His con gratulations on the success of abolition policy would still fail him. For they are here still—the blacks. Being here, do they work belter' as freedmeu tlinn be fore ? Do the negroes as citizens admin ister’ government belter than the whites without their aid ? Let Mr. Hill answer, Do the men work better ? Are not most of the women and children drones ? Do they work as before, and as do white women and children in Europe ? In a word, has the negro labor system im proved by virtue of emancipation ? One universal outcry demonstrates its im mense falling off and uncertainty. The negro is here still. How are we better off ? Is he a help to the good or der, industry and progress of society ? Answer * South Carolina; answer cities with negro Alderman and police; answer Liberty county aud sea coast of Georgia; answer deserted fields aud waste places of the South. But it may be said it was the influence of the negro on the white man. The ne groes were far les3 numerous than the whites. There were sections where they were very few in number. But the ger minal answer is to be found in this, viz that onr population was sparse, aud so the division of la'ior impracticable, was not slavery but a scant population whieh promoted a skilled class laborers. The effect of this at our strength aud the proper mode of meet ing it are not correctly given by Mr Hill. To trace the causes of the relutiv furnish rational ground of conviction to a reader or hearer. The adaptation of the South to agriculture, turned the atten tion of settlers to that vocation. Not the want of adaptation to other pursuits, but this was the one most tempting and re quiring least preparation, capital and combination. The North, presenting less ready adaption as a farming country, the population entered more into com merce and navigation, and Into manu facturing. The ordinary laws of emigra tion carry people to like latitudes, cli mates, and like pursuits. The hope of meeting persons of the same nationality, and speaking the same language, has much to do with the direction of emigra tion. England being our mother coun try, the chief tide for a long time was from -England—just as emigration to Mexico or Cuba was from Spain, and to Canada or Louisiana from France. The commerce of the North promoting its intercourse with other peoples, gave them an advantage. Their acquaintance, the destinations of their ships, etc., gave them the start, and opened the original channels. The first emigrants, by cor respondence, brought others to, the same section. The revolutionary war stopped the tide for a time, but when it set in from England it naturally sought the same characters of climate aud produc tions. The magnificent grant by Vir ginia of the northwestern territory opened an immense body of fresh land, and cheap. The production of grain, etc., not of cotton, was the-prime occupation of farmers. The tendency then was strong to the Northwest, rather than the South. The Northern people, by virtue of intercourse with the world, had more of the ear of mankind than we; and the South was represented as a graveyard. Life Assurance Companies assumed that it was extra hazardous to live at the South or even visit our section. Misrepresenta tion was equally rife of our social and moral condition. An agricultural people is really the most virtuous, but we were as much misrepresented morally and so cially as in regard to health. Such were among the considerations, especially the facts that no agricultural country in Eu rope cultivated our staples, and that those in our own climate-did not speak our language, which seemed to give the North a start in the way of population. There were other influences of great moment. For example, the policy of the Govern ment was to raise revenue exclusively from imports and none by direct taxa tion. The effect "of this on Southern prosperity we will not discuss, as our rea ders are familiar with it, except by point ing to two or three pregnant facts. 1st. The South furnished the bulk of the ex ports. 2d. The imports passed in a large measure to the South, whence the exports started, as the ultimate consumers. 3d Therefore, the actual duties were paid by the South, with commissions, &c. 4th Also, the enhanced value of articles not imported, but virtually prohibited, were paid by the South under the policy of the Government. One other view; these purchases by the South were made with the entire crop produced, not out of mere profits. If we sold a cotton crop—say for $250,000,- 000, of which $50,000,000 wasprofit—the per cent, of tax on imports was virtually levied on the 250 of expenditure and not on the 50,000,000. The expenditures of the Government Were at the North. So that the bulk of the revenues were levied on the South, with half the population, and carried to the North to be expended. "We cannot elaborate but only suggest. The influence on the ultimate results of the war, of the want of skilled labor, is immensely over-estimated by Mr. Hill, or misunderstood by him. Our slaves were occupied in making provisions, and did it well. Our soldiers were needed to fight, and they did it splendidly. Meet ing the skilled men of the North (so- called) they never failed on equal terms —man for man. There would have been some points of advantage iu our prepa ration for the field, arising from skilled labor, but other causes were much more operative. We have been accustomed to number among the causes of our defeat the fact that our self-confidence was too great, and prevented us from making full use of our resources. The food supply we met. By appreciating our want of manufacture, and arranging to keep open the blockade, we could have converted her many crops—in war as we did in peace—into manufactured material of any sort she needed. With the proceeds of her annual crops she could have had am ple materials of war. We came near to success even without them. But we nev er were—whether on the questions of im migration, of taxation, or of arrange ments for fighting—quite careful enough of our own interest, and we suffered for this reason in competition with the keen, shrewd, sharp people of the North. In our former policy, being part and parcel of the United States, our arrangements and preparation for war were for war with foreign powers, and the industry of the country, as a whole, was sufficiently di versified for all purposes of defense as a whole. Even with ns as with an agricul tural people, it would have been sufficient had we been careful to maintain the means of exchange. Indeed, in regard to the alleged weak ness of the South, which Mr. Hill ex plains as an effect, aud slavery as its cause, the thing to be explained was rather our strength than our weakness. What other people with the same relative numbers have fought so well and so long ? Sup pose the whole strength of the remaining portion of the United States had been turned agaiust a mamifacturing section of equal numbers, instead of against the South; would we not have starved them out much more quickly thau they con quered us ? Food is one of the most difficult articles to supply from a distance. It is easier to supply tools than food, for man and beast—very expensive articles of transportation. In the original idea of the Union, the deficiencies of our section were compensa ted by the productions and lesources of another. It is well, however, for each section and State to diversify its indus try. In peace it is usually practicable with what we cU> produce to buy what we do not. It was our true policy in war to see to it that this facility of iuterchnage was not taken from us. By caution on this point, an agricultural power, instead of being weak is really the strongest for defense. We stood out against 20,000,000 longer than would New England and New York. He thinks a third party is what Mr. | growth of the North as compared with Hill is after, on the negro element as the the South wonld require careful study of I history in detail, and much thoog’it would * No* one doubts ho is after something.— be needed to convey any jutt idea, or to He is not much of a philosopher, more of a juggler. So far from having given ua the cause of our weakness, he has as signed one of the elements of our strength. To use the expressive figure of the same writer, he has “laid his goose egg,” and now thinks the whole matter settled by his short aud easy me thod of explaining history. Indeed, Mr. Hill’s aim ever is not at truth but at ap pearances. He is fond of the outside. Hedoes not understand the subject on which he enlightens us ,and his views are as shallow as they are insulting, and as his reseaches and convictions usually are. But why do we class him with the Re publican party ? Mr. Hill may deny the fact that he is gone over to them, soul and body. His letter is an apparent effort to struggle back, but let us still “watch and wait.” He made sure of the North by that speech, taking the chances with us. He and the North now understand each other. Hav ing that booty in his strong box, and be yond peradventure, he returns to look af ter the less important South, with such protestations of affection, such longings and yearnings as to make the stones weep. But we are too logical for all that. Mi- Hill laid down his premises, but failed in terms to draw his conclusion—that con clusion, logically drawn, was the Repub lican party. His speech might legiti mately have wound up with a toast to that organization. Now, it is this “Q. E. D.” which we propose to draw. What was the legitimate conclusion from his premises ? Ought he not, at the Alumni Dinner, to have offered some such toast as the following: “The Republican Party—wiser in conn cil and stronger in action; understand our interest better than ourselves. We apologise to them for our stupid opposi tion in the past. We return thanks for the services they have rendered us against our will. Henceforth be their policy our. policy—their civilization our civilization. Let ns have hut one cause—one party.— Above all, one purse!” This sentiment might appropriately have been followed by a song—addressed to the head of the Cabinet. Air : “A place in thy memory—dearest.” Din ners in high_places are the order of the day, and Mr. Hill an expert. Would such a toast have been a non se- quitur ? Was it not the just upshot and condensed essence of Mr. Hill’s speech; Some Republican (of color if no white man was convenient, or office holder) could have properly responded. “Abolition principles—the new civili zation—the Republican party, the author of both. It is a sound principle of po litical action to co-operate with the friends of a policy against its foes. The Republican party is the friend, the De mocratic party the foe of this policy.” Song—to be sung with expression.— Air: “Home at last.” What fitter conclusions from the prem ises ? Nor was the time less expressive of the zeal and abandon of a new convert.— He saw clearly the way to the heart of the North, and the way was pleasant to the eye, and a thing to be desired to make one—acceptable. The three posi tions succinctly set forth in the Constitu tionalist recently were those of Mr. Steph ens, of the Pennsylvania and of the Ohio platforms. Mr. Hill goes * ‘a rood beyond the farthest mark.” Indeed, his speech is truly, “truly loyal”—intensely loyal— and will be so pronounced by competent judges. HIr argument sound—then the Repub lican party deserves mu' d6iiMeaee,"£tn<l what is more, our de-operation. But has the speaker so conciliated our confidence in his candor, his integrity of purpose, his calmness of thought and sobriety of judgment, that we should forsake all oth ers, and cleave only unto him ? And with him accept our old supposed enemies as our true and only friends—as men, wise and not simply shrewd—who love us, not ours? Loud as beats the drum, no re cruits will follow the drummer. One who sees now so "plainly the contrary of what he saw so recently, does not com mend himself to us as a guide to be trusted. There are those who think Mr. Hill aims to build up a third party, composed Jamaica, and South Carolina into Hayti. And this is the ultimate test. Judgo tho two civilizations by their fruits. What fruits so noble as noble men ! In old times, influences like ours dovelopea an Abraham. In our own country, in modern times, the two noblest names of modem history—Washington and Lee— we are asked for fruits. Our mechanical structures are less. Our fruits iu men, and iu all that constitutes human great ness (other thau its mere drapery and outfit) superior. Mr. Hill asks for our Websters? We present him (suddenly estranged and forgetful) with Calhoun and Clay, and with the leading intellects which have controlled tho country—two for one—from a section whoso popula tion is as one to two. Our Storey ? The Constitution established by our states men, this compiler could not compre hend. Marshall expounded it. Mr. Hill’s mind seems much occupied with dress—clothes, hats and the like. This all appropriate—his love of the out side. A Northern correspondent says he met at the Virginia Springs “the worst dressed, but best mannered men in America.” Let Mi*. Hill judgo not by the outward appearance. Look not only on the houses, but on the inhabitants. Not on the raiment, but the men who wear it. Often a professional gamester is the best dressed man in a company ; and so the finest type of a gentleman after the stylo of the new civilization. Wo will none of him. But the most sacrilegious of Mr. Hill’s assaults was the women of the South.— They are too far beyond the reach of his calumfiy to ne^d a defense. And if they needed it, they would find a defender in every true-hearted man. If ever there was, in any country, a peculiar develop ment of all that is admirable and lovely in womanhood, it was here. If purity, modesty, tenderness, sympathy, were ever combined with practical traits, with piety, charity, industry, attention to the sick and the poor, thoughtfulness for the wants of many, it was in our Southern women. When he brought out his comparison, to their detriment, with “black Dinah,” why did not his tongue cleave to the roof of his mouth ? But we must have done with these out rages on our judgment and our feelings. With some comments on Mr. Hill’s letter we will close: The letter is very characteristic—brim ful of false imqrressions. What an uufor- tunatc man he is, forever begging for de lay. This master of the art of expression, how happens it that he makes such erro neous impressions on the public mind by his actions, letters and speeches ? He keeps himself ever suspended be fore a puzzled world, buzzing about its pathway. Each speech or letter is but a pretext for another. Explanation must follow explanation; apology, apology un til [the public judgment is a-weary.— Why does not Mr. Hill think more iu proportion to the amount of talking ho does ? He would relieve himself and the public by following the example of Mr. Webster, who took no steps backward, simply because he looked before taking steps forward. The sugar-coated bait he presented to the public seemed to nauseate it. So he must roll it in sugar again—in a letter— and then publish it in a modified form, purged and diluted, better adjusted to the stoma<?h pf the people. "What a delicate Sense of the proprie ties he has. He who had just been guilty of the outrages we have been detailing on the known sentiments and convictions of his audience—this man sees great in delicacy in criticism on his sentiments, unless the public would wait some weeks to digest his poison without taking au antidote. How knows the public it is to be published? If the criticisms were by persons present at the speech, they heard for themselves. One commentator in his letter remarks, “If he cannot say one thing to-day, and publish an entirely dif ferent thing to-morrow, he is not the man we take him to be. If he cannot pub lish a speech which will contradict the synopsis already given, and the very sense aims io ^ of hearing of his audience, he is wanting of negroes, supp . " , ,■ in the very talent for which we give him foundation by a sufficient number of old cr f>#t This is Unt line Whigs, Americans, railroad men, | x ,— ~, — It was not our weakness, but our want of foresight in making the best use oi ike resources we actually possessed. And so, on tbe whole, what Carlisle would call Mr. Hill’s “little compact the ory” on the subject, is wide of the mark. office-holders, &c., See., to ry^tloi the State. Does ]i£ so read the old Whig and American parties? Does he fancy them to be mere riff-raff, subject to his bidding? Many of them rank among the noblest patriots of the land. What it is, is uncertain, bat nobody doubts he is after something. His logic leads him to the Republicans. What need of a third party does his speech re veal? There is a suitable one already ex tant and in power, and so be does best to make up to Mr. Grant. Uneasy in his present quarters, he is on a courting expedition. He keeps wooing and coo ing around iu all directions. Even “black Dinah” is not omitted as he congees around seeing that his fair friend of the African persuasion may have beaux or husbands, blessed (under the blessed new regime) with votes. The gay Lotha rio is growing impatient and cannot wait. He cannot keep down much longer, or, to change the figure, Mr. Hill’s anxiety to serve the public is growing oppressive, and be makes open proclamation : “Be hold, it is the eleventh hour, and no man hath hired me.” The new civilization ! Have we not tally taken a grand start in it ? Witness the administration of the Government, Federal and State, and compare them with the past, from Washington and Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, descend to Abraham, the railsplitter, and for lower, to Grant, the tanuer and jockey. By a close day of thought, descend if you can. The deeient required a decade of action. The rangeiswide, and thought grows weary. Remember in Georgia the days of Nisbet, Bartow and the Cobbs, now buried. -Of Her3chel Y. Johnson and Jenkins in the Executive chair. Remember the convention of 1861 with the Stephens and Toombs, the Cobbs, Nisbet, Johnson, aud the host of great men from one little State, who would have been illustrious in any coun try in any age. Come then to the mon grel body, white, black and mulatto (a few names get in as it were by chauce,) who formed onr last Consution of 1868, and join Mr. Hill, if you can, in shouting pceans to the new civilization ! We must be excused. Take any point of the management of the past and c impure it with the pre-cut. Take finance. Take I of c judicial dignity aud honor. Take the|n> s ' tone of the people and the Government. | s “ n With one accord, as when old time is pom compared with new and ernde, we con-1 ty n sent. “The old is better.” His pathway | —C piainness of speech is sometimes neces sary. After his bare-faced trifling with the long-suffering of the public, how del icately sensitive he is to what is due to himself.” But whence the false impressions and versions of his speech, of which he so much complains? Scattered far and wide by whom ? By the very alumni of whose unanimity in appreciation of it Mr. Hill informs us. That little conventional humbug called “the unanimous voice of the Alumni” was a feeble “aye” from a few voices. To vote “no” was in the hearts of majiy, but they were more con siderate of Mi*. Hill’s feelings than he had been of theirs. That is the sort of information one always gets from Mr. Hill. How foreign the impression from the facts. Again, it was a “literary ad dress,” “does not allude to politics”—a bottle of corrosive sublimate, labeled rose water'—a Radical talk, labeled “a literary address”—the huge black cat of Abolition in a tub, softly Libeled “noth ing but meal,” “be not afraid.” How marvelously the gentleman over rates his importance and status. Mr. Hill has over-drawn on the confidence of the public, and is now bankrupt ia that arti cle. If he lmd understood it aright, the election in December was notice to that effect—confidence out. Mr. Hill has succeeded in acquiring the reputation of a sort of political bigamist, playing at fast and loose with his con sorts. There is no foundation ia liis po litical history for the confidence of the country. It has established for him no character for wisdom, stability or sin cerity. We have scarcely touched the record that convicts him of the contrary. His first proceeding is to Lay the ax to to the root of that reverence for ail that is noble and good, which alone can bear wholsesome fruit. All Lis protestations of purity of purpose and self-sacrific ing devotion io the interests of the coun try make no impression. In the pub lic estimate he is classed with t ie men so well described by Judge Longs! reet, who are endowed with the dangerous and fa tal gift of “an oily tongue sincerity of heart. It has been no pie. son Iced. ways. ii.. food m tn a si t current o cor ir country, son inese cr unrestrained by task to review l it :: the duty n- to endeavor motion, and re- iv b“set without j, good government and houes- pjaees. S esiixeTi. e aud Scn ii , Augusta, ua., of progress would elevate Georgia into a Aug. 24. 1871.