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2. THE ATLANTA WEEKLY SI] THE DAILY SUN. Fbtda^ Mouking Septembkb 8. Tl»e New York World and Atlan ta Sun Again. "Wo publish to-day, in full, Mr. Man- ton Marble’s reply to our article of the 29 th ultimo. From this it seems he declines further controversy on his own chosen ground of personal warfare. Having previously abandoned the “argumentum ad causam,” he now, in like manner, abandons the “argumentum ad hominem," to which he, himself, and not ice, had descended. “He must excuse us,” says he, (allud ing to the Political Editor of The Sun,) “from meeting him in the arena of black guardism and personal abuse, to which he has descended.” If we descended from the high posi tron of discussing public questions upon their merits, to the arena of inquiring into “personal antecedents,” who led the way in that descent which has*become so disagreeable to him ? How did we get there except in pursuit, and in the dis charge of a high duty to the Public ? If there is anything in the nature of “blackguardism” in our article, which was only meeting him on his own chosen ground, why has he not reproduced it, and exhibited to his readers proof of dbr personal depravity, at least, even if he could not venture to .permit them to judge for themselves of the force of our logic or the merits of our argument ? Our article, it appears, was most grie vously long, in the estimation of Mr. Marble—but what “indecent” word, or expression, or anything savoring of “blackguardism,” is to be found in it from beginning'to end ? What was the “filth” in it, which he says we “raked from that sewer of scurrility, the old files of Brick Pomeroy’s defunct Daily Demo crat" “to fling at” him ? Did we use anything taken from Brick Pomeroy’s paper? What we quoted was taken from and credited to the Hew York Day Boole, published at his door on the day of his first personal attack upon us, in his vaunting arraignment of our Democratic “antecedents.” And what was the “filth” so “raked” and “flung” at him? Was it anything but the simple facts, substantially stated, that Mr. Manton Marble, in his “antecedents,” had formerly conducted the World newspa per as a Kadical sheet, and continued so to conduct it ns long as his finances en abled him to do so, and that he himself had acknowledged, when he was com pelled to sell out to the Democrats, it was the most “mortifying event” of his life? This may be a very “filthy” matter in the opinion of Mr. Marble, as well as others; but if the statement be true, where is.the “filth," or “blackguardism,” or “indecency” in the public announcement of the fads? The “filth” is in the trans action, and in the confession, not in the publication. We stated that we had waited to see if he had anything to say against the truth of the allegations of the Day Booh, be fore we should rely upon and treat it as such. The only reply he has now to make to this allegation, touching his “an tecedents,” is that the facts stated are too “filthy” for decent ears! This is our un derstanding of his present position. We do not wish to do Mr. Marble or any other man any injustice, but we say to him if there is anything of an undean or soiling nature in this matter, it neither originated with nor sticks to us in' any way whatever. We did not so much as put our “naked hand” upon it; we only touched it with the tip of our pen. It, moreover, certainly comes with ill grace from one in Mr. Marble’s situation, in this case, to repeat his charge of “ego tism” against us, for the pride with which we proposed to enter the discussion of personal “antecedents” with him, and the confidence with which we challenged the production of proof that we have ever given a vote inconsistent with the principles of the Democratic Party as or ganized in 1S00; and the spirit with which we called upon him to adduce proof that he had ever in his life given single vote in support of these principles, or ever bore any other relation to the Democratic Party of the United States than that which was bought with a price— the very mention of the origin of which note seems to be considered by him so un- vumnerly, though by his silence he admits all to be true! With equal bad grace does it come from him, in his retreating steps, to give out that we were in a “ rage" in putting very plain but important questions to him, or in exposing to the Public the real Badical character of one who is endeavor- ing to pass himself off as a true exponent of “Democratic Public Sentiment.” However profound our indignation may have been at the guile directing such conduct, there certainly was no indica tion of “rage” manifested in the quiet and easy mode adopted for unmasking the imposture. This was nothing but the propounding to .Mr. Marble of the very plain questions he regarded as a “trifle” too “impertinent” for him to answer. This simple as well as most dispassion ate test could not be borne; but at its touch, “ Up he start*, Discovered and surprised, ” Hence his own present irate bearing swollen and fuming—like that of his great archetype, when made to show his real character, while engaged in a like occupation of deception, “ plotting” that mischief and ruin from which all human woes have sprung! Hence, also, his last Partliean dart hurl ed at us as he sullenly retires from his selected field of controversy, (about per- He weapon tal as a sonal “antecedents” and “fidelity” to Democratic principles,) in which he has lost so mneb. may have thought that this so hurled, would prove as fa- ’poisoned dagger thrust into the bowels” of his adversary, and thus stop all further pursuit or encounter. But he need not lay any such “ flattering unc tion to his soul.” His garbled extract from the “corner stone speech” is hut the broken fragmeut of a shaft which has often been hurled with equal violence and malevolence before; and it now falls at our feet as harmless as on any previous occasion. The unblushing face with which he now uses it as he does, has no fitting object of comparison, except the same unblushing face with which he holds him self forth as a true exponent of the princi ples and sentiments of the Democratic party. The object is to make the impres sion upon the minds of Southern Demo crats that he, Manton Starble, editor as he was of the New York World, when it was avowedly a Badical sheet, is a wiser and safer counsellor for their inter ests than we are, who committed so fatal a blunder as to announce to the world that the true cause of the withdrawal of the Southern States from the Federal Union in 1861, was not the “apothegm” that “Cotton is King,” or anything else of that sort, but that it was the open and palpable breach of faith jm the part of certain of their Northern confederates on that clause of the Constitution of the United States which had been declared from the bench, by Judge Baldwin of the Supreme Court, to be the “corner stone” of the whole structure. The leading idea of the speech on this point was, that however prevalent the public sentiment might have been against negro slayery or subordina tion as it existed in the Soath at the time the compact of 1787 was entered in to, yet the Constitution then adopted was formed upon this basis; and that there was no change in this particular in our new Constitution from the old. Some matters, on which doubtful constructions had arisen, had been definitely settled— that was all. The Constitution of the Confederate States and the Constitution of the United States, upon the subject of negro slavery, were shown in the speech to be essentially the same. Garbled portions of this speech, it is ■true, were sent to England by many of Mr. Marble’s political associates at the time—-perhaps some of them through the columns of the Tforld, then an open and avowed Badical sheet—‘for the purpose of misrepresentation and deception, as gar bled portions arc now given by him for a like purpose, though from a seemingly different standpoint on-his part. The whole speech, however, imperfectly repor ted as it was, (and as the reporter himself said in a note to his report, which Mr. Marble well knows) we are strongly in* clined to suspect, he never gave, and never will give, either to his English or Amer ican readers. But the assertion that this speech “se cured” to Alexander H. Stephens “his triumphant and unanimous election to the second office in the Confederate Gov ernment” is as reckless in regard to fact and truth as the assertion, further on in the same article, that it was chiefly owing to it that France and England did not recognize the Independence of the Con federate States; and that it was the “mal- adroitnesa” of this speech “which stran gled the Confederacy in its cradle !” Now, the speech -was not made until some time after the election, and, there fore, could not have secured, it; and nothing is clearer from' the speech, taken all together, than that our new Government was founded upon the same “ corner stone” as the old. Then, as France and England had both recognized the United States, with this “corner stone” in the compact of their Union, how preposterously absurd is it to affirm that they would have recognized the independence of the Confederate States but for the “maladroitness” of this speech, which showed them that the peo pie of the Southern States were not a band of “conspirators,” as Mr. Marble and his associates were representing them to be, and that even upon the sub ject of negro slavery the Constitutions of both Governments rested upon the same “comer stone?” Equally subtle, crafty and flimsy is the “spider web” argument spun” by Mr. Marble, in all that he has said about our isolation from the tion) to the great delight of Gov. Bullock. It was a feather in his cap, an indirect approval of his judgment iu selecting the Joseph ML The investigation now going oh at At lanta relative to robberies committed against the State Boad ere tes considera- who were justly entitled, and who are how permitted,) were against these iniquitous measures by . which j Banking House of Henry Clews &. the 14th and 15th amendments claimed to have been incorporated to the Constitution of the United States. We do know that the “drift of public opinion”-against these monstrous out rages has grown stronger since then in every State in the Union where it has not been checked by the “New Depart ure” counsels of Mr. Marble and his as sociates. Wedo know', from the best of evidence, founded upon popular elec tions, that there was nothing necessary to carry the Democratic party triumph antly through the next Presidential con test under their old banner—without any change of principle or any lowering of the flag, by simply yielding to this drift and increasing current of public opinion, and popular condemnation of the meas ures of those who are aiming at the over throw of our free institutions, and the es-' tablishment in their stead of a- central ized empire. It is, moreover, our most thorough belief that the whole of this New Departure” movement, started by Mr. Marble, as editor of the New York World, in 1868, is nothing but a crafty device of the enemies of the Democratic party in disguise to check and obstruct this “drift” and portentously swelling current of public indignation- against usurpation, fraud, and perfidy.” We know much more of Public Opinion in this country, on this subject, than, he is willing for his readers to know. We know much more also of the private averments of some of Mr. Marble’s asso ciates, with their irreverent oaths as to their determined purpose in this matter, than perhaps he is aware. ■[ One other remark as to the teachings of Mr. Marble upon the due observance of “the drift of public opinion,” and we will have done with him for the pres ent. .. /i While it is true that the “drift of pub lic opinion” in this country, on the part of the masses, is all in the right direction at this time, so far as concerns the usur pations of the Federal Government with its corruptions, yet we uttel-Iy protest against the doctrine that the “greatest conceivable mistake” in politics, or any thing else, is in not always finding out and following the “drift of public opinion.” The greatest conceivable mistake in patriotism and statesmcaiship, in our judg ment, is in not understanding, or in “Departing” from, the essential princi ples of Publip Liberty, and giving coun tenance—much less sanction—to any acts of usurpation! Mr. Marble’s teachings on this subject are of the same character with those of the arch-tempter of mankind, when he subtly instilled into the ear of Eve the fa tal idea that she might in safety “Depart from the injunction given her by the Most High, when he said to her, if she should eat of the forbidden fruit, “Ye shall not surely die.” The first step in Departing” from principle, integrity and truth is often the fatal one, whatever may be the “drift of public opinion” on the subject. A. H. S. WASHINGTON. Special Correspondence of tlxe Atlanta Daily Sun; A Bis; Banker Faming over other Peo ple’s Matters—A Vcutler of Fraudulent Boiicls—YVliy Bullock -\yants 'to Sell State Bontis—'Why they arc -Hard to Sell—Bullock’s Pardon of Angier--Tcl- egraphic Puffing—The - State Hoad In vestigations Viewed at Washington— Dining and Wining with State Hoad Stealings—Blodgett in a White House Scene—Ruins His Prospects hy .His Slanders—One of Bullock’s Old Letters —A few Plain Questions put to His C. O. D. Excellency—His Late $8,000 Let ter at the People’s 'Expense—Direct and Damaging Charges Against Him— Startling Radical Plot Against Grant. Washington, j). C., Sept. 3,1871. Mr. Heury Clewc, of New York, the famous Dunking agent of Messrs. Bul lock & Kimball, was in this city Thurs day last, very much exci£ ecl over t]ie va _ nous rumors of Kimball, failure and Bullock’s sale of fraudulent Gv^^gja gtate bonds. Clew's’ visit to WasMu- ctoil wag evidently for the purpose of prevvj^ing the further circulation of reports conce, Q . ing Kimball’s failure and Bullock’s nt terance of forged bonds. It seems rather singular that a nvui of Henry Clews, reported financial foresight should consent to act as a vender of fraudulent bonds. It is stated that ety to have his negotiated is for ble interest here. There are not a few people here who have at one time or an other, no doubt, been dined and wined out of the stealings from the State Boad. As far back as the winter of 1868, Bul lock used to come here, during the ses sion of Congress, and spend thousands of dollars, which must have been State Boad funds, (at that time the State Boad was about his only source of plunder) in entertaining Badical Senators and liep- resentatives, in efforts to have the infa mous Militia bill passed and the State of Georgia consigned to a condition worse than military despotism. If there was no other sin to lay at Bullock’s door, this single one should be sufficient to damn him in the estimation of every Georgian who love3 his State and would see her freed from the miserable crew whose only aim is plunder! Blodgett, too, was here, hand in hand with Bullock in the furtherance of these mischievous schemes against themen, wo men and children of Georgia. But Fos ter seems in a fairway of being punished for his acts, while the arch fiend will- perr haps escape. r I wonder of Blodgett remembers , a visit he paid to the White House on the evening of March 11th, 1869, accompa nied by Cliff, Hopkins and Prentiss ? How Gen. Dent. regarded, the quartette with suspicion, believing them to be Ku- Klux, etc. I was present and remember very well the object of the visit. The speech of Blodgett to the President,, in which the people of Georgia were grossly slandered, and painted in such dark col ors that even Grant became disgusted and abruptly terminated the interview. I have since concluded that the dislike which Grant conceived forBlodgett at that interview influenced his (Grant’s) action towards the ambitious would be Senator last winter while he was trying to gain admission to Congress as a Sena tor elect from Georgia. The Washington Chronicle of March 8th, 1869, contained a long letter from Bullock in reply to a communication addressed by tlie"Hon. Nelson Tift to the Beconstraction Committee, Bullock de nied that he ever used his influence with the Beconstraction Committee for the purpose of having the State Government destroyed and a Military or Provisional Government established in its stead. No one ever charged Bullock with giving any direct testimony or openly advocating the destruction of the State government. On the contrary, every one who has ever read his (Bullock’s) testimony before the Beconstruction Committee, will easily remember that the crafty financier, when asked by the chairman ©f the committee if he (Bullock) had any thing to suggest as to what should be done with reference to Georgia "by the United States Govern ment, recommended that the laws should be executed literally, and to admit to the Legislature only those who could take the oath requred by law. But will his C. O. D. Excellency deny that he employed Blodgett, Baylor and several retired col ored legislators of Georgia to come here and work up the very case which he then so positively denied any knowledge of and which he so strong ly repudiated in his recent eight thou sand dollar letter written in reply to Senator Scott’s circular and pub lished at the expense of the tax payers of Georgia ? Will he deny that he procured letters to be written in this city purport ing to come from Georgia, setting forth the deep distress of the “ truly loil” of all colors ■ in Georgia, and telling how they were persecuted and murdered by the desperate “Ku-Klux.?” Will he deny that it was through liis influence that false representations of the“Ogeechee Troubles” were daily placed before the Beconstraction Committee ? I have no doubt but what he will deny it, but never theless it is true and can be proved. Bullock not only spent the earnings of the State Boad, and other Stale funds, in procuring testimony for the purpose of destroying the State Government, but lie paid the expenses of a clique at Washing ton whose sole duty was to “ eat, drink and -be merry. ” Besides all this lie em ployed the assistance of several females to assist him in manipulating votes of certain Senators. This fact can also be proved by competent witnesses. The secret meeting of prominent Be- publicans at Auburn,. New Nork, several days since has caused quite a flutter in political circles, especially among the im mediate friends of General Grant. It is understood that the purpose of this secret meeting was to select a suitable candidate to oppose Grant in 1872, and that Ex- Secretary Seward is to be the nominee of this new faction of theBepublican party, provided they cannot carry their point at the regular convention. Gratz Brown, of Mtssouri, will probably be selected as their candidate for Vice-President. Angus. whose mind has loug been trained to a dexterous handling of the weapons of of argument, makes a pitiable figure when he is impelled “against nature and his stars” to begin a' late apprenticeship in flinging mud with his naked hands. Without taking any further notice of Mr. Stephens’ unbecoming loss of tem per and decency under a little good-na tured ridicule, we will avail ourselves of this occasion to state some reasons why the Southern people ought not to regard the ex-Yice President as a safe and dis creet politician. As he challenges atten tion to his antecedents, he cannot reason ably complain that we refer to them. He acted a conspicuous part in a memorable crisis, and the most perverse ingenuity could not have turned liis rare acuteness and eloquence (then in undecayed ripe ness) to a more mischievous use to the cause he meant to support. His mistake then, in the fullness of his faculties, like his mistake now, in their wane, consisted in his inability to appreciate any other public opinion than that of his imme diate neighborhood. He is by nature too much of an egotist to enter easily in to the views of others; but if it had been liis fortune to spend his earlier and more impressible years in a greafreenter of intel- gence, like London or New York, instead of a small rural town, his native alertness might have enabled him to read with more or less facility what has always been to him a sealed book, namely, the drift of, public opinion outside of his own con fined circle. His stupendous blunders as a politician have resulted from this in ability. ■ bx. ... When, soon after his powerful speech against secession before the Georgia Leg islature, Mr. Stephens espoused the cause of the secessionists, he furnished what is perhaps the most glaring example in all history of the irreparable kamage which may be done to a cause by an able but maladroit advocate. We (refer, of course, to bis famous corner-stone speech. From his point of view, and within his own narrow horizon, no speech could have been more apt and dexterous. Nothing else could have so recommended the new convert to the older advocates of seces sion, or have so much disposed them to forget or condone his previous vehement opposition. It secured his triumphant ana unanimous election to the second office in the Confederate government, though he sunk into insignificance soon after his inauguration. But that cele brated speech, though it brought a tem porary advantage to him, did more than any other one .thing to blight and ruin the Confederacy. It was industriously circulated in England by the agents of the Federal government, and operated as a fatal bar to any European recogni tion of the new nation. That speech was the most egregious political blunder ever perpetrated by a man of talents. The chief hope of the Confederacy rested upon the Southern apothegm, “Cotton is King.” Mr. Stephens dethroned that king and destroyed the hopes of the Confederacy by his astounding inability to understand any other public opinion than that of his own locality. The English government and the Eng lish aristocracy looked with great favor and partiality on the secession cause, and they would have been supported by the distressed laboring classes who suffered so severely from the cotton famine if Mr. Stephens had not put into the hands of the Federal government a weapon of re sistless force. The English laboring class es had been educated for two generations into a profound horror and detestation of negro slavery; and when the second offi cer of the new Confederacy proclaimed that negro slavery was its chief comer stone, those starving laborers would have rebelled en masse against the British gov ernment if it had ventured to reorganize the new nation. The French Emperor was perpetually instigating the English government to join with him in recogniz ing Southern independence; but they durst not brave the fury of the English middle and laboring classes whose intense detestation of human slavery was strong er than the gnawings of hunger and pity for their ragged, pining children. A re cognition by France and England would have secured the independence of the South, and it is chiefly owing to Alexan der H. Stephens that this recognition was not given. His amazing blindness and want of judgment were fortunate for the Union; but they show how little this statesman can be trusted to pilot a cause he means to serve.. With his hand at the helm, the ship is sure to be wrecked upon the worst rock-in the channel. To illus trate his un approach able maladroitness, we insert the following passage from his corner stone speech, which strangled the Confederacy in its cradle: But, not to be tedious in enumerating tlie numer ous changes for the better, allow me to allude to one other—though last, not least: the new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions re lating to our peculiar institution—African slavery as it exists among ns—the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and the present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the “rock on which the old Union would split.” Ho was right. What was conjecture with him is now a realized fact. But whether he comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands may be doubted. The jirevailing ideas eutertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old Constitution were, that the en slavement OF THE AFBICAN WAS IN VIOLATION OF great centres “of intelligence like Lon don or New York,” and our want of due appreciation of the “drift of public opin ion” in other localities than our own. It is true we do not live in a city, and cannot, therefore, belong to that class of men referred to by Dr. Johnson, whose minds “dwell in an alley.” But “egotis tical” as Mr. Marble may pronounce it to be, we do claim to know something of “the drift of public opinion” in this country, on the subject of Congressional usurpations, and the “drift” of it, in all the States and sections of the Union. Our knowledge is not founded entirely npon newspaper utterances, or other like sources of information, bnt upon public records and indisputable facts. From them we know that a majority of the voters of the United States in 1868 (if all had been -** ’ ■ permitted to vote Bullock’s . anxi- bonds speedlily file purpose of raising funds to buy up the'Georgia Legislature and prevent impeachment! Can the Legislature be bought? Wili the people submit to :he barter and sale of their public servans? If so, thev de serve to be controlledind plundered by such men as BulloclgBlodgett and the big speculators and pculators of Atlanta and elsewhere, who an believed to be in terested in all their fauds, not to men tion the financial suefers of Wall street who get a large proprtion of their (the people s) hard earning. Clews remarked t<B friend in this city that he has recent* had considerable trouble in effecting ;he sale of Georgia bonds, for tlio rc&soitli&i Treasurer An- gier is not friendly t Governor Bullock. He also says that Bilock showed him a pardon where he (mock) had pardoned Angier for malfeatnce in office! This is a specimen of Boock’s tricks to throw discredit upon thahonest men of your State. The fulsome pd of' Henry Clews & Consent from herfoy telegraph, on the night of Sept. lst,| an evidence of how Clews succeeded ifcoft-soaping some peo- Of coarse at the Georgia papers published the puff(that is, all those who who‘are membeiif the Press Assoeia- ■From the New York World of the 2d Sept. A. H. as a Political Counsellor and Prophet. The AtlantaxItjn of August 29 devotes file and a half co1wq US D f editorial page to the World, ana -perhaps A. H. S. might not think us quite civil if we failed to recognize _ his profuse attentions. We have looked in vain through his long ar ticle in the hope of finding something which might deserve a reply; but he must excuse us from meeting him in the arena of blackguardism and personal abuse to which he has descended. He has raked that sewer of scurrility the old files of Brick Pomeroy s defunct daily Democrat for filth to fling &t us, and says he has wait- ed more than two weeks to see whether we would contradict some of this ribaldry which was reproduced in the Day Book before replying to our last articles com menting on his services to the Democratic party. - We respect ourselves and respect Mr. Stephens too much to wallow with him in this slough, and are sincerely sorry that our light banter borrowed from Don Quixote should have thrown a statesman of his years and pretensions into this un seemly rage. He has given a signal veri fication of Swift’s remark that anger though it strengthens the sinews of the body, weakens those of the mind. We doubt whether, even in his coolest and most self-possessed moods, the cast of Mr Stephens’ talents fit him for rivaling ~. nc ^.^ >omero N in that considerate and dignified gentleman’s peculiar line; but certain it is that an enraged old man, the laws or SATCEE; that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil tliey knew not well how to deal with; but tbe general opinion of the men of that day was, that somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and p»ss away. This idea, though not incorporated in the Constitution, was Uie prevailing idea at the time. Tho Constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last; and hcnco no argu ment can he justly used against tho Constitutional guarantees thus secured, becauso of tho common sentiment of tho day. Those ideas, however, were vcndamkntally WHOSO. They rested upon the as- sumption of the equality of races. This was an error. 4 was a sandy foundation; and tho idea of a i-ov- ernment built upon it—when the storm came and the wind blew, it fell. Our new government is founded upon enactlu the op. ideas; its foundations are laid, its corner- Bra *8*Ttsti upon the great truth U,at the negro is not equei to the while man. that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and normal . (Applause) This, our new government, li ‘. * ut °ry °f Me world based upon this treat phytical, philosophical, and moral truth. This h i^„ fce ?, n *' ow in th8 Process of its dovelop- other truths in the various depart- »fni° flCieice ' It is so, oven amongst us. Many p,rhap . 8 0411 r c co ttcct well that this T 0 * nl °* Kei)e rally admitted even within their the past generation still clung North i 0 l»te »B twenty years ago. Those at the , V U ol‘L^ to these errors with a zeal abtyyc knowledge, we Justly denominate fanatics. In a subsequent passage of that aston ishing speech Mr. Stephens said, still speaking of slavery: “This stone, which was rejected by the first builders, is be come the chif stone gf the comer in our new edifice. (Applause.]” Nothing could nave been more opportune than this in sane speech for counteracting the machi nations of the secession agents in Europe. It was a poisoned dagger thrust into the bowels of the Confederacy. Mr. Stephens is committing the same T °f a blunder as a Democratic editor that lie perpetrated as a secession orator. It will prove less mischievous to the cause he professes to serve only because he has no such standing and authority in the Democratic party as he possessed in the Confederate government. This blunder like the other, is a consequence of his utter inability to estimate the moral anil social forces that control public opinion outside of bis own narrow circle. The capacity to detect the tendencies and talft the true measure of public sentimentin all quarters which can affect the success of his policy, is tbe first and most in dispensable qualification of a statesman • and among all the public men of our time none has shown himself so signally defi cient in this qualification as" the late Vice-President of the South ern Confederacy. If liis past blun ders had not destroyed his political standing and undermined all confidence in the soundness of Ms judgment, the Bepublicaus might circulate nis editorials iu the North with as much effect as at tended the circulation of his corner stone speech in Europe. His editorials if lie were a recognized political leader would be as fatal to the success of the Democratic party as the' corner-stone speech was to the recognition of South ern independence. Dr. Johnson once said of somebody, “Sir, his mind dwells in an alley. ” Mr. Stephens’s mind dwells iu the rural bachelor residence which he calls Liberty Hall, and breathes a stifled atmosphere which the free winds of heaven do not disturb and purify. It is a great pity that so; acute and ingenious a mind, hasjnot had the advantage of a larger intercourse with the world. But perhaps it is not in nature that the spi der who spins his web out of his own bowels, should emulate the excursive bee that gathers wax and sweetness from every flower that blooms in the meadows. An intense, self-absorbed egotism is not favorable to a wide acquaintance with the ways and thoughts of men. But to mis conceive the drift of opinion is the most fatal of all mistakes in politics. Mr. Stephens’s prophesies of the success of his hide-hound policy are on a par with his former glowing predictions of the disintegration of the old Union and the assimilation of the States to the new Confederacy of which slavery was to he the corner-stone. Judged by the way liis sanguine predictions have been fulfilled, the prophet deserves as little confidence as the politician. A Southern correspondent has lately taken us to task for 'bestowing so much space and notice on Mr. Stephens, think ing that we give to his opinions an im portance which nobody concedes to them in the South. Very likely our Southern correspondent may be right; but as the editorials signed A. H. S. are favorite electioneering documents with the North ern Badicals, it has seemed to us right to accompany the bane with au antidote.— The Southern people have indeed too much reason to know how fatal is this man’s advocacy of any cause. A Vacancy in the Office of Gov ernor. In days gone by, the Governors of Georgia were careful not to go outside of the State during their terms of office. The idea was that it vitiated the title to the office. Whether this be correct in point of fact or not, we do not know, but it shows the manner in which Bullock’s present absence would have been viewed by men ivho lived in a better day than the evil times on wHeh we have fallen. Bullock has been gone some two months or more. He has been pretending to is sue orders by telegraph during his ab sence, and it is believed he has made Blodgett Acting-Governor of the State— virtually so. Whether absence from the State or the bare crossing of the State line, even on urgent business, by the Governor, would legally deprive him of his office, wiping out all claim to it, if properly tested, or not, we will not pre tend to say; but we think every lawyer in the State will agree with us in two things: 1st, That the Governor cannot carry with Mm any power, as such, beyond the lim its of the State. 2d, That the Constitu tion and law's never contemplated and would not uphold such long absence as Bullock is practicing, while he is “pirou- tin’ ’round” after pleasure or deviltry, or both. He has been absent from Georgia long enough to vacate his office J and we call attention to the fact. The Constitution of the State has the following provision for such cases : *• In case of the death, resignation, or disability of the_Governor, the President of the Senate shall ex ercise the Executive powers of the Government until such disability bo removed, or a successor is elected and qualified. And in case of the death, resignation or disability of the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of representatives shall exer cise the Executive powers of tho Government nntil the removal of the disability or the election and qualification of a Governor." Now if Judge Conley were here, it would be his duty to take the office of Chief Executive, but he, too, is absent on a long pleasure trip, and therefore la bors under “disability.” There is only one chance left for us to have a Gov ernor, that is to send for Hon. B. L. McWhorter, Speaker of the House, and have Mm inaugurated. From some of Ms partisan conduct as Speaker, and his extreme Badical views, we do not know that he would be any better than Bol lock has been. We might “swap the .devil for a witch,” but as he is a native of the State, having children to live after him, let us hope he would not, for the short time he would occupy the Chair of State, disgrace himself as Bullock has. Let him be sent for and duly inaugurated at once. Let a man be there having some of the forms of law to sustain him— not as Blodgett is now filling the place— without even a shadow of authority. Last night Georgia Lodge No. 132, Good Templars, had a very pleasant meeting. The ladies were out in profus ion, and Mr. J. G. Thrower, as usual, was all smiles and looked like a father among his long lost children. Mr. J. G. Thrower was elected Dele gate to tue Grand Lodge, which meetsi Macon on the 5th prox. Several Alter nates were also elected. Mr. E. S. Bleakley, Grand Marshal, of Augusta, is in town. He has been ® vigilant officer. Dr. E. J. Kircksey, Past Grand Tem plar, of Columbus, was also present. A most agreeable time was spent.