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2. THE ATLANTA WEEKLY SUN. THE DAILY SUN Wednesday Morning November 22 Can It Be True. "We hear it stated that some men, who profess to be Democrats, are opposed to a special election for Governor, and in fa vor of Hon. Benj. Conley retaining the Executive office till the end of Bollock’s term; that be has been advised by such | ziedinto the belief that the present mode men to veto the election bill and hold on of letting out the work is the best and tohis place, and that some have even m °st economical; or that the immense . , , profits arising therefrom are legitimately asked him for favors m the way of be- property ° f 1)ar tizan sportsmen. The stowing offico on themselves or their unblushing swindle has been long enough Tl»e Public Printing. Editors Sun: Your remarks touching the duties of the Legislature in reference to the Public Printing are eminently proper, and your independent course does yon-honor. It is to be hoped that the Democratic members of the Legislature, being sol emnly pledged to retrenchment and re form, will not suffer, themselves bamboo- friends. "We trust this report, too, is without foundation; but, if it be true, each men are none other than the same who, a few weeks ago, entered a plea against the im peachment of Bullock lest it might bring down upon us fhu wrath of Gen. Grant and a declaration vi martial law. No fear of martial law ever first prompt ed this unmanly prediction; neither did those who first urged it desire to prevent impeachment simply; but the object was to prevent investigation. This is the fear —the thing so much dreaded, whose spectre haunts the visions by day and the dreams by night of those who were op posed to imneachment, and who are now opposed to an election, and in favor of keeping Conley in office. Men who are now unsuspected will have their deeds revealed, which they are not willing to face, if a thorough and honest investigation is made. These men oppose an election. They desire to smother up the truth. They are afraid of prosecutions, and ostracism which will follow, if the whole truth is known. Can it be that Democratic members of the Legislature are under the influence of men in this category ? Bearing Defeat Gracefully. Our neighbor, the Constitution, thinks we bear defeat ungracefully. We are not yet defeated. We have, from the first, advocated a large reduc tion in the cost of the Public Printing. We shall be defeated in our object if the Legislature refuse to make this reduc tion. We have said that we were willing to undertake to do the State Printing for 25 to 80 per cent, less than it has hereto fore cost the State; and that we were able to do the worn faithfully and promptly, and ready to enter into any sort of bond to this effect. If, in the face of this of fer, the Legislature give the work to the combination represented by Messrs. Hemphill and Burke at a higher rate, we shall know that its members are not de sirous of saving the people’s money, but aim at squandering it uselessly. Is our neighbor bearing retrenchment gracefully ? Are Messrs. Hemphill and Burke willing to do the State Printing for as low a price as they would do the same for an individual ? Are they wil ling to bid for it as they would for a pri vate job of work ? If they are, let them say so. Vetoed.—As we predicted, Acting- Governor Conley vetoed the Election bill. His veto message was sent to the House but not read; its contents, there fore, are not certainly known, but it. is believed he makes use of the same hack neyed arguments put forth by the Era, which our correspondent “S.” and Judge Stephens so completely answered. To-day it will be read, and then the public will see it Fire Near Griffin.—The dwellin house of Mr. George Harvel, five miles West of Griffin, was entirely destroyed on Monday night—the family barely es caping with their lives. The fire origi nated in the store-room, and had got so far under way that it was impossible to save even the clothing of the family. The loss amounts to about $2,500, and comes out of one bf the best and most industrious men; but Harvel’s sort don’t mind small matters, as he went to work Tuesday morning making preparations to build a mansion equal in every respect to the one burnt, We think the House of Representatives acted properly in voting down the prop osition to appoint an outside committee to make investigations for them. The duty devolves upon the members them selves, and they cannot properly cast, it off their shoulders. The eminent gen tlemen named in Mr. Scott’s bill, we hardly think, would accept sueli an ap pointment, though, of course, we do not know. The services of such men can be had to assist any committee that m iv be raised, if neeeded; but the members themselves are responsible. Lawyers.—Atlanta boasts of one hun dred and ten thrifty, enterprising law yers. The source of so much litigation is a mystery to some, though there are seventy-seven licensed bar-rooms in the city ! The communication on the subject of the Public Printing is worthy of the at tention of the Legislature. And iu tbis connection we desire to ask, what thoroughly competent and honest printer was consulted by the Printing Committee, which reported a bill to re duce the compensation five j)er cent ? The State Printing can bo done thirty per cent cheaper than ever before. We know what we say! If members are in favor of squandering the people’s money uselessly, they shall do so with their eyes open—they shall face the music and take the consequences. practiced. There can be no better tame than tbe present for the people’s agents to inaugurate a system l>y which the Printing shall be done at a fair cost to the State and a reasonable profit to the Printer. This can only be accomplished in the way you suggest: by giving tbe work, under proper restrictions, to the lowest responsible bidder, who shall be placed under heavy bonds, with bona fide solvent securities, for tbe timely and proper performance of his contract. The writer has it from the lips of a former State Printer that, prior to the war, he paid out of the profits of the work done, during his official term, the sum of twenty thousand dollars for the influence of a single individual in pro curing liis election ! Another instance may be mentioned, in which, since the war, from five hundred to five thousand dollars each were paid to as many as four parties, residing in different portions of the State, for their influence iu a similar election. And yet the Printer, in each case—the responsible party, who did the work—pocketed a handsome profit also. Let the Democratic members of tbe present Legislature consider this subject patriotically and with a due regard to the interests of their plundered Constituency. >-•-< Con. Weir Boyd.—This gallant soldier, able statesman, and true Democrat, has been in our city for some days. He is true to the principles of the Constitu tion and Republican Liberty, and has the confidence of all Northeast Georgia as but few ever had. Criminal Court.—Yesterday Frank Phillips was convicted of burglary in the night, and sentenced, by JudgeHopkins, to fifteen years in the penitentiary. John Simmons* colored, indicted for larceny after trust, was acquitted. Mayors Court.—His Honor, deter mined not to be outdone in politeness, even by a criminal, seems to have been consulting Lord Chesterfield and Cha teaubriand in search of some authority on etiquette. He saluted his guests iu French: “Bon jour, messieurs ; J’espoir queje trouvevous Men ce matin." “Morn- in’ to you,” said John. “ Guten Abend, mein Herr," sagle Johann. “ Bon jour, monsieur,” echoed Jacques. “The deuce,” said Jonsen. MEIN HERR HEINRICH WERNER had been drinking to such excess as to disturb citizens, for which he handed over a “V,’’with a flourish that defied the munificence of Alexis, the Russian exotic prince. THACKERAY ELYEBTON, was found oscillating like an inverted pendulum. His head discribed in its evolutions, segments of circles of varia ble length. It was too heavy, be said. His brains had been growing; “growing dizzy,” said the policeman who took him into custody. $5 and costs. JOHN ELLISON was an aristocratic, politician looking negro. He indulged in a morning dram; bought liquor on credit, which he secured by bis commanding appearance. His appearance was worth only $1 25, at which time his barkeeper put an embargo on his intemperance. With the air of King Lear, he called the barkeeper a liar, (prefixing an oath.) This transac tion cost him $6 25 and costs. HARD ROBERTS was accustomed, like the prairie buffalo, to make some twilight charge on some passing locomotive, threatening its entire destruction. He made a lengthy vindi cation, but His Honor conld not brook such daring, and wanted $5 as a hostage for his future polite bearing towards peaceable locomotives. So mote it be! The mainspring of opposition to the election of a Governor is a desire to screen the guilty and give the robber clan, who have so long and so basely plundered us, a longer lease of life. Those who have opposed the measure, and are not actuated by such base mo tives,are victimized by the great managers of the mischievous design—doing their bidding, but knowingit not. Tlie Election Bill. The bill which has become a law in spite of Judge Conley’s veto, provides that a special election for Governor shall be held throughout the State on the 3d Tuesday in December next, to fill the un expired term of Rufu3 B. Bullock. It provides that the returns shall be sealed up by tbe managers and directed to the President of the Senate and Speaker of the House of Representatives, “and transmit ted to the person exercising the duties of Governor for the time being, who shall, without opening said returns, cause the same to be laid before the Senate, if the Senate be in session when received, and if received” during the recess, then so soon as the General Assembly convenes. The Senate is required, forthwith, to transmit said returns to the House of Representatives. The two Hous es, also, are required to convene the Representative Chamber, open the returns, count and publish the vote, and declare “the result of said election, as provided by Article 4, Sec tion 1, Paragrapb3, of the Constitution,” and the Governor thus chosen shall be inaugurated the next day thereafter at 12 o’clock, M. We give this synopsis that our readers may fully appreciate the very untenable points made by the Acting Goveruor in his veto message. CONLEY’S VETO MESSAGE ! HE SHOWS HIS CLOVEN FOOT AND HIS LACK OF CAPACITY - . BSL A good deal has been said recent ly about tbe impecuniosity of Napoleon UL To prove how well-grounded all such rumors are, his Ex-Majesty lately sent the Pope a purse of one million of francs. We would discuss the gross errors and pitiful weakness of ActiDg-Govemor Conley’s veto, but it is not worth while. The veto is dead, and so is the author of it—politically. There is only one point in it worthy of notice—where he points out a clerical error in the bill. He, him self, admits it to b6 a. “mistake." There is nothing in his objection. The whole scope and meaning of the language used are too clearly defined to admit of more than one construction. Bat if there be any point in the objec tion, bow easy is it for the Legislature to pass a little bill of three or four lines in length, so as to remedy the defect—de claring that the word two shall be substi tuted in the place of “three.” This is easy, and is a perfect cure for the error. Executive Department, ) Atlanta, Ga., Nov. 21st, 1871. J To the House of Representatives:—I herewith return to your honorable body, in which it originated, the bill entitled “An Act to provide for a special election for Governor, to fill the unexpired term of Rufus B. Bullock, late Governor, and for other purposes,” with my dissent to the same, and the reasons therefor. I have not adopted this course without the gravest consideration. As the ob ject of the bill is to fill the unexpired term of Governor Bullock, which, at the time of his resignation, devolved by the Constitution upon myself, my personal pride would impel me promptly to affix my signature to it,since, to refuse to do so, is to put it in the power of those disposed to judge harshly to attribute my action to interested motives. But, however much I may feel inclined, by giving the bill my assent, to repel such imputations, I must in this, as in all my official actions, be guided by my judg ment, rather than my pride. Indeed, it cannot but occur to every thinking man, that if the Constitution authorizes so unseemly a proceeding as that presented by the bill under consid eration, in which the Executive of the State is called upon to sit in solemn judgment upon tne question of the pro priety or impropriety of terminating his own official existence, the Constitution is, in this respect at least, anomalous. It is a settled rule, both of law and of com mon sense, that no man should he compelled or permitted to sit in judg ment upon his own rights—not only be cause the selfishness of human nature loads one to judge in his own favor, but because a proud man would prefer to sac rifice his own rights rather than subject himself to the suspicions of ungenerous critics. Iu so important a law as that now proposed, the people are entitled to the free judgment of both the Legisla ture and the Executive. Nothing is more carefully guarded against in the Constitution than the hap pening of a contingency in which a pub lic officer shall become personally inter ested in tbe exercise of the duties of his office. If the Governor be impeached, even the President of the Senate is, upon the trial, to vacate his seat, since, if con viction takes place, he becomes clothed with tlie functions of Governor. The Judges of the Supreme Court, if inter ested iu a case before them, are tempora rily displaced by Circuit Judges selected by tbe Governor. If a case arise in which a Judge of tbe Superior Court is interested, the law provides that he shall not preside; and, generally, by the Con stitution and laws, by the rules of legis lative bodies, and by common consent of all publicists, it is, as I have said, a settled rule that no one shall be permit ted, or compelled, to exercise his public functions in a matter directly involving his own interests. Were the duty im posed a mere ministerial one, in which I was called upon simply to do an act, in which I was not bound by my oath of office to exercise my judgment, the case would be different. I have said thus much because I can not but feel that the General Assembly, in tbe passage of this bill, has not fully considered the position in which it places myself; and because I cannot think so strange an anomaly as its presentation to me for my signature was ever contempla ted in the Constitution of the State. The Constitution, Art. 4, Sec. 1, Par. 4, is as follows: “In case of the death, resignation or disability of the Governor, the President of the Senate shall ex ercise the Executive powers of the Government un til such disability be removed, or a successor is elected and qualified; and in case of the death, res ignation or disability of the Presldentof the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall exercise tho Executive powers of the Government, until tho removal of the disability or the elec tion and qualification of a Governor. The General Assembly shall have power to provide 6y law for fin ing unexpired terms by a special election.” Without doubt, it is upon the last sentence of this quotation from the Con stitution, that this bill is founded. The bill is entitled, “An Act to provide for a special election for Governor, to fill the unexpired term of Rufus B. Bullock, late Governor, and for (other purposes.” It provides that an election shall be held on a fixed day, to-wit, the third Tuesday in December, eighteen hundred and sev enty one, for that purpose. In my judgment, the danse of the Constitution referred to, does not author ize or justify such a law. The language is, “The General Assembly shall have power to provide by laio for filling unex pired terms by a special election.” It was contemplated that the General Assembly should provide by a general law, not for filling a particular unexpired term, but for filling unexpired terms gen erally. No man can read this language of the Constitution, without feeling that it is a very strained construction, to say the least of it, to hold that it authorizes a special law for a special case. The lan guage is unsuited to such an idea. The word terms indicates clearly that a general law is meant, passed in view of the general public good, and looking to future vacancies, and not to one that has already occurred. The action now taken can only be called a law by courtesy. It is rather an order than law, as is indi cated by the constant use. of .that term when speaking of it in common conver sation. It does not provide for future events, but for one past event. Upon tbe resignation of Gov. Bullock, I was informed thereof by the Secretary of State, and on the 30th day of October of tbis year, in pursuance of Section 127 of tbe Code of Georgia, I appeared at the Capitol and took the oath of office, and the same was entered upon the min utes of Executive office, as required by the Section of the Code jnst cited. That oath was in these words, as prescribed by tbe Constitution: “I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of Governor of the State of Georgia, and will, to the best of my ability, pre serve, protect and defend the Constitu tion thereof, and of the United States of America.” At the time I took said oath there was no law in this State for filling unexpire '■ Gubernatorial terms by a special election. The Constitution was tbe only law. That conferred the office upon the President of the Senate until the regular election for a Governor in the mode, and at the time therein provided. Is it contemplated for the General As sembly, uuder the clause authorizing it to provide by • law for filling unexpired terms, to order an election by a special act, to fill a term.already filled according to the Constitution? Section 26 of Article 1 of the Consti tution provides that laws shall have a general operation, and no general law affecting private rights shall be varied in any particular ease by special legislation, except with the free consent in writing of all persons to be affected thereby. At the time Governor Bullock resigned and the oath to “execute the office of Governor of the State of Georgia,” was administered to me, it was the general law that the President of the Senate should exercise the duties of Governor until the regular election, and it is not competent for the General Assembly, by a special law, to vary this general law so as to affect a case occurring before tbe en actment; nor is there any significance in this argument in the use of the words “special election” in the clause referred to. The Constitution, in Article 2, Sec tion 11, provides that the election of Governor, members of Congress and of the General Assembly, shall be held at the same time, to-wit: on the Tuesday after the first Monday in November.— The election of a Governor is also pro vided in Article 4, Section 1, Para graph 2, of the Constitution, to be held on the Tuesday after the first Monday, in November quadrennially, at the places for bolding general elections. Any election to fill an unexpired term must necessarily, though provided for by a general law for all such cases, be a “special election,” since it is held at a different time from the “general elec tion,” to-wit: sometime regulated by law for filling unexpired terms. Had the intent been to authorize the General Assembly to provide for filling a particular unexpired term after it had oc curred, it seems to me that the language used would have been very different. The Constitution would have said: “The General Assembly shall have power, by special law, to provide for filling an un expired term by a special election.” A power to provide by law for filling unexpired terms by a special election, necessarily involves a general survey of such cases, and especially does it involve the free exercise of judgment by the Legislature and by the Governor. This free judgment cannot be had in a special law for a special case when the passage of it involves the official existence of the Executive. He can give no free judg ment in the matter, since he is necessa rily interested in the event. No proper provision can be made by law for such a case after the occasion has arisen, because one of the elements of every law—the free judgment; of the Ex ecutive upon its propriety—cannot be obtained; and because its passage in volves the violation of that clause of the Bill of Rights, which prohibits tbe vary ing of a general law by special enact ment, when private rights are thereby to be affected. Another objection to the constitution ality of this bill is drawn from the pro visions of Art. 4, Sec. 1, Par. 2, of the Constitution. This paragraph is in these words: “After the first election, the Governor shall be elected quadrennially by the persons qualified to vote for members of the General Assembly on tbe Tuesday after tbe first Monday in November un til such time be altered by law, which election shall be held at tbe places of holding general elections in the several counties of this State in the same manner as is prescribed for tbe election of mem bers of the General Assembly. The re turns for every election of Governor, af ter the first, shall be sealed up by the managers separately from other returns, and directed to the President of the Sen ate and Speaker of the House of Repre sentatives, and transmitted to His Excel lency, the Governor, or the person exer cising the duties of Governor for the time being, who shall, without opening the said returns, cause the same to be laid before the Senate- on tho day after the two Houses shall have been or ganized; and they shall be transmitted by the Senate to the House of Representa tives. The members of each branch of the General Assembly shall convene in tbe Representative Hall, and the Presi dent of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives shall open and publish the returns in the presence of the General Assembly, and the person having the majority of the whole num ber of votes given shall be declared duly elected Governor of this State; but if no person have such majority, then from tbe two persons having the highest number of votes, who shall be in life, and shall not decline an election at the time ap pointed for the Legislature to elect, the General Assembly shall immediately elect a Governor viva voce; and in all cases of election of a Governor by the General Assembly, a majority of the votes of the members present shall be necessary fora choice. Contested elections shall be de termined by both Houses of the General Assembly in such manner as shall be pre scribed bylaw.” I am aware of the claim that these pro visions do not apply to spepial elections to fill unexpired terms, since it is con tended the power to provide by law for filling such terms includes the mode by which the result of those elections shall be ascertained and disclosed. But noth ing is more clear to my mind than that all parts of the Constitution are to be construed together; that no part thereof is to be ignored. It will hardly be con tended that this power to provide by law for filling unexpired terms is to be con strued as though it stood alon e. May the General Assembly, in tbe exercise of this power, say who shall vote at the election, who should be eligible to the office, who shall open the returns, declare the result, and decide the controversy, if there be no majority, or if the election be con tested ? It seems to me that tbe clause confer ring the power to provide, by law, for filling unexpired terms by “special elec tion” is to be read and understood with this qualification: That the General As sembly in the exercise of the power is to be restrained and contracted by another part of the Constitution applicable to the matter. As the Constitution fixes the qualifications of voters, the eligibili ty of candidates, and the mode of trans mitting and opening the returns and de claring the result; as it provides that the person elected shall have a majority of all the votes cast; and what shall happen if no one receives that majority; and also provides what body shall decide the controversy if there be contested election; as all these things are provided for in detail in the Consti tution, and are by the express words used declared to apply to every election for Governor, it is a very unfair construc tion to say that they apply oply to the regular quadrennial election, and not to the special elections to be provided for by law for filling unexpired terms. The true rule of construction would be, as I think, that every provision in this paragraph not positively inc onsis- tent with the clause authorizing the General Assembly to provide by Jaw for filling unexpired terms, is intended to apply to the case of special elections. There is the same necessity for all these provisions in one case as in the other; and I can see no reason for them in the case of a general election, that does not apply equally to special elections. In this way only can all parts of the Constitution be made to stand. The paragraph I have quoted requires the returns of every election to be trans mitted to the Senate on the next day af ter the organization of the two Houses. The two Houses are organized twice in every four years—once with the incoming regularly elected Governor, and once two years thereafter. A special election may be held, and the returns transmitted to the Senate as provided by the Constitution, on the next day after the two Houses shall have been organized, only if a va cancy shall happen during the first two years of the quadrennial term. Here is a solemn provision of the Constitution What right has any one to say that it is to be ignored, especially in a case in which it can be obeyed to the letter, and the power to provide by law for the fill ing of unexpired terms still exists ? True, the power will be much restrict ed, as it will be confined only to such un expired terms as happen within the first two years of the quadrennial term; but if the Constitution can be obeyed in no other way, the conclusion is irresistible that such was the intention of the framers of that instrument. A brief sketch of the history of this clause for filling unexpired terms will in dicate that this was the probable meaning of those who introduced it. The Gubernatorial term had long been but two years. The mode of making the returns, declaring the result, etc., was a part of the old Constitution, and was in harmony with the term of office pre scribed. It harmonized with the election, and meeting, and organization of the General Assembly. Under previous Constitutions there was no power to pro vide by law for filling unexpired terms by a special election. The term being but two years, it was not thought neces sary to have an election in case of a va cancy. The Constitution of 1868 extended the term to four years, and this clause was added—no change being made in tbe mode of transmitting and opening the returns for the simple reason that it was not intended there should be a special election, unless the vacancy occurred within the first two years of the quad rennial term, so that the returns could be transmitted to the Senate on the next day after the organization of the two Houses elected at the end of the two years from the commencement of the quadrennial term. There was, too, an obvious propriety in having this limitation of the power granted to stand. For whilst there was great reason for having a special election by the people if the vacancy occurred during the first two years, there was but little ^reason for it, if the vacancy oc curred during the last two. Besides, in one case the vacancy could be filled, the returns opened, thejresult declared and and the Governor elect inauguarted at the meeting of the General Assembly at the regular time, whilst, in the other case, a special session of the Legislature, with all its attendant expenses, would be neces sary. This brings me to an objection to the bill, based upon tbe great expense neces sary for its execution. The regular elec tion for a Governor occurs under the Con stitution on the Tuesday after the first Monday in November next, less than a year from the time fixed by this bill for the election. Should the election contemplated by this bill take place, the returns cm hardly be made before the first day of January, 1872, which leaves only about ten months for the Governor to be elected to serve. It does not become me to say that the duties of the office can be as well per formed by the present incumbent, but it cannot escape the reflection of any man, that the expense of the election, and more especially the expense of a special session of the Legislature to receive the returns, declare the result and inaugu rate the new Governor, will be a large item, and ought only to be incurred for some very necessary and pressing exi gency. Sbonld the present session be protracted till that time, it cannot be done at a less expense than one hundred thousand dol lars; and should it adjourn to meet again —say by the second Monday in January —the expenses of mileage and pay of members and officers for the extra ses sion cannot be less than one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, if tbe entire session continue only for a few days, which is not at all probable. To incur so great an expense in the present embarrassed condition of the fi nances of the State for the single pose of changing, for a few SIX' the incumbent of the Executive ChS? might, it is true, under some chcum. stances, be a public necessity, but I mav be pardoned for saying that, in my C j rnent, such a necessity does not now of' In loolang more closely to the bill un der consideration, I perceive that it h based entirely upon the idea I have en deayored to combat. It takes for gran?' ed that the detailed provisions of the Constitution for making, transmitting opening and counting the returns, &£' &c do not apply to special elections and the bill, therefore, purports to nm’ vule for said details, Stag C such proceedmgs shall be had as is urn vided in Article 4, Section lplS 3, of the Constitution, in case of^S lar election for Governor. re ^ u ' I assume that this provision would not have been m the bill, unless the Geneml Assembly was fully satisfied that these provisions of the Constitution did not apply to the caseof a special election; and that without a special adoption or re-en actment of them fora special election there would be no law at all to provide for the ease. I present for your conside ration another objection to the bill pre sented for my signature. 1 By some strange mistake, only noticed by myself since the body of this mes sage was written, aud therefore too late to call atention to it in time for its reme dy, it will lie seen that the reference in the bill is to Ar t. 4, Sec. 1, Par. three of the Constitution. That paragraph pro vides not for making, transmitting and opening the returns and dedaring the result but fixes who shall be. ineligible to the office. If this bill were to be signed by me, the anomalous case would present itself of a law’ to elect a Governor with no provis ion for a tribunal to open the returns, declare the result and announce the same. Should Art. 4. Sec. 1, Par. two of the Constitution, apply to tke case, the law would be, that the returns are to be transmitted to the Senate on the day after the two Houses shall have been organized. This, it is impossible to do, as the two Houses cannot be organized until after the Tuesday after the first Monday in November, 1872, at which time the regu lar quadrennial election for Governor takes place. For these reasons I refuse to sanction tlie bill, and respectfully return it. Benjamin Conley, Governor. »-•-« The Triumph. We rejoice, and the people of the State will breathe freer. The spell and the power of Radicalism is broken. The passage of the Election Bill over Acting Governor Conley’s veto is a signal vic tory—a complete routing of the enemy- horse, foot and dragoons. A SUGGESTION. Tlie Time for Klecting u Governor,Mem. lieis of Congress ami tlie Legislature &e., Shoulii be Clinnged. For fifty years before Radical bayo net rule was forcibly fastened upon us, our general election for Governor and members of Congress and the Legisla ture, was held about the first October; and the Legislature usually met early in November. This arrangement was con-, venient to all classes—the people to at tend the elections, and the Legislature to meet, attend to all necessary legislation and return home by Christmas—seldom remaining in session longer than forty or fifty days. Since the Radicals have changed the time of holding the elec tion, and the meeting of the Legislature, the sessions have been two, three or four months each. We'respectfully suggest that the pres ent is an auspicious time to give us tke same old election day, and restore short annual sessions of the Legislature. The present Constitution fixes the general election on Tuesday after tbe first Monday in November, every second year, and the assembling of the Legisla ture on the second Wednesday in Janu ary; but the Legislature has power to change the time of the election and its own meeting. The first Legislature under'(the neff Constitution met in July, 1868, and re mained in session till October. It met again in January, 1869, and remained in session two or three months; and again in January, 1870, and continued till late in October. The proper time for the meeting of the present Legislature, under the Constitn-1 tion, was the 11th of January last—ten f months ago; but Bullock and Blodgett and Benj. Conley and the Radical Legis-fjp lature, with the intention of putting Blodgett in the United States Senate! and also, of keeping themselves in power; as long as possible, passed an act chang iug the meeting of the Legislature, thei 1 elected, to the present time. This Radi cal crew are in favor of prolongation they cling to office with the tenacity d hungry leeches, and they have never dose I any good for the country, but only eriJ, f and that continually. If the word “annually,” in the Const!’ lntion, designating the meeting of tke . Legislature, be literally construed, we do ( not see how the present Legislature can . meet again, in annual session after it a ^ - jpurus sine die, sooner than the fi rs! Wednesday iu November, 1872—the daj after the terms of all the present mem bers of the House and half of the Sen-ati j will have expired, and after the uexteiec tion will have been held. It seems to us that it would be well t have the General election on the fir 5, Wednesday in October, 1872, and everj. second year thereafter—the Legislate j to meet tho first Wednesday in Nove^ ber every year; and the election for cos- ty officers to take place the first Wedm- day iu January, every two years. Y\ T e respectfully make these sugo^ tions, believing the public good will promoted'by adopting them.