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6.’ T HE ATLANTA W EEKLY 8 tl N THE DAILY SEN Thubsday Mobntng Novembeb 23 np to a sense of their danger. It is the intention of General Grant and his party to convert this country into a despotism and erect a dynasty over it. They do not intend to allow a fair election for The call for a Convention to nominate I p res ;a e nt next year. They intend to in- a candidate for Governor gives hnt , tjmidate the Sontli and carry it for Grant, .Nomination for Governor. short notice, and it is feared it will b 3 very inconvenient for some of the coun ties to send delegates. It is highly important that the con vention shall be full, and that it shall be a fair representation of the Democracy of the State. Several prominent Democrats of the State last evening requested us to ui%e all the counties to send delegates, so that we may have a full representation in the Convention. And in order to be sure of this, it was suggested that, in all cases where it will be inconvenient to send delegates, tho Democrats of the several counties appoint their Democratic Rep resentatives in the Legislature to repre sent them in tho Convention; and that counties having no Democratic represen tatives, and not able to send delegates, appoint the Democratic members of the Legislature from adjoining counties. We think, under the circumstan ces, it would not have been amiss, if the Democratic mem bers of the Legislature had assumed the responsibility and nominated a candidate, and that it would not be inadvisable if they would yet do so, and that speedily, without delay. Under ordinary circum stances, we should favor a Convention of delegates fresh from the people to make this nomination; but as the time is now so short, we would have no hesitation in saying that it should, in this instance, be made by the Democrats of the two Houses of the Legislature in joint con vention. It should, in our opinion, have been done last evening. This is our judgment. If, in this way, the name of some able and true representative of the principles of the party be presented, for the high and responsible office of Gover nor, we have not the slightest doubt it will be heartily acquiesced in by the Democrats of the State. If this step should be taken at once, it would be yrell to have a committee of the members appointed to' forthwith open a correspondence with Demociats iu every county in the State, to have the news circulated as quickly and as exten sively as possible, so that a full vote may be polled in eveiy county. There is not time enough between now and the day of the election, to circulate tho news of a nomination, and secure as full a vote as the party is capable of poll ing—let alone the assembling of county meetings, to'appoint delegates,and the nomination not to be made till the Gth December. Prompt action is neces sary. Eternal vigilance is the price of Liberty. We are of opinion that it would bo well, if this course were adopted by the Democrats in the Legislature without any longer delay. Athens has been exalted to the pris tine glory of her illustrious predecessor, and her Seven Wise Men have returned to her hallowed precincts to proclaim the joyful tiding of her triumph. The bill for the removal of the Court House from Watkinsvilleto Athens, which was passed in the Senate by a vote of 28 to 11, passed the House, unanimously, yester day. The parties interested agreed upon a compromise, providing that the advo cates of the removal should use their influence to obtain a charter for a new county of which Watkinsville is to be the county site. We rejoice in this amicable adjustment of a question which threatened to estrange the citizens of this veteran old county. Wicked Threats—The New Rad ical .Rebellion. The Era of yesterday calls the passage of the Election Bill a \“second revolu tionary measure,” and says it will “result in trouble and disaster to to the State. “It wUl establish two Statp Governments, each claiming recognition as the constituted authority. This will call in the "" “ “ GEORGIA LEGISLATURE. NINETEENTH DATS PROCEEDINGS. SENATE. intervention of the National Government. In that event, Governor Conley will be sustained. He will be sustained because the bill under which ho is sought to be ousted, is unconsti tutional and revolutionary.’* This .is a threat for another Radical Rebellion. Not able to do anything else, the Era, doubtless speaking for Benjamin Conley, as well as the leaders of the Radical party, makes threats, and gives notice of an in tention to make trouble if they can. The Radical party, and its leaders and organs, ore the party and the advocates of revolution and lawlessness, and the plunderers of the people. The Era and Conley, and all the ravenous crew, are in a rage at tho prospect of losing their chance to further fatten upon the suffer ings of our people. The whole course of the party, and its leaders and organs, from first to last, has been charac terized by an utter disregard of law, of propriety, , of public decency, of individual rights and public good. They have overridden and trampled under foot the Constitution and laws of tho United States and of every State, county and city, where, through the aid of bayonets and shameless frauds, they have come into possession of the reins of ' government; and now, when an outraged people, who have long submitted patiently to their plunderings and oppressions, are about to rid themselves of these cormo rants, in a perfectly lawful and peaceable way, they raise a howl and utter threats and do to with an audacity which indi cates that they consider themselves as having a prescriptive right to gnaw out our vitals forever. Verily, it is time for the people to wake by force, fraud and bayonets; and they intend to practice the same thing in the North, if necessary; and no better evi dence of this is needed than the arro gance and threats of Conley and the Era. TI»e Public Printer. We respectfully ask the Constitution these questions: Would not its proprietors willingly take five or ten dollar jobs of printing from individuals, at a clear profit of 25 per cent, or 20, or 15 per cent., or even less? Would they refuse such work on the ground that there was not enough profit in i;? Again: Would they not take from an individual a job of printing amounting to a large sum—say fifty or a hundred thousand dollars—for a clear profit of even five per cent, upon the cost? Would they refuse such a job because the profit would not be sufficient? And further: if they would not refuse such a job, but would be willing to ac cept it for an individual at a small profit, why not for the State ? Why desire the hardworking, tax-paying, impoverished, down-trodden and oppressed people, to pay them a larger profit than they would undertake similar work for in the case of a private individual ? And still further: if they would refuse the State Printing at a profit of five per cent., would they also refuse an individual job of like magnitude for a profit of five per cent? And still farther: if they reply that they would refuse to take any job of the magnitude of the State Printing, either for the State or for an individual, at a clearly ascertained profit of five per cent, how small a profit would they put upon such a job, and accept it, if offered to them by an individual, rather than see the work go to some other office, and they lose it? Coihe right out and answer squarely, so there can be no mistake about what you say. And while on this subject we will fur ther remark that we have heretofore in quired what ‘motive prompted several pa pers in the State, all in unison, to speak out against a reduction of the exorbit ant compensation now allowed by law to the State Printer. The jour nals we named are coming back and answering very emphatically, and some al most indignantly,that they have no interest in the'eombination which claims the Dem ocratic nomination for'State Printer; but not one of them has answered our inqui ry, and we doubt if one of them can give us a satisfactory answer. We desire to know why they oppose a reduction of the extravagant and unnecessary amount paid to the State Printer under existing law, and why they favor the continuance of a system which squanders the people’s money ? It is not sufficient for these journals to answer that, in the opinion of tlieir ed itors, the present compensation is not too high, and that they thiiik the State Prin ter is justly entitled to 30 per cent, profit on the work. Admit that they honestly think so, what motive prompts them to say so just now ? Why should they care whether the work is done for less, or not? What objection have they to its being done for less ? What is the interest or motive which now prompts them to cry out against a reduction ? Ought they not to be willing to save the tax-payers from twenty-five to fifty thousand dol lars if it can be done ? They know the work can be done Jor a great deal less than it has heretofore cost, for they all know that the Manager of The Sun Pub lishing Company has offered to do so, and enter into any sort of bond for the faith ful performance of the work. Then, why urge the payment of the old extravagant prices ? Will these journals answer us on the point here presented ? It is not enough for them to say they have no in terest in the matter. Why do they op pose a reduction of the cost ? And now a word as to The Sun. The Constitution thinks we are “peevish and uncharitable.” It utterly fails to com prehend that we are acting wholly on principle, and have no selfish, peevish, or uncharitable motives whatever. We have said before, and now repeat, that we are not trying to defeat the combination in their candidacy for the printing; but we do wish to have the work done with out unnecessary expense to the people. We asked the Constitution a question, day before yesterday, which it has not re plied to in the way we expected. Will its editors, or will Mr. Hemphill and Mr. Bnrke, answer the questions we propound to-day, fairly and squarely ? And will they further answer: if they are willidg to have a law passed so guarding and restricting the work to be performed; so exactly defining the “cost” of the work that the State cannot be defrauded; and will they then say what per cent, upon that “cost” they are willing to do the work for ? If they favor retrenchment, let them show their hand fully, Hicks, Hillyer, Hunter, Hoyle, Jervis,! eral interference. Mr. Hoge’s speech The Radicals are at a loss for a reason to which to assign their defeat in New Jersey. They now think it due to Mr. Walsh’s unpopularity among working men. They seem to forget that the American people are awakening to the criminality of the party. Wednesday, November 22. The Senate met, President Trammell in the chair. Prayer by Rev. Mr. Wright. Roll called and journal approved. Mr. Hillyer moved to reconsider a bill to increase the compensation of the Sher iff of the Supreme Court, lost on yester day; the motion was carried and the bill was recommitted to the Judiciary Com mittee. A bill to give to contractors and sub contractors a lien on railroads for labor done in the construction thereof, being unfinished business, was taken up, and on motion of Mi*. Nnnnally, Recommitted to the Judiciary Committee. A bill to alter and amend Section 1035 and 1038 of the Code, relating to the Public Printing, was, on motion of Mr. Nicholls, taken up. Mr. Lester moved to substitute a bill to regulate and let out to the lowest bid der the Public Printing of this State. Mr. Kibbee made the point that the bills did not relate to tbe same subject matter and, therefore, one could not be substituted for the other. The President ruled that the bills did relate to the same subject matter, and that the substitute could be first per fected. Mr. Candler appealed from the decis ion of the President. Mr. Lester hoped the ruling of the Chair would be sustained. Tbe motion to substitute and the ap peal were withdrawn. Mr. Lester moved to lay the bill on the table. The motion was lost—yeas 13; nays 20. The bill amends the law relating to public printing by providing that 750 copies of tbe Journals of the Legislature shall be printed, instead of 2,000, and by inserting, “that said account is correct and just, and that the prices paid are not above the customary rates of similar work and material, when employed in service of private parties,” and changes the com pensation from 30 per cent to 25 per cent. Mr. Nicholls moved to strike out 25 per cent and insert 10 per cent. Mr. Burns opposed the amendment.— He said the rates of compensation are already as low as they should be, con sidering the cost of the printing and ex penditures not estimated in the cost sworn to. Mr. Nicholls insisted upon his amend ment, because he had been informed that the work could be profitably done at that rate, and had heard no reason stated to the contrary. Mr. Hillyer said the committee had determined upon that rate after thorough and accurate investigation, and the bill was the result of careful consideration. Mr. Matthews thought the rotes pro vided for by the amendment would not re munerate the printer, and the bill was the best that could be devised. The amendment was lost by ayes 14, nays 24. Mr. Brown moved to strike out 25 per cent., and insert 15 per cent.; lost by Ayes—Messrs. Brock, Brown, Bruton, Campbell, Candler, Clark, Colman, Cone, Heard, Hunter, Jervis, Kirkland, Lester, Nichols, Smith and Welch—16. - Nays—Messrs. Anderson, Black, Burns, Cameron, Deveaux, Estes, Erwin, Griffin, Hicks, Hillyer, Hoyle, Jones, Jordan. Kibbee, Matthews, McWhorter, Nnnnal ly, Peddy, Reese, Richardson, Simmons, Steadman, Wallace and Wellborn—24. Mr. Candler moved to amend the bill by adding to the last Section by striking out “four” and inserting “two,” relating to the number of thousand copies of the laws that shall be printed; lost. Mr. Burns moved to postpone the whole matter indefinitely; lost. Mr. Reese moved to amend by adding to the last section, that the Public Prin ter shall not print in the Comptroller General’s report the condition of Insu rance Companies out of the State. Mr. Simmons opposed the amendment as unjust to foreign Insurance Compa nies. Mr. Reese supported the amendment, and said that these reports covered every city, town and village in the country like the locusts of Egypt, and it is useless for tbe State to inflict more of them on the people; that a man can only escape them, as it is, by burying himself. The amend ment was adopted; the bill was passed as amended. A bill to make it penal to withhold money or property belonging to the State of Georgia, being the special order, was then taken up. On motion, a bill to provide a remedy by which money or property stolen or fraudulently detained from the State or the Western and Atlantic Railroad may be recovered, and for other purposes, was taken np as a substitute. The bill provides that upon the infor mation of any citizen the Solicitor Gen eral shall file a petition in the Superior Court to recover money or property frau dulently stolen or detained from the State; and, that an attachment shall issue against the property of the defend ant, upon the oath of the informer that said defendant does detain money or property from the State. Mr. Hillyer proposed to strike out the 9th Section, which provides that the in former shall file a bond to indemnify the defendant against all costs, damages and expenses, provided it shall appear in ths trial that such claim or information is false or unfounded—and insert therefor that upon the defendant making affidavit that, to the best of his knowledge and belief, the information is false and unfounded, the Judge shall issue an order to show cause why the informer should not give such bond, and upon the return of said rule the Judge may require snch bond or not, in his discretion. Mr. Candler opposed the amendment. Mr. Brock spoke against the amend ment. Mr. Hillyer claimed that the section, as it stands, casts such an obstruction in the way of the remedy as entirely de stroys it, and the Courts should not be closed against such suits in that way, and that there is no parallel case in the law. Mr. Wellborn moved to lay the bill on the table; carried. The veto message of the Governor ad interim, to the bill to provide for a special election to fill the unexpired term of Rufus B. Bollock, late Governor; and for other purposes, was then taken up, and, on motion, read. Mr. Candler called the previous ques tion on the passage of the bill. The vote on the passage of the bill stood: Ayes—Messrs. Brown,Borns, Cameron, Candler, Cone, Estes, Erwin, Heard, Jones, Jordan, Kirkland, Kibbee, Lester, Matthews, Nicholls, Nunnally, Peddy, Beese, Richardson, Simmons, Steadman and Wellborn—27. Nays—Messrs. Anderson, Black, Brock, Bruton, Campbell, Clark, Colman, Cray ton, Deveanx, Griffin, McWhorter, Smith, Wallace and Welch—14. The President voted yes—making two- thirds majority, as required by the Con stitution, and the bill was passed. On motion the Senate then adjourned. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Speaker Smith called the House to order at 9 a. m. Prayer by the Cfaup- lain. Journal read and approved. On motion of Mr. Heidt, the rules were suspended to take up a resolution providing that no member shall be al lowed to speak longer than 10 minutes on any subject without the consent of the members present. Mr. Pou moved to amend by inserting 15 instead of 10 minutes. The amend ment was agreed to and the resolution was adopted. The message from the Governor re turning the bill to provide for an election to fill tbe unexpired term caused by the resignation oi R. B. Bullock, without his approval was, read. (The message appears in full elsewhere in The Sun.) Mr. Russell hoped that the bill would pass by an overwhelming constitutional majority, and that every true man would do his whole duty in giving his utmost aid in securing to our people their con stitutional rights. Mr. Bush also favored the passage of the bill, urging the duty of all good men to do their utmost in putting down usur pation. Mr. Jackson was opposed to passing the bill over the Governor’s veto, remark ing that the Legislature has not assem bled for the purpose of deposing Mr. Conley, be he corrupt or otherwise, but to look to and work for the good of the people. Under the Constitution, Conley is not Governor and is a usurper under tho law, and ought not to have been rec ognized, and the majority who voted to recognize him are now on a different line when they propose to hold an election to fill the office they recognize that he now holds. The last Legislature should have provided a general law to fill unexpired terms, and now it is too late to pass a law to fill a vacancy which has been filled before this bill be comes a law. If Mr. Jenkins were in Conley’s place, would it be attempted to order an election. If one could look into the hearts o! the people, it would be seen that they do not want an election he»d now, for the risks are greater than the advantages to be gained. The Fed eral Congress is on the eve of assembling, and nearly every State in which elections have been held has gone Republican.— The Kuklux committees are about to re port, and so long as the colored and white people are arrayed on opposite sides, there will be trouble at the elec tion, and amid all these circumstances, we are to attempt to inaugurate a Gov ernor, with the greatest probability that the present incumbent will resist his en trance into the Gubernatorial chair.— The talk abont military rule is nonsense, and this argument is made for the best interest of the State, and not from fear of military rule. Mr. Jackson said he is a Democrat so long as the party acts rightly, and a Re publican so far as the Republican party acts rightly. Mr. Bacon said that he wanted to vin dicate himself, and those who will vote for the passage of the bill, from any im putation of so acting because of a desire of popularity, or fear of popular opinion. The reasons assigned for the veto*are fal lacious. The law is clear that the Gen eral Assembly may order this election, and doe3 it behoove the present incum bent to raise a quibble of the kind when he is deciding upon his own rights, and all the argument on the other side is based upon the idea that Mr. Conley will resist the newly elected Governor; and yet, when the bill was up for passage, it was argued that no imputation should be cast upon him. It is not question of policy now when the Legislature has determined that the in terests of the State demand the proposed election, and the Acting Governor has declared that he will not sanction the bill. It becomes a question of policy, and the gentleman from Fulton is mistaken when he says that the people do not desire this election. They have been plundered and maligned by the “ head devil” who stands self-convictecl, and has fled, leaving one of his own supporters to fill the place he occupied so as to have his villainies cov ered up. This, if lor no other purpose, ought to make it desirable to get him out. The gentleman from Fulton admits that Conley is a usurper, and, if that is so, it is the duty of sworn Legislators to not recognize usurpation but to repudiate it. If Mr. Conley will not yield to the Gov ernor now proposed to be elected, why should he yield two years hence, and why would not the same trouble be feared then as now ? The veto message, when stripped of all unsound argument, dwin dles down to the idea that Mr. Conley is in the office of Governor and wants to stay there twelve months longer. Mr. Hoge thought that Mr. Conley is only exercising the duties of Governor until a successor is elected and qualified, and it is beyond successful controversy that the right to hold an election to fill the vacancy exists. The idea of Mr, Conley, that no special act can be passed, but that a general law must be passed, is clap-trap for was not the last general election for members of the General Assembly, held under a special law authorizing the polls to be held open three days, &c.? Again, Mr. Conley seems to imagine that he has a vested right in theoffice. If his ideas were cor rect, his right could only be a lease, to terminate when a successor is elected; and it is proposed to provide for the per son to be elected to take his place when his supposed lease expires. Again, Mr. Conley says it will cost about one hun dred and fifty thousand dollars to hold an election. It does not behoove him to say how much it is worth to the people of Georgia to have somebody else in his place. The mistake in reference to the number of a section in the bill was made by reference to Con ley’s Analysis of the Constitution, which cost the State §11,000. This mistake amounts to nothing. The idea that there may be trouble at the election is all nonsense. The Radicals think they have their Governor, now, and consequently there will be a perfect love-feast on the part of the Democratic party, who alone will probably participate in the elec tion. As to the idea of military inter ference, there can he no pretext for Fed was clear, convincing and chaste in utter ance and expression; Mr. Snead called the previous question, ] W e do not mystify it.’ which call was sustained. Tho yeas and ***■ ’ nays were taken, with the following re sult: Yeas—Messrs. W. D. Anderson, W. P. Anderson, Bacon, Baker of Pike, Berrien, Ballenger, Barron, Butts, Bush, Bunn, Booth, Brewton, Bowie, Barksdale, Carl ton, Clark of Richmond, Clark of Troup, Cato, Chastain, Craig, Collins, Cum mings, Crittenden, Cox, Cody, Cleghorn, Chancy, Davis of Newton, Dell, Ed wards, Farmer, Field, Fain, Glover, Guy ton, Griffiu of Twiggs, Goldsmith, Gra ham, Goodman, Gray, Hooks, Hall of Upson, Hudson, Hendley, Howell, Har vey, Hoge, Hughes, Heidt, Hunter, Jen kins, Jones of Terrell, Johnson of Clay, Johnson of Jefferson, Killian, Knoles, Kennedy, Kelly, Lang, Lamkin, Mann, Morris, McNeil, Meadows, Martin, Mur phy of Harris, McMillan, McConnell, Mattox,Murphy of Burke,Morrison,Netli- erland, Nutting, Paulk, Patillo, Phillips, Palmer, Payne, Pentecost, Peeples, Pax ton, Pou, Pierce, Benfroe, Reid, Riley, Rountree, Rutherford, Russell, Rich ards, Slaton, Snead, Summerlin, Scott, Smith of Oglethorpe, Simmons of Gwin nett, Spence, Stovall, Sellers, Tarver, Trammell, Wofford of Bartow, Wofford of Banks, Woodward, Wilson, Walters, Wood, West, Wynn—110. Nays—Allred, Atkinson, Bruton of De catur, Blue, Brown, Battle, Campbell, Clower, Converse, Colby, Dukes, Davis of Clark, Emerson, Ether idge, Floyd, Franklin, Griffin of Honston, Hall of Meriwether, Head, Hillyer, Jones of Macon, Jackson, Lewis, Mansfield,Moreland,McWhorter, O’Neal, Oliver, Putney, Richardson, Smith of Coweta, Simmons of Hall, Simmons of Houston, Sargent, Williams and What ley—36. The bill was declared passed,, notwith standing the veto, and was ordered trans mitted to the Senate. On motion of Mr. Hall of Upson, the rules were suspended to take up the Sen ate resolution passed yesterday, provid ing for the appointment of a committee to take an inventory of articles of house hold and kitchen furniture in the Execu tive mansion. The resolution was adop ted. Messrs. Hall of Upson, Rutherford and Murphy of Harris, were appointed on said committee. On motion of Mr. McMillan the rules were suspended to take up a resolution offered by himself, providing that the Finance Committee inquire into the pur poses, &e., of certain bonds in the hands of the Comptroller General, said to be for the benefit of the school fund, &c.; adop ted. On motion of Mr. Johnson of Jeffer son, the rules were suspended and a res olution offered by Mr. Hoge, asking Con gress to refund tax collected on raw cot ton under the revenue laws, was taken up and adopted. The bill, by Mr. Camming, to endow tbe University of Georgia, was read the first t»’me and 200 copies ordered to be printed; also, a bill to change the time of holding Richmond Superior Court; also, by Mr. Nutting, a bill to amend usury law. The bill to change the county site of Clark county from Watkinsville to Athens, was taken up and passed. A bill by Mr. Jones, of Macon, to make employers responsible for tax due by employee. A resolution by Mr. Bacon in reference to State aid to railroads was read, and made the special order for Monday next. Mr. W. D. Anderson, in voting yea on the election bill, said that he did so on the ground that Mr. Conley denies to the people of Georgia the exercise of a clear, constitutional right; but he stood opposed to the policy of an election. Leave of absence was granted to Messrs. Heidt, Hunter, Putney,. Dell, Simmons, of Houston, R. A. Murphy, Jones of Gwinnett. The use of this Hall was tendered to Mr. Law for the purpose of delivering a lecture. The House then adjourned. Agricultural Education. We publish the following extract from the address of the President of the Uni versity of Minnesota, as a subject of in terest in our State at the present time, showing what views in reference to this matter are held in the West: In the West generally the wise plan has been adopted of connecting the new in dustrial schools with the State Universi ties. This was the obvious and natural course, particularly in those States whose Universities had already been charged with the establishment of a department of agriculture, as was the case in Min nesota. It is a remarkable fact that very many of the great agricultural colleges of Germany, which were organized and for a long time conducted separately and in dependently, have been of late united with some University. I am able now to recall those of Poppelsdorf, now a part of the University of Bonn; the schools near Berlin, Halle, Jena and Leipsic, now united with those Universities respective ly—and the great schools at Eldena in connection with the University of Greifs- wald. It was not merely economy which dictated these changes. The education of the separate schools was found to be one-sided and incomplete; and the grad uates did not take rank in society with those of the Universities. Under the new arrangement, the students in agri culture matriculated into the University —they use and enjoy all the general advantages and apparatus of the University, they are University men —and if on graduation the agri culturist finds himself on a lower level than the lawyer, soldier or physician, it is his individual fault. The great Scot tish Agricultural College, on the whole the most successful one in Great Britain, was from the first part and parcel of the University of Edinburg. I rejoice that in Minnesota we have recognized the unity and community of all professions, and that onr educated farmers and artisans are not to be shut out from the great republic of letters, science and art. Beginning, then, in Minnesota, the novel business of industrial education, you are entitled to demand of ns upon what principles and by what methods we propose to conduct it. Happily we have no principles to propose. Fiduciaries of a trust, we merely propose to do our duty according to principles laid down for us in the law. I want no better ones. Onr prescribed business is the liberal and practical education of the industrial clas ses. Of our methods I will speak, briefly hereafter—meantime let us inquire little more narrowly what may be meant by liberal and practical education. The latter, at least, is plain enough if .’o do not mystify it. ° ’ That education is practical which teaches. one how to do his work *— “How to do our work ?” some one ‘will say, “we know that already. We ne^l no college professors to teach us how to plow and sow, to fodder cattle tl dig ditches and make fences” TW is true. The manual operations of £ farm are best learned on the farm anrl always will be. I do not need to go inti a minute statement of the particular wherein we need the light ofscienStS lUummate our darkness. We all know that our farming is a matter of cut aZ toy. We have few settled prilcMe^ We have no agreement as to rotation of crops. We have no economy of fertili zers. In fact, it is a mooted point wheth er we shall leave our manures where na ture does, on the surface, or plow them under. We pretend to no knowledge of the anatomy and physiology of domestic am mals, and our remedies for their diseases are worthy of the Hottentots. We Me at the mercy of a horde of enemies, the rust, the blight, the mildew, the bugs of all kinds, and know not how to oppose them. And so on. The things I now speak of are those which depend on sci ence, just as the operations of medicine and surgery depend on science. We can teach science in schools. We have alrea dy many noble examples of scientific farmers who have acquired thisknowlege in the intervals of work, our Allens and Geddeses and Harrises and Sheldons. A school is not the only place in which to learn science, but if you wish to teach large numbers economically then yon must have schools. The success of En- ropean schools of agriculture has placed their value and feasibility beyond all question. If these views are correct, our practical education of the farmer will result in his technical instruction in applying science to agriculture. * * * Any system of ed ucation, however, which contemplates the farmer merely as a tiller of the soil would be a very mistaken and defective one. The farm bas higher uses than to bear harvests and nourish man and beast. There is a nobler crop than any that was ever stored in cellar or bam. * * The chief use of tbe farm is to furnish a home. I speak now of the small farms, whose number I hope may never grow less. The small farmer, if he is a wise man, does not expect t.. be rich. He cannot do it and live as a civilized man ought. His business is a lottery. The day h e is ready to sow there comes a storm, or his best team horse lies down and dies. All sum mer long be is balanced between hope and fear. Floods may drown his crops; the drouth may parch it up; the frost may nip his com in the milk. Iu good years he only makes up the losses of the bad ones. Tbe men who make much money on small farms do so by dicker and jockeying and speculation. No, the average farm is not the place to get rich on, but the best place under the whole sky to raise up children. If economy be practiced the farm yields food, clothing, shelter, a needful supply. The very un certainty of the farmer’s income is itself o.n educating power, teaching patience, and self-denial. Above all, the farm yields varied employment and innocent diversion. For from the excitements of the town and its demoralizing sights and sounds, under the open heaven, in the presence and company of parents and relatives, the children grow up in blessed ignorance of vice. I do not think there is any school so good for a young man as to work in the fields with a brave, prudent and vise farmer. It is a mis fortune that mechanics’ sons do not gen erally work in the company of their fathers. The farmer’s children spend their nights at home; and the winter evenings around the mother’s work table are the blessedest school time ever offered on earth. A second caution is against expecting too great a number of candidates for thorough scientific education in agricul ture. We have no such demand as ex ists in Europe for experts in forestry or gardening. We have no great landed proprietors needing stewards and ten ants, and may the day be far distant when we shall have them. I have little doubt but that the manufacturing and building arts will at first make greater demands upon us than the farming interests. So much have we to say for the industrial branch of the University. The University has other interests equally dear, but she will know no favorites. AU arts shall find a home within her walls, all faithful students will find her an alma mater.— We have the beginnings of what may be come a great institution of learning, the centre of the scientific and literary ac tivity of the State, the pride of the whole people. Let me bespeak from this great body its countenance and support. The University is part and parcel of your sys tem of public instruction, and can only live iu vital connection with it. It must grow, can only grow along with it. Our success is inseparably bound up with that of your common schools, your high schools, and your normal schools.— Throw, then, your strong arms around them all. Equip and furnish them gen erously, as you have already begun.— Link them in your affections, with hearth-stone and roof-tree. By God’s grace they shall yield a grander harvest than ever yet was garnered from your fields—a race of strong-armed, high- souled men and women. The voice of condemnation—of sur prise, regret and mortification, at the speech and vote of Captain Harry Jack- son, yesterday, in the Honse, is almost j universal. When the Democracy of Fnl* ton county elected him to the Legists* tore, they did not expect him to gi? e such a vote or make such a speech. B* | what he did—no matter what may be hu individual views—he does not represent his constituency, and will not be sustained by a respectable handful of our people. The splendid speech of Colonel Hoge, against the veto, and the bold, square ^ votes given by him and Dr. Wilson and Major Hillyer, for the redemption of on 1 people from the thraldom of Radicalism, is the theme of unmingled commendati 03 on every tongue. Captain Jackson has disappointed t just expectation of his friends andk^ party. We greatly regret that he ^ thought proper to so—all the more e ' cause of the personal friendship existfoo^- between him and us.