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<s t THE ATLANTA SUN DAILY und WEEKLY TKR>IH of hu bhcbiption Dully—Single Copy t Two)V8Months....$10 00 | Three Month* 3 00 Six Month* 6 00 | One Month 1 00 Clnl>» Tor Daily—Per Annum « Three Copie* 27 00 I Eight Copie* 68 Four «• 35 00 Ten " “ 0 * Five •• 43 00 I Single paper o WeeUly—Per Annum i Single Copy .. 3 001 Ten Oopfe*--- 16 0 Three Copie*........ 6 00 I Twenty Copie*.. •••M 0t Fiv* Copie.. 8 00 Wty Coplea ..66 00 One Hundred Copie* - “• 00 Weekly for Six Month* t Single Copy 1 00 I Twenty Copie*. 16 Throe OobiM .. .... 3 60 Fifty Copies 34 00 FiveConka '. 4 00 One Hundred Copiea66 00 Ten Conlel ... ’ SO I Single paper 6 eta CONTENTS “ATLANTA WEEKLY SUN,’ 'ton TUE WEEK ZSTDISO WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14th, 1872. EDITORIALS— An Additional Friendly Chat page 6 A word aa what the Democratic Party of Geor gia Propose* - 6 Meeting of True Democrat a in Fulton County 243 THE STATE ROAD LEASE— Correspondence Between aeveral Members of the Legialature, and M»J. Campbell Wallace; Comments of <‘S. C. M.” on the aame; Article of Tax Payer in Favor of the Lease, 3. Aitfnl Dodgea and Tricks; B. H. Hilla Letter No. 4. “One of the People" sgalnetihe Lease, 3. The State Road Lease and Bribery; Campbell Wallace replies to “S. C M," 7. The Bond of the Kimball Cameron Company; Stupid Hunt among the Tax Books, 6. An appeal to Abient Ones; M«J. Cimbell Wallace and the Lease; B. H. Hills Review No. 6; “S. C. M” to Campbell Wallace, 4. Campbell Wallace and the Lease, 6. Article of Citizen, 1. Communication by Phocion, 4. POBOCEEDINGS OF THE LEGISLATURE, C 4 6. DEMOCRATIC MEETINGS— In Taliaferro, 6; In Oglethorpe, 8; In Troup county, 8. MISCELLANEOUS— Gen. Toombs at Athens, 8. Book Notices, 1; Bo- mantle Robbery, 4. The Crops, 8. Fashions, 8.— Telegrap, Markets, &c., 8. Advertisements, 7 k 8. | ELY YOL. 3, NO. 8.} ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 14, 1872. { WHOLE -I rv/> NUMBER , J.UI) Communicated, THE STATE ROAD LEASE. Its Relations to t he Public and the Rail, road*. School HUtory, by lion. A. H. Stephens. A REVIEW BY REV. D. WILLS, D. 1^, PRES IDENT OF OGLETHORPE UNIVERSITY, AT LANTA, GA. A compendium of the history of the United Statea, from the earliest settlements to 1872, designed to answer the purpose of a text book in schools and oollcges, as well as to meet the wants of general readers, by Amxuwxu H. Stephens, author of tho “Constitutional View of the late War between the States,” and Professor-elect of History and Political Science in the University of Georgia.— New York: E. J. Hit.*& Son, Publishers, Murray street; Columbia, S. C., W. J. Duffik, 1872. This valuable work which has been anxiously looked lor, has recently ap peared in a decidedly attractive and pop ular form. Its typographical and me chanical execution reflects credit on the house which has issued it; and its con venient size, solid binding and happy arrangement into chapters and sections, admirably adapt it to the use of schools and colleges. As a text-hook, we pre dict for this compend a hearty and ex tensive adoption; and as a work for gen eral instruction, no reader in the land ought to ho without a copy of it The Southern people may he . justly proud of this noble contri bution to their growing literature, and the grand old common-wealth of Georgia will doubtless evince an appreciation of the industry, patriotism and talents of her distinguished son, by giving this richly-stored volume a cordial welcome to the thousands of her intelligent and happy households. We believe that this work of the great Georgian, is destined to become the standard of historic truth and excellence for centuries to come, just as Mr. Stephens’ work on the War Between the States, is acknowledged to he the most complete and triumphant vindication of the Southern people, ever placed on record. Mr. Stephens has pe culiar qualifications for the office of historian. In the first place ho is one of the ablest states men of the age. He has not only mastered the principles and maxims of all political science, but is profoundly familiar with the rise and progress of American institutions. In the second place, his mind is emi nently philosophical in its structure and modes of thought, and does not stop with the mere dry details of history, but un folds the relations betwei n cause and ef fect, and makes just deductions from facts and circumstances. It is capable of the clearest and broadest generalizations. In the.third place, the author of this work was a prominent actor in some of the most exciting and eventful scenes of American History, and therefore is ena bled to speak from personal oDseivation and matured experience. And lastly, Mr. iStepaen? has always been characterized by a sincere auu steadfast love for truth, and this we re gard as the most important trait in the character of a historian. This rare com bination of qualities is the key to the lofty arid lasting merits of the work which has called forth this brief, but candid review. Vice Chancellor Blell. We cheerfully give place to the fol lowing correction of an erroneous state ment, which appeared in The Sun a few days ago: University of Georgia, ) Athens, Ga., Augnsl 9,172. J Editors Sun : Sms—In your issue of to-day appears a statement that “Dr. P. H. Mell has resigned the Vice Chancel lorship of the University, and Gen. E. P. Alexander has been elected in his stead.” This is an entire mistake. Dr. Mell has not resigned at all, and General A. has been elected to fill a totally different Professorship—“Military Scienoe and Mechanics.” We have strong hopes that Dr. Mell will return from Europe, with his health restored, and resume duty before the end of the year. With respect, Wm. Henby. Waddell. Letus, withou tdiscussing the policy of leasing the road, consider only the man ner of the lease, and this notin a techni cal way, but on principles of common sense and common honesty. If best to lease it, there was a fair and proper way to accomplish it, viz: by first furnishing the public with full informa tion os to the condition and value of the property, and then disposing of it on reasonable conditions, in open market. This would have been fair to the State, fair to all interests involved, giving just and equal chances to the State as owner, and to all citizens interested. How do the Act and the Lease under it, compare in fact, with this just and obvious statement of proper principles? The act shows-intemal evidence of the most striking and satisfactory sort, that no such lease as this was ever practicable under it, or intended by it. Not that it wants provisions with a plausible look that way, but the real meaning and effect were air to the contrary. The provisions were deceptive, and too shrewdly so, to be so unintentionally. We propose to examine the record itself, as upon a motion in arrest of judg ment. We are Reaching for traces of Fraud or Fairness, without reference to who made them. We are analyzing for poison, to see whether it is in, not who put it in. The act was passed Oct. 24, 1870, and the lease effected December 25tb. No inventory of the property ot the road, however, was published; and so the pub lic was uninformed of a fact of great importance in estimating its value. LOOSE ON THE LESSEES, BINDING ON THE STATE. The first provision of the act is ealeu lated to mislead. It is really very favor able to the lessees, yet reads as if very hard on them. Its true effect is to ren der the lease binding on the State, and loose on the lessees. Its apparent effect to represent the State ejecting the lessees from a hard bargain by force and arms. Bead the section and see what splendid rights are by it secured to tho State. If the lessees find they have made a bad bargain, and wish to get rid of it, the St^te lias the right to drive them out of it pell mell, Under this plausible cover is veiled the important right of the les sees to withdiaw from the lease at any time, with no corresponding right on the part of the State. Imagine the Governor with the posse comilalus of each county along the line ot the road engaged in compelling the lessees to do what they, on their part, are equally anxious to do—let go. SECURITY EXCESSIVE—EXCLUDES at.t. BUT THE RING. The 2d section has the some plausible look of zeal for the public welfare.— How amply does the act provide for the security of the State. A Bond of $8,- 000,000 ! How ample ! How provident! Now, either this immense bona was necessary or unnecessary. If necessary, the Bailroad Companies assumed no small liability. If unnecessary the State excluded bidders unnecessarily, and mnch to her detriment; for the condi tions were such that few could comply. Only one set conld. A ring, to comply witn these conditions had to be skilfully gotten up. Query, which was gotten up first, the ring (in a partial and embryo state) or the act ? Again, if necessary, the most probable and almost the only classes of bidders who conld give the prodigious bond were the Bailroad and Express Companies. But these were ex cluded by express enactment. This made the chances of opposition very narrow. If unnecessary, and intended as a pro vision merely in terrorem to frighten off bidders, it was inconsistent with the main ODject of an honest bill. For which was it intended; for safety, or to fit a ring? It was too large for the real exigency, and not in the form best adapted to secure the real interests of the State. It was too big for any body else than the specific ring which effected the lease. Snch a provision necessarily con fined the bidding to a company composed mainly* of railroad men, or else to the railroad or express companies themselves. But these were put out of the way in terms. So the platform left for bidders was too narrow for outsiders', only insid ers could occupy. The wall 8,000,000 high kept out intruders. Twenty years is a long peiiod—fall of hazards. Perhaps instead of relying on so huge a bond, the State might have protected itself differently. For exam ple, suppose an annual report of the condition of the road and its outfit was provided ,or—the State appointing the Committee of inspection. With a reason able bond not excluding nor injuriously limiting competition, the State might have been protected even better than • - a long standing bond. A deposit ol u far less amount would have served a bet ter purpose. No provision seems to have been made for the safety of the securities. They— poordrndge6—were only thought of as bearers of burdenB. The State is osten sibly well cared for. The securities, left out in the cold. The Lessees covertly, take all benefits. The securities carry the risk, not of $25,000 pet month alone, but of deteno atiou and ultimate resto ration. R. B. COMPANIES MADE CATS-PAWS. Now, as to the relations of the railroad companies to the lease: It would seem that the mere reading of the act would make them go about their business. No use for you at this auction; this is no concern of yours. Not so fast—read ur tlier. The benefits are not for you, but you are at lioerty to assume the bur dens. Don’t consider yourselves slight ed. You are expressly invited to bear the burdens. “We can’t help feeling this slur,”.one would expect as the sm-wt-r; tun he would not do justice to the boldness of a ring. The railroad companies are per mitted by the act, and requested by the lessees, to assume theburdens. Why go security? The presumption with men of business is generally decided against going security. Show cause! else it is unwise and unsafe. Good cause! Some go security for love—some for money. For which cause shall we go? “To avoid partiality in the man agement.” But the act does this. “To avoid its invasion.” But all declining, we would have the same relations as if all went in. A general and thorough conference would have seemed a proper preliminary to any action in the premises. The pre sumption in favor of -non-action was very powerful. Principals, the railroad com panies conid not be. They were express ly excluded from this position. The burdens proposed for their acceptance were either real or imaginary. If real, keep out. If imaginary, keep out, and thus defeat the effort to exclude Didders, by refusing to back tlie.Ting. At all events, before action, conference, and not merely a little telegraphing at arm’s length. We ah know how chevaliers <T Industrie get up indorsements. They go to Mr. A. and say, Mr. B. will en dorse, if you will. Then to Mr. B. and say, A. agrees to indorse if you will. And so A. and B. both indorse, each on the representation of the other’s willing ness, said representation communicated to both by Mr. K. We are out now. Shall we go in? “Will you walk into my parlor?” We respectfully decline. We cannot eat at your feast. We areinvited not as guests, but as waiters. Please excuse us. It complaisance goes so far, however, as to consent to this—at least arrange terms to protect yourselves from b'dng over worked—terms on which you will in dorse, if obstinately bent on indorsing that delightful and safe thing. Terms— terms—terms of indorsement. Since we are cat’s-paws in the transaction—the chestnuts yours—the coals and burned fingers ours, we should act for a well-se cured consideration, certainly, and not blindly or in haste. But what do we get? Is the railroad company, as such, represented at all in fact? Suppose the president or director, who informally represents the company, to die—resign— or be defeated; what then? Has any one ot them a twenty-years lease,both of life and office? Both are necessary. What permanence is there even in infor mal representation? What hold, if that representative is inefficient or unsatisfac tory to the company, in his action or in fluence? The securityship is not for one lessee, representing the railroad. It is for the whole list, accepting their man agement for better, for worse. Is there anything business-like in all this? Is the consideration adequate? Such as it is, is it secure for a moment? Is it se cure io^twenty years. r “LOOSH.” Loose management this. A degree of looseness is reached, indeed, of gushing, heedless, looseness, once expressed in my hearing by a plain man as “ loosh.” There is no provision in the act itself, and none in the action of the companies, by which any company gets any benefit thereby, formal or informal, really or permanently seenrea to it. The means do not fit the exigency of the case.— Why go security? For lov«. ? No. For interest ? Then secure that interest. Discrimination is provided, against by the terms of the act, if carried out. If not, you have no new means of enforc ing your rights added, by virtue of secu rityship. All keep out. If you go in— confer—arrange—get terms—exact condi tions of securityship. Fit the means to tho end. Indorse for twenty years ! Your re presentative may not last for one ! In dorse your President; but also Mr. Cameron and Mr. Delano! Indorse your President dow—next year bis exe cutors or assigns ! Your President now —a new President before the close of the lease !—wholly unconnected with that enterprise, Terms—terms— terms— se cure yourselves as securities — estimate your burdens, and see if the benefits cor respond. At least, secure actual and formal representation and influence, to begin, go on and last as long as and as fully as the liability. You should either have ample counter security, or else con trol and succession. Also your own com mittees to report the condition of the property, and the state of your liability, None of all this—in fact. the immense profit of §1,500,000. Money now is worth much more than 7 per cent. But while paying thus highly to the les sees, this huge item wis not fairly known and exposed to sale. We do not say that $500,000 was the exact value, but use that sum for illustration only. Suppose the lease to be effected had been of a farm and the stock upon it, in the lump ? Would it not be essential to inform bidders in advance of the partic ulars constituting the stock? No publi cation has been made before or since the lease of this information. I cannot tell, nor can the public, whether the valuation was fair, or what was the aggregate, or what werethe items. GEORGIANS ! making the record from which he after wards fled. Nor does the matter im prove upon acquaintance. A clear and candid exposition is all that it needs.— The right to criticise this transaction elosely, aside from express invitation, I claim, in the two-fold capacity of A Citizen and a Stckholdeb. ALT. A SHAM. But query ? Is the seenrityship more than a sham ? Are you the victims of loose management, or is it the State which remains really unsecured? The provision in terrorem, requiring the bond for $8,000,000 has accomplished its purpose. The bond is now functus officio, and lies qnietly on the shelf, to be heard of no more; and your rights have been only nominally imperilled—the lessees alone being taken care of all the time in the premises. The State unsecured—the Bailtc.ad Companies unhurt, and the Lessee-* in possession. But we pass from this monstrous section and monstrous action under it, to the next provision. INVENTORY. The 3d section of the act provides for an inventory of the porperty of the Com pany. Had an inventory been taken and published in advance (afterwards re vised in small details,) it would have enlightened bidders-had it been intended to have bidders. It ought to have been made by men who possessed the confi deuce of the public, which was to be in formed—if it had been intended to inform the public. The thing exposed to sale was not known witbont suen inventory. The subject matter was not duly adver tised, and the omission was of no trifling matter. The use of property for twenty years is of itself a heavy item of profit In ten years, money at 7 per cent, in terest nearly doubles itself. That doable sum will itself grow double in *he sne ceeding ten years. The value of $500,000 at nterest for ten years would be $1. 000,000. The next ten years would make it $2,000,000. Titia of itoeif, would make Tho- 4th section requires, among the lessees, a certain proportion of Geor gians ! We hope, before the investiga tion is over, other Georgians will be found (the number of the natives of the State is small) who, satisfied that the transaction was unfair, however it be came so, will follow the example of that true son of Georgia, Mr. Stephens. If the State had not a fair chance—if your fellow-citizens Dad not a fair chance— withdraw from a tainted transaction. Be not content with empty prolessions of patriotism; but come out of it, and stand not on the order of your coming. DEATH AND SUCCESSION. By the 5th section, in case of death each lessee is succeeded—(not, be it ob served, by his successor in the presi dency of any railroad which went se curity, but,) by his own legal represent ative. The 10th section is that remarkable one which excludes railroad and express companies as principals, but tolerates them as securities. By this provision the most able bidders are excluded, the most likely—the most wealthy—the most competent to manage—to give security— to keep up succession—to protect them selves, and secure the State. Yet, admitting them to bid would not have injured any private company, willing to calculate and pay the actual value, and not held to give impossible security. They would have had a fair chance. The State was not to provide for anybody’s private speculations; but for the good of the public, by getting the most for the property, according to its real worth—leased to those who were able to pay its value, and secure its pay ment properly. If it be said,the provision was intended to prevent partial and unjust discrimina tion against the Bailroad Companies not entering in the lease, there are ready an swers to be seen. In the first place, all combining in the lease itself, as in the securityship—they would be protected. Secondly, if not combined as securities, the hazards are the same as if not com bined aiCrrineipcis. Thirdly, the State could give remedies by action for dis crimination, in freights or connections. Fourthly, if all kept out, it was the same. In a word, the dangers of partiality under securityship, are exactly the same as under the lease itself—neither more nor less. I erred in one partic ular—they would be less, because the lease would give a permanent influ ence, and preserve the original status, during its whole period. Now compare, in the light of the inter nal evidence, the two hypothyses: 1. This was a fair and honest transac tion, with fair conditions, proper infor mation, and an open market; or, 2. It was artfully constructed and in terpolated to fit a ring. Suppose a determination, after the wild cat system, to get possession of the State Eoad. Now, the first thing is fo the right men to get it. To do this, it may be necessary to let-in some buoys, to keep the concern afloat—some uncon scious of the fraud—some half suspectr ing but taking no active part. But, if the market is open, we may not be the successful bidders. If the facts are well known, we may have to pay too high. To exclude individual competition, we make the bond impracticable, except to such a ring as our own. Corporate competition we can aford to exdude in direct terms, as ’corporations are unpopular. Thus we are masters of the situation. Not quite—under cover of zeal foe the interest of the State, we reserve ihe rignt to quit at our pleasure, any month, the State being bound for twenty years. Good. That looks ship shap**. Now for the securities! The stockholders are not unmanageable, it is true, but still we do not propose any very fair showing for them. They will probably ratify any action, precipitately taken. The inventory will excite no cu pidity, being unpublished. Altogether it is a safe thing, and the bridges are not burned for us, though burned for the State and the securities. Wri can get out at any time, if we are not pleased. Now, to prepare the public mind.— What were the qualities in Mr. Blodgett that induced Mr. Bullock to give him this important position of Superintend ent of the State Boad ? Which hypoth esis fits here ? Wnat consequences fol lowed from Mr. Blodgett’s administra tion ? How was the road reported of by that worthy man ? This expensive and broken down concern, (for which he af terwards had the grace to put in a bid of $30,500 per month) was made a drag on the public rnrse, and he asked for a half million to keep it afloat. I do not propose to review tne external evidence. The men who managed the road acted worthily of the supicions l,) the public. They did what all sides and all parties expected of them. The Gov ernor, the manipulators, ard the good people of the State were not disappoint ed i a their action. This is but the be ginning ot tne ocgiun.ng oi tht inter nal evidence. In its long pamphlet of 38 pages, “the company respectfully invites investiga tion. ” I have only entered the vestibule, and fin * the act itself full of real sub stance f. r the lessees—rf sham ze: 1 for THE LEASE. The great argument for the Lease, is, ‘out ofpolitics. There It has It has The Lessess are no politicians, no lobbying in their behalf, no finger in any political pie. nothing to do with candidates—with the Press—with the Legislature. It is des titute of political influence and signifi cance. The above statement, made in sii cerity, would make a man the laugh ing stock of the politicians of Georgia. He would be taken aside and talked to, and his greenness explained to him. The green may imagine that to be in the hands of Gov. Jenkins, would put the road “in politics.” While in the hands of Ex-Gov. Brown it is out. Poli tics helped him in, it is true, but he has now quit politics. Mr. Hill is not in politics; he quit long since. Kimball was in, but he is out of politics, and out of Georgia. OUT OF FEDERAL POLITICS. Outside of Georgia, the pure and vir tuous Simon Cameron is not in politics. Delano is not in politics. This queer assortment dined together on one occa sion, and eschewed politics. Under pretext of taking the road ontof politics, it is deeper in than ever before, with a political lease of twenty years, which the proprietors value as highly as its income in money. Influence to them and money are equally involved. It con trols more than a posse comilalus in every county along the lme oi the road. Ten nessee included, this time. If not a king-maker, it is simply because we don’t make kings in Georgia. It is felt to the tips of the fingers and the ends of the toes of the body politic. It is a power in nominations—in conventions—in can didates, and in the men elected—influ ential in the press, and invincible in the lobby. Heavens ! How it abstains from poli tics ! Sham ! sham ! sham ! Of all the shams we have yet encountered this “out of politics” is the worst. It introduces us to Federal politics and Federal poli ticians to us. It will ask for seats in the Senate. Politics brought it into power, and politics is its business as much as money. They say, AT.T. ALIKE. Gov. Jenkins is like Bullock. Can’t see the resemblance. Gov. Smith—can’t see -itt- General Gordon. These rio not look alike in the public eye. THE DIFFERENCE. Gov. Smith represents the people of Georgia. The Lesssees owe their seats to Bullock and Kimball, with leave to run this financial and political machine twenty years. It lives, moves, and has its being in politics. How did it start off ? With tickets. The public were in formed in an ancient canvas, what Mr. Hill thought oi the ticket system. The road is in the hands not of a Governor, chosen by the people, but of old politi cians, State and Federal, appointed by Kimball for twenty years, and their legal representatives. These gentlemen talk as if the only chance was this particular companv or “Politics.” The only “non-politicians” in the country, are Brown and Hill, i now that Kimball is gone and Bullock has departed) in Georgia, and Cameron and Delano in the United States. Harris, with the euphonious append age, and Blodgett were not in politics, How clearly the lessees and the blind see these two points. All men in office are alike, and we are only “non-politi cians.” This and spoliation, with twenty yearn of un- | interrupted business. A well selected j method of eouiDuiison. The right stan- I dard of comparison was that attained when tho road was in successful opera- | tion. It is doing a larger business new j than then. If its business falls off, the j lessees can quit. If it increases, the State can not rise in annual rent. They give the estimates of Bailroad men of its value for twenty years, as if they were bound for twenty years. A fair lease would have brought moro, eveD under unfair terms. More was bid Bullock seems to have felt bound togivi it to the “ lowest" bidder, and that bit was as low us even the nnfoir law allowed. How much knowledge of the law of salei is necessary to show that tho State had not a fair chance, nor her citizens ? Competition, it would seem, is not the life of trade. Why all the lobbying now? In the- opinion of Kimball, Binfe-master, the bargain was so good, it was worth fraud to get it. The way in which the lessees hold on to it—the fight they make over it, show their heaity appreciation. The way outsiders bid for it against tho op position of terms and officials, showed what they thought. Were it put up now, with an honest Governor command ing the public confidence as Governor Smith does, this very company would pay more for it, and other companies, by their competition, carry it to its true value. An auction, not opinions of experts, is the mode of testing that value. Other companies offered more at the time, and this company moves heaven and earth to keep it at the price. They are doubtless well informed as to its value, and the way they struggle for it could not fail to impress bidders, had they another chance. THE WAY TO DEAL WITH FRAUD. Bring it before the courts. When you find some, keep searching. Bo sure you have not found all, for it is its nature to hide, and its misfortune, that the laws of the universe favor honesty. In the courts, press the investigation, shake the bushes, startle it, stir it up, gather the scattered straws; seek and ye shall find, knock and its doors will opeD.” Find the substantial merits of the case, and then push on after the technical. It you will keep trying, pegging away, you will not fail to find it Naturo is on your side. _ Your discovery is substantial and technical, will grow and increase. Every fresh discovery will conduct you. to more. Consult the most eminent law yers, and you will find it their uniform experience, that crime, fraud and unfair ness can all be exposed with a very slight clue. The very dodging calls attention to the sore places and the weak points. The law books speak of badges of fraud. One close observer remarked, We some times look to too small matters. This lease was rather apparelled in fraud, and covered with it cap a pie. The only question was, which garment was deepest dyed? Take the thing out of “ politics.” It is in—head and ears. Take it out—else- for twenty years it is a political engine, in hands not of our choice. It will never be out of politics till it is fairly let to business men, so that there is no ground of complaint. Citizen. Call for a Dem ocratic Meeting in Tal iaferro County. the State, and of neglect of the securi ties. I find that it resigns this trust IMPEMUM IN IMPEBIO, with the co-operation of the vilest of out side influences, by those choice spirits, despised by honest men at home, Cameron and Delano, is the device to keep the road out of politics. It is worthy of a patent. The Senate of Georgia gravely congratulate the people that “the State Boad is uut of politics.” In comparison with it, the lessees seem to know no pol itics, (in one sense) no religion, no noth ing—with but the lease. It joins to gether what had been asunder. It sun ders what had been joined. This bad bargain, hardly worth what it cost, is held with a deatbg-rip. Immense patriotism! Content almost “to leap the life to come.” Stronger than habit—than life—than religion— power and gain accompanying the lease. What Kimball hath joined together, let no man rashly put asunder. Good for twenty years, or until death us do part and not a speck of politics in it. Where is the substance, and where is the sham, this one more time ? Does any intelligent man doubt that this is really the head-centre of all polit ical mannvering in Georgia ? Can any man deny that it famishes the choicest means and appliances for that purpose ? This company has all the limited means the Governor would have with the one road, andby its composition a vastly more extendedarea of patronage and power. What Governor ever had such capital— such combinations extending to the re motest parts of the State—of appointing power,and a thousand means of rewarding and punishing ? Here is a combination of old politicians, withjrail road presidents, not responsible to their stockholders in this regard. What a monstrous political engine it can be! Who is fit to be trust ed with it ? Are the leading, managing men—such as were never in politic*? Has loss or change of office made them purer tnau our Governors ? In the name of keeping it our, we a«- sociated it with still outlying forces m the catnp at Washington City. Such an engine of political corrnption was never before known in this country. into tLe hands of “His Excellency, the Governor,” who wab then engaged in To the Democrats of Taliaferro—The* subscribers beg to announce to the Dem ocrats of Taliaferro, that there will be a Mass Meeting of the Party of said coun ty, on Saturday, the 24th August, 1872,. at the court house, for the nomina tion of a full ticket to be voted for to filft tho offices soon to become vacant by lim itation of law, and a Bepresentative in the Legislature, and for other purposes- Como one ! Come all!! Fellow-Demo crats, and let there be a full and fair ex pression of the will of the Party. Be-- spectfully submitted, James F. Beid. W H Hargrove* B M Lanneau, Benj B Beid, H Neeson, Thos J Stewart,, Chas Bergstrom, Louis Trope, DA Williams, J J Kent M Meyers, G Cosby, H Y Williams, Jno W Darracott, Quintus Bichards, Wm H H Chapman,. Joel W Gunn, John Bhodes, Jr., WmN Gunn, Sam W Chapman, Chas E Smith, W J Fielding, Wm H Brooke, Jackson Gorham, B F Moore, Joseph F Nelson, Benj Jones, J B Chapman, C T Lucas, Henry D Smith, Thos Bhodes, Bobert Young. C L Burke, J T Akins, S H Perkins, Wm G Stephens, Linton A Stephens^. Wm H Brisiow, J N Chapman, W B McGibony r Quinnea O’Neal, S J Jones, Bomulus Frazier,. Chas A Beazley, Lionel L Yeazey, Geo W Mitchell,, Jas G Ingram, - Grand Lodge of Odd D’ellows-. This body held its annual session in • Columbus, commencing on Wednesday last. Several new Lodges have been or ganized during the past year, and all the- old ones are in a sound, healthy condi tion. The following officers were elected r. M. B. Eogers, Macon, Grand Master- B. B. Harris, Borne, Deputy Grancfc Master. T. A. Askew, Savannah, Grand War den. Jno. G. Deitz, Macon, Grand Secre tary. T. A. Burke, Athens, Grand Treas urer. James L. Gow, Augusta, E. W. Grand: Bepresentative Grand Lodge of the* United States. The Grand Master made the follow ing appointments: . j . 1 C. J. Stroberg, Macon, Grand Chap lain. W. G. Gramling, Atlanta, Grand Mar shal. Geo. Hungerford, Columbus, Grand < Conductor. H. Franklin, Atlanta, Grand Guard- REAL VALUE. The lessees compare twenty years, in cluding war, the destruction oithe road B. Lowenthal, Macon, Grand Herald- TLe next session will be held in Atlanr j ta, on the first Wednesday in Angus 1872. • • ' S Bbowssyille, Texas, August .12.—Mr. A* der, a prominent frontier merchant, has 1 s-Bsinated forty miles t-elow here, c Grande, Tho Coroner’s verdict wa» that.' ki ed by au officer of Cortina*. The if' commissioners were all present, at tl^} strong feeling is manifested to oraa-C,. these Mexican murd-rers. . a nas been ^aiity of the