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- T-HJD ATLANTA SUN TJuriMSOF HUBSCJJRIPTipN DAILY und WEEKLY D»iljr-»ln|d« Copy !v, i no Twelve Month*.... $10 001 Monlh*.... ..3 oo Oil JdcmUU^. f 0 'r'i)*l,>— *•» Annum » 5-°°.?*- ”%!%* btc r leg -—$o. Four live 43 00 | Single p»per, W«(klf**P fr Annum < aa&SSi ;SISL?S5i'.'viS £ SfS^^ M C0 ‘““-"Vm » One Hundred Coplee.. -v w Twenty Copies... — Fifty Copies One Hundred Copiesto (Al Single paper . A Single Copy 1 “ Three Oopiee - 3 oo jpinlform Adopted toy tlie Jeffcrionlaa onnocrntlc State Convention Aiitm- bled in Atlanta on the 30th An gnat X87H. 1. Resolved, That the Government of the United States is one formed by sepa rate States; that it is one of limited pow ers, delegated by the States for specific purposes and objects set forth in the Constitution; and that it possesses of itself no original or inherent power whatever. 2. Resolved, That the Union estab lished by the Constitution is a Union of States, Federal in its character, com posed of States thereby united, and is incapable of existence without the States as its constituent integral parts; that the indestructibility of ; the States—-of their rights and of their equality with each other—is an indispensable part of this political system, and therefore, the per petuation oi the Union in its integrity depends upon the preservation of the States in their political integrity; the Government of the United States being a Federal Republic, and mot a consoli dation of the whole people into one homogeneous Nation. 3. Kesolv< d, That the “right of loca State-government” with the “subjection of the military to the civil authority,” and “the security of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus,” in time of peace, with the power to enforce “the rights, and promote the well-being of its inhabitants l»y such means as the judg ment of its own people may prescribe,” aro reserved, secured and guaranteed un der the Constitution of the United States to the several States of the Union; and that too, not “subject to any solemn Consti tutional obligation upon tln^part of the Federal Government” of any kind what ever; but on the contrary, the Federal Government is under a solemn Constitu tional obligation not to interfere in these matters in any way; and when it does so, it becomes a usurper of power, an oppres sive tyrant and an enemy to the liberties oj the country. FOB PRESIDENT: CHARLES O’COHQR, OF NEW FORK. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT: JOHN 0UI2JCY ADAMS, Jr., OF MASSACHUSETTS. electoral' ticket OF THE True Democracy of Georgia. FOR THE STATE AT LARGE. HON. PURMEDUS REYNOLDS, of Newton. COL. WALTER H. WEEMS, of Fulton. alternates: DR. HENRY. F. ANDREWS, of Wilkes. HON. S. A. McNElL, of Randolph. For the Congressional Districts* 1st.—M. L. MERSHON, of Glynn. H. H. PERRY, of Burke, Alternate. 2D. — HON. T. L. GUERRY. of Quitman ■ COL. WM. HARRISON, of Quitr* 11 * Alternate. 3n.—HON. JOHN H. WOODWART. ofDcoley. DR. EDWARD W. ALFBI£ :J> * of Lee * Alter * nato. 4TH—HENRY PERSONS, of»* ,bot * Twrr.rei EDWARDS. * Dou 8 lls Alternate. 6rn—DR. GEO. M. Mcr ,TrELL > of Kke> T. O. JACOB, of Conroe, Alternate. 6th—DR. H. J. BAT' 1 ' of Nowton ' J. W. BURN** 01 J “Pe r * Alternate. Txn-COL. aLEP* DER S - ATKINSON, of Cobb. DR. S. jjEAILEY, of Cobb, Alternate. 8th—HON. *hES W. LEWIS, of Greene. JUR7 a CASEY, of McDuffie, Alternate. 3th—HO- ° M - NETHERLAND, of Rabun.. j4N T. EZZaRD, ot Forsyth, Alternate. VOL. 3, NO. 19.! ATLANTA, GA., WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 30, 1872. { W H O L E.-| 1 n H U M B E B-LjL( THE FUEtjlUKNTIAli CO.ViMCVT. Review ot the Political Situation and Prospects. The Duty of Patriots in the Present Exigency. By Capt. John A. Stephens, Atlanta, Ga, Tickets! Tickets! Wo are prepared to famish tickets to be voted on next Tuesday for the Jeffer sonian Presidential Electoral Ticket, (with the numes of Congressmen either printed thereon or left blank, as may be desired,) for One Dollar and Seventy-five Cents per Thousand, or Ninety Cents for Five Hundred—to be sent in pack ages by mail, post paid, to any address. All orders to be accompanied by the cash. Democrats, see that every precinct i3 supplied, and that every man who de sires to vote the Straight-oat ticket can have cn e at hand. Address J. Henly Smith, Daily Sun Office, Atlanta, Ga. Col. Jack Brown's Candidacy. The card of this gallant man and trae Democrat, anuoanciDg himself os a candidate for Congress in the 3d Con gressional District, appears in this morn ing’s issue. It is maul? and character istic. He is well known in Georgia, hav ing distinguished himself his tolants and his gallantry as a soldier in the late war. He was Colonel of the 59th Geor gia Begiment; wa3 severely wounded, and captured by the enemy, and suffered all,the horrors of a Northern prison for a long time. He C3n proudly challenge his record ns a soldier, a gentleman and a Democrat, who is as true and unfLnch- ing in defense of his political principles as he was when he boldly faced the foo on the battle field. [Written Expressly for the Atlanta Son.] Note.—The following ably written article was prepared by Capt. Stephens, os we happen to know, at the special re quest of three gentlemen, (one of whom was the writer hereof) in order that the same might be laid before the readers of The Sun; and we take special pleasnre in commending the same to careful pern- sal as od6 of the best papers of the pre sent campaign.-AssociATE Editor Daily Sun. The time has again arrived when the people of the United States are called upon to select their Chief Magistrate to serve them for the next fonr years. Amid the general gloom and painful uncertainty as to what will be the result, it is a matter of congratulation among free men that they are still permitted freedom of speech and the ex ercise of the elective franchise. The flagrant usurpations that have marked the conrse of the Radical party have excited in tbe minds of many, a se rious apprehension whether we would ever enjoy this right again. The rapid strides of this party since it came into power, towards a centralized despotism have awakened the fears of every patriot in the land. The utter disregard of the rights reserved by the States in theorig- inal compact creating the Union, is the most marked and promineut feature in the history of this party. The issues involved are not mere ques tions of policy in the administration of the Government; not a mere contest be tween individuals; but principles under lying the free institutions of this coun try. It is between Centralization and Constitutionalism. The American Union was formed by free, separate, indepen dent and sovereign States, for certain purposes named in the compact of Union. To secure the objects of the formation of the Union these HIGH CONTRACTING PARTIES —the States—each acting in its sovereign capacity, delegated certain powers to the Federal Government, to De by it held in trust for the States, and to be exercised for their joint use and benefit. The powers not thus delegated to the Gen eral Government were “reserved” ex pressly by the States separately; and this reservation, or residium of power, is what constitutes State Rights. XliC Xoouo jftcouuUJ la wlidlioji flip Government shall be administered npon a full recognition of this principle, or whether it shall be administered upon the Radical or Republican theory, which holds that the Union was formed by the whole body of the people of the United States as one mass or nation withont re gard to State limits; that the States are mere dependencies npon the Federal Government; that they occupy the same relation to the General Government which counties bear to a State; and that they have no reserved, sovereign right s which are sacred. The effect of this theory is TO DEGRADE THEM to the position of mere chartered corpo rations, with visitorial powers residing in the Central Government. This theory of the structure of the Government has caused all the wrong and outrages npon the citizens of the States; and this theory the Democratic party opposes; and it is to this opposi tion to the centralizing doctrines and practices of the Radical pa-ty which gave the Democratic party all the power it ever possessed. THE MEN. The people or these States have now presented to them for their suffrages, three men: President Grant, Mr. Gree ley and Mr. O’Conor. The first two are the embodiment of the Radical theory of ohr'government, and the lost one of the Democratic theory. The issue is one of principles. It is not whether one candidate «s personally better than either of the others. They are to he regarded only as the embodi ment or representative of one or the other theory of government just men tioned. It is urged that the act ion of the Balti more Convention in adopting the plat form and nominee of the Cincinnati Convention was demanded by “THE EXIGENCIES OF THE TIMES.” I have failed so far, to see the “exigen cy.” If there ever was a time in the his tory of the Democratic Party, wnenthe nomination of a candidate* of its own party ought to have been made, it was when the Convention assembled at Bal timore. It was stronger in numbers and in spirit, than it had been since the war closed. Tbo enemy were divided, and we should have been united. The Democratic Party wuile fighting npon principles gained strength rapidlv and surely everywhere. While charging the enemy, its forces increased, and it rapidly grew in power. There was noth ing to discourage our people, but every thing to inspire hope. The Radicals, in the election of Presi dent Grant, acquired a new lease of power, and by their abuse of it, and high crimes against public liberty, DROVE OFF many of their supporters who refused to follow them in their excesses. It became apparent that they were seeking the overthrow of the iree institutions of this country and the establishment of a Consolidated Empire. The alarm was great, and sentinels upon the watch- tower of Liberty saw the daDger and sounded the alarm. All true lovers of Liberty looked to the Democratic Party, which had been carrying high the banner of Coustitu- tionalism, and numbering nearly three millions strong, as the only hope for the preservation of our free institutions. The enemy saw this great Revolution which was soon to culminate in their overthrow and discomfiture, anil they set about to HEAD IT OFF by this so-called Liberal Republican movement. This movement was patriotic in its first inception; bat the illiberals and ex tremists soon contrived to get oontrol of it. Their design was to DIVIDE, DISTRACT AND DEBAUCH the Democratic Party; and in this their object has been accomplished The great Democratic Party, number ing nearly three millions strong, is coolly asked by these Philistines to lay its head in the lap of this Radical Delilah; and when it awoke to a realization of its trne condition, finds that it has been shorn of its strength—weakened, disgraced, and the sport of its enemies. Yet in the face of these facts—of Gree ley’s well known lifelong record and present attitude of hostility to Southern men and Democrats, we are coolly asked to abandon principles, and vote for Mr. Greeley. The proposition is an insnlt to the intelligence an manhood of the Sonth. He has never receded from a single position he has taken; and he says to yon in effect, “TAKE ME JUST AS I AM, WITHOUT A SIN GLE PLEDGE.” When we look npon the outlines of this picture alone, is not the conviction forced npon tne mmd that this move ment is not what its friends claim for it? Does it not look like the gifts of the Greks, without their treachery? The projectors of this movement well knew that they could not carry to the support of Greeley enough Democratic votes to secure his election. They well knew that they would lose more Demo crats than they would gain Republicans. This whole movement was but a trick by which to change the route of Radicalism into the White House. It was said of its friends, before the meeting of the Baltimore Convention, that if the Democratic party”put out a candidate of its own, Mr. Greeley would come down in favor of Grant. He is a nice leader of the Democracy who would prefer the election of Grant to that of a Democrat! I am constrained to inquire, as did Nathan: “can anything good come ont uf this political Nazareth?” It has been urged that Greeley is a better man than Grant; that he is honest, &c. This makes him still MOBE DANGEROUS. He is honest in his convictions that all men, without regard to race or color, are entitled Jtn the same political and social rights* and that the Central Government is under a solemn Constitutional obliga tion to maintain these rights in all the States. If he is honest in this opinion, and should be elected President, he will lend the influence of his exalted posi tion and his power, to the enactment of social equality measures—measures mak ing it penal for railroads, steamboats, ho tels, theaters and other places of public amusement and resort, to make any dis criminations on account of race or color. It would reqnire no prophetio ken to see what results would follow such meas ures as these, at the South. He did all he could to abolitionize the old Whig party, and is now endeavoring to radical ize the Democratic party. He poisons everything he touches, with the virus of fanaticism. The change he seeks in the personal administration of the Gov ernment will not remedy the evils of which we complain. They lie too deep for that. We should look to principles and not men. THE SIN—NOT THE SINNER. It is urged with somo plausibility that this Greeley movement will enable the Democrats of the South to fuse with the Liberal Republicans and secure in Con gress a majority of Democrats and Lib eral Republicans. Rut where is the ne cessity of the Democracy surrendering tfieir principles to secure this sort of a majority? The fusion should be left to the paity in each State. I can see but little difference between a Republican that is liberal and one that is illiberal.— Their principles are the same, and that is enough for me. It is the sin and not the sinner I am fighting. We have often been cited to the re salts following the fusion between the Democrats and the Liberal Republicans in Missouri, Tennessee and Virginia; but the Democratic party in those States did not surrender their principles. They simply supported the Liberal Repubii can ticket uuder a disauot contract that they were to receive SOME SUBSTANTIAL BENEFITS by so doing. What benefits are you to receive by supporting Greeley? Kinder treatment if you will do as he wants you; and peihaps a few unimportant offices. This office business will go a long way with some people. Greeley proposes to let out the offices npon identically the same terms Grant does: support him and his platform and he will make no distinc tion in race, color or previous condition. It does seem to me that if Greeley should happen to be elected, to be honest and consistent in the distribution of Federal patronage in Georgia, he would select such men as ex-Governor Brown, Henry G. Cole, the McWhorters, John Bowles, A. D. Bockafellow el id omne genus, and the didn't go to be Democrats/. They would have the highest claims. They have been longer enlisted in the cause, and have faced more peri!?. By the time this crowd is provided for there would be nothing left wor.h scramoiiLg alto.. I have nothing to say against these gentlemen personally. I only use their names to show that there is a large num ber of this class whose claims would be superior to the new eon.eria. Has it come to this, that our people are ready tojsacrifice their principles for the sake of office? Instead of the cry of anything to beat Grant, it is ANYTHING TO GET OFFICE. Have you contemplated the results fol lowing the election of Greeley? the de moralization which would follow a victory won by an abandonment of principles? It would be appalling, Whenever the lines whioh have di ■ vidvd the two parties are obliterated, and the contest is reduced to a mere scramble for place and power, good gov ernment is lost sight of. It is infinitely better for the South that the Democratic party should preserve its principles, and its entire independence of Radical plat forms and candidates, than to triumph uuder the colors of the enemy. Victory, with honor lost, is always fruitless of good. It is better for us to remain for ever in the minority and maintain our integrity and principles than to desert them for a doubtful chance of victory. A minority is not always powerless. When tenacioasly adhering to its prin ciples, aud fearlessly maintaining its rights, it becomes respectable, aud finally a power. The refusal of the South to accept the so-called amendments to the Constitution aud tfie reconstruction laws, and her bold and manly protest against the wrongs of the Federal Gov ernment uuderRadicol control, had much to do with bringing about the Liberal Republican movement, and checking the additional wrongs attempted to be perpe trated upon us by our foes. Oar cause is the cause of truth, right and justice, aDd its final triumph de pends upon our courage and fidelity in its maintenance. The success of every cause defends upon the zeal aud courage of its friends. PRINCIPLES CAN NEVER BE MAINTAINED BY ABANDONING THEM. Error seldom retraces its steps. It is progressive. Wnenever a party cuts loose from its moorings it is then adrift and is certain to ruu upon breakers and founder. When a party abandons principle for place and power, it becomes demoralized —just as an army when it throws down its guns and goes to plauding. We are told that the “exigencies of the times,” and policy, required this de parture from Democratic principles.— Mr. Greeley says in his letter of accept ance of the Baltimore nomination: •“That body (the Baltimore Convention) was constrained to take this important step (i e-the adoption of the Cincinnati platform) by no party necessity, real or supposed. It might have accepted the candidates of the Liberal Republicans npon grounds entirely itsown;or it might have present ed them as the first Whig National Con vention did Harrison and Tyler; without adopting any platform whatever.” Even Mr. Greeley could not see the “exigency” which forced the Democratic Party to abandon a Democratic platform and adopt one of Radical principles. No “party necessity, real or supposed” can justify it. And what Mr. Greeley said of the adoption of the Cincinnati platform, is equally true of the adoption of its candidates. Policy, it is said, dictated this action at Baltimore. What policy is expected to be secured by this action ? Certainly it is not the main tenance of Democratic principles; for they were ignored, and the leadership of the movement placed in the hands of its lifetime enemy—a man who has at tained his eminence by his hostility to those principles, whose only strength is derived from his able and zealous sup port of all those abases and wrongs of the Federal Government which we have been the bleeding and helpless victims of. The Baltimore Convention must have acted npon the priciple of a c°rtain class of doctors : “similia similibus curantur;” as translated in a homeiy way, “the hair of the dog is a cure for the bite.” This principle may work we’l in the treatment of certain bodily afflictions; bnt it fails in political disorders. I cannot see the policy of doing wrong. Observation has taught me that principle is policy—aside from that J know no other policy. The only way of overcoming error IS BY FIGHTING IT, and not by making concession to it. This action on the part of the Balti timore Convention as a mere measure of success in obtaining control of the Gov ernment, was a stupendons folly. Tfie idea of building np a great party, able to compete with the one in power, by transferring nearly three millions of Democrats to a small squad of Liberal Republicans as a nucleus, would be sub limely ludicrous, were it not for the se rious and grave consequences following tfie experiment. The mountain has at last gone to Mahomet. A graver and more serious blander— one falling but little short of a crime— was never committed in American poli tics. The transcendant folly of its action is almost bewildering. It seems to have been the result of that madness created of the malignancy of the gods, and which is the precursor of destruction. That Convention ought to have known that a large portion of the Democratic party would not rally under the standard of their old enemy. They were put npon timely notice that a large number of the Democratic party would not support its action, either in the adoption of a Re publican Platform, or the nomination of Horace Greeley. This declaration WAS DISTINCT AND EMPHATIC; and when they acted at Baltimore, they did it in the full blaze of the light of knowledge. We protested earnestly against fcthis thing, ,and forewarned them that any departure from the time- honored principles aud usages of the Party, wonld not have our support. They wonld not heed our protest, and L-termined in their “ass^ m’ 1 >ied wisdom” to disregard it. They were willing to lose us for the sake of getting a handful of Liberal Republicans. Like the fool ish dog in the fable: They have let go the substance for the shadow. Now, who is properly chargeable with this BREACH IN THE PARTY ? Certainly not us. We have done noth ing, except to adhere to tnose principles which they aaknowledge to be right. The “head and front of onr offending” consists in onr refusal to indorse a Radi cal platform and candidate. They charge ns with giving aid and comfort to the Grant wing of the ReDub- lican party by withholding onr adhesion to the aotion of Baltimore. This charge comes with a bad grace from those who, by their action (over our protest) have placed ns in a position where the main tenance of Democratic principles inures to the benefit of one wing of the com mon enemy. This is’their fault—not ours. They hazared the integrity of the Democratic Party npon tnis Baltimore experiment, and they ought not to charge its failnre npon others. They gambled off this Party, and ought not to blame those who protested against it. They assured us that the ex periment would *prove a triumphant suc cess, and that there would be a great “ground swell” of pnblio feeling iu its favor. Now if the Straight-out movement is such a contemptible thing, and em braces only afewsoreheads and malcon tents, then they will not affect the ground swell;” it will go on swelling in spite of them. A DECEPTIVE TRICK. It is claimed for this movement (if successful) that it will restore the De mocracy to power; that this departure from Democratic principles is only tem porary, and designed for the ultimate restoration of those principles. The Democracy is to get into power by a trick—a hocus pocus, and then ran the Government as they desire it. This trick is too thin for deception. These Gree- leyites are a poor set of gamblers, for they take everybody to be a set of fools, except themselves. Nobody is fooled by such tricks except their manipulators. We are told that the Cincinnati-Balti- more platform enunciates Democratic principles in recognizing the right of “local self government.” This plank in the platform is not announced as a prin ciple, bnt simply a policy—and for the reason (as given in the same conviction) that it, “with important suffrage, will guard the rights of all citizens more se curely than any centralized power.” There is not the slightest recognition of the reserved sovereign rights of the States. The States are to exercise the privilege of local self government, by gratia and not de jure. It is a franchise to be exercised under the supervision of the General Government; and as long as these corporations carry out the purpose of their creation, they are not to be mo lested. This idea of LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT is not at all inconsistent with the right cf reconstructing the State Governments whenever the Central Power deems it necessary to “guard the rights of the cit izens,” or anv portion of them. Mr. Greeley has, himself, said that it is not a Democratic platform. In accepting the Baltimore nomination, he said: “Gentlemen, your platform, which is also mine, assures me that the Democ racy is not henceforth (italic mine) to stand for one thing and Republicanism for another.” Having abandoned its time-honored position, the Democracy “henceforth” is to stand upon Republi can principles. It additional proof is necessary to show that I have correctly stated Mr. Greeley’s opinion of that platform, read his speech made on the 19th of Septem ber last, at Pittsburg, in which he said: “And thus coming together in a solemn convention, representatives of the South ern people have given their assent to the platform of the Cincinnati Convention, which was the most intense, the most complete Republican platform that had ever been presented by any convention whatever 1” In this Mr. Greeley has stated the trnth. The Democratic State Conven tion which assembled in this city last August, refused to adopt<this platform, BECAUSE IT WAS NOT DEMOCRATIC. The truth is overwhelming, that the nominee and platform of the Baltimore Convention are both Radical—most in tense and completely Republican. And yet the Democracy are urged to support them; and those who do not are derided and charged with being bolters, and be ing in sympathy with the Grant wing of the Republican party. I am prond to say that I am a bolter from this wicked abomination; and I trust that I shall ever be fonnd bolting from Radicalism, whether fonnd in the ranks of pretended friends or open foes. What is now to be hoped for in voting tor Mr. Greeley? The recent elections in Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana have practically demonstrated the weakness and folly of this movement, and the UTTER HOPELESSNESS of Mr. Greeley’s election. It has de monstrated the fact that the people in those States are not prepared to accept Mr. Greeley and his “most complete” and “most intense Republican” principles; and the verdict to be given by the people of all the States next month will be, in my judgment, a most overwhelming and em phatic repudiation of Mr. Greeley and his party. The great mai>3 of those claiming to be Democrats who are supporting Mr. Greeley attempt to jnstify their course by the plea of a “choice between evils.” They say that the contest is between Grant and Greeley, and that they prefer the latter as the less of the two evils. I can see no difference betwen them, and therefore shah not make any choice. The utter failnre of this whole so-called Liberal Republican movement is a foregon conclusion, and there is no choice of evils about it; 3nd I cannot believe that many of this class will throw away their votes upon Mr. Greely. THEBE 13 NO EVIL abont voting for Mr. O’Conor. He is a pure and scund Democrat, a gentleman of unpurchaseable integrity, and an ardent sympathiser of^the Souikein ^jer deep misfortaBe&w V* A writhing inthrf ■ and groaning uuder tne heel of a tyranny placed upon her by Greeley and his co laborers, Charles O’Conor was protesting against the wrongs, and doing all in his power to aid the ureat and noble Jenkins in his efforts to free onr people from tha galling yoke of Military Despotism whiek was oppressing us so grievously. Gov. Jenkins himself has said, thafc Georgia owes Charles O’Conor a debt ci£ gratitude she never can pay. Bnt it is said that Mr. O’Conor stands no chance of an election. This may ba trne; bat he stands a chance of receiving the vote of every man who rightly ap preciates the maintenance of Democrat ic principles, and who wonld rather be defeated under his own colors, than to triumph nnder those of the enemy. There can be possibly, but one resnlt following the support of Mr. Greeley by the Democracy; that will be defeat, hu miliation and shame. | IT CANNOT BE OTHERWISE. When the people saw this attempted committal of the Democracy to Radical candidates and principles, it is not strange that they should refuse to aid in changing the personal administration of the Goveromeut from Gen. Grant to Mr. Greeley. Those who calculate upon securiug thi*aul are ignorant of tlmlaws governing human conduct. It is far bet ter that we should ever remain iu the mi nority than to make the humiliating sao- rifica required of ns. We have passed through the fiery cru cible of war, and I /believe there yet re mains enough virtue aud manhood incur people to endure all the wiougs aud op pressions which the malignant ingenuity of our eueuiies can advise. We should stand firmly by our principles; and while we may not hope to succeed iu the eleo- tion of our candidate, we cau at least preserve our principles aud save seed for another crop. The sons of Georgia should be true to themselves and their convictions. They may not have the strength to be feared, bnt they should have the manhood to be respected. >-#-4 Tlio Plundering Tax inSoutU Carolina Through tho operations of the recon struction measures and military raid which were fastened upon the Sonth by Radical domination nrged and secured by the demands and influence of Horaeo Greeley more than any other one man s ' South Carolina has been made to suffer more than any other State in the South; yet the majority of the newspapers of that State, and many of the white men who are taking any part in the Presi dential campaign, are in favor of Gree ley; are lioking the hand and kissing tho rod that has smitten them.; Scott ; the plundering carpet-bag Gov ernor, and his plundering Legislature, have ruined the credit of the State; hav'a put npon it millions of dollars oj an un lawful debt, just like tno Bullock gang did in this State, only more so; aud have levied a speciai onerous, unbearable tax to pay the interest on this dishonest, fraudulent and unlawful debt. A few days ago the mockery of an election for State officers was gone through with, resulting in the success of one Moses—one of the worst of the scala wag crew—for Governor. Scott’s long plundering career in the Executive Chair is approaching its end; and he is about to signalize his vacation of the office by enforcing tho collection of this wicked tax. It amounts to two and a quarter per cent, upon the property of the Stale. The Auditor-General of the State has been removed from office by Scott be cause he refused to issue an order to col lect this tax. He has published a letter in which he states that he was offered $20,000 to issue the order and enforce the collection—so we see it stated in the Columbia Carolinian. This act was passed over two years ag oj and it seems has never been enforced. Soon after its passage, a Convention of tax-payers in the State assembled and resolved to refuse paying it and resist its collection. This Convention declared that the bonds in question were illegal and fraudulent, and tbat they would not pay any tax to liquidate them or meet their interest. Judge Willard, of tha Supreme Court of the State, has held them to be unconstitutional and invalid; yet Scott is taking steps to collect a tax which was levied to pay the interest on these bonds. The tax-payers of Charleston declare they will not pay the tax, and a general indignation is being manifested through out the State. They are abont to feel the effects of Greeley’g benevolence to wards the Sonth. Announcement tor Congress. Amebicus, Ga., Oct. 21,1872. To the Voters of the Third Congressional District: In announcing myself as au independ ent candidate for Congress in this Dis trict, I deem it useless to declare my po litical faith. The fact that I am a Democrat of the Jeffersonian school, has been made known to the public of Georgia through, the public press; and within the last four months I have repeatedly advocated the principles of that party from the Has tings. The record of my past life, both as a soldier and a man, is before the District, and I am perfectly willing to have it sifted and thoroughly Tentilated. In the event of my election I pledge myself to do equal justice to all men of my section. Respectfully, Jack Brown. College Flections. From a private letter from Macon wo learn that the society elections in Mercer University occurred on Saturday. la* the Phi Delta Society, Mr. John S. Free man (S. A. E.) was electod Comnu ment Orator and Mr. \V. Ira Smik* A. E.) Anuiversarmu. In tb-, Joes'VV'uiau S,