Newspaper Page Text
VOL. 2-NO. ISO.
SAVANNAH, GEORGIA, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST fc}, 4866. ‘
The Daily News and Herald.
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NATIONAL Di'IOM CONTENTION.
’ The, rlatform Entire,
declafation op principles and
PURPOSES.
Tile Rights, Dignity and Authority of
tile States Under the Constitution
Perfect and Unimpaired.
THE MARKETS
News from Canada.
N’evtYobsi, Aug. 21, noon.—Gold 147# ; Exchange
i4s ’« ; Cotton quiet at 34 <§> 36c.
An Ottowa dispatch says military preparations are
^k:ug. There are gome apprehensions felt of another
raid. Eleven hundred men are now on Welland
final at Tlnrald, two battalions being volunteers
hah battalion ami half battery of regulars. There
troops of voluuteer cavalry.
Firearms and munitions of war arc to be admitted
mt0 ^ ,tua ‘* a free of duty until the 15th of next moAtfe,
toac-’ordance with an order in couucil of the 16th
l “ st '’ to enable, private parties to get breech loading
ana;
*'rom Cincinnati.
U'ixissati. Aug. 21.—There were 61 deaths from
a this city yesterday.
cholera u
From Washington. *
Washington, Aug. 21.-^-The rumors received of
"‘ 4at,,u 8 r «tuoval are probably true. There is a strong
Vtessure against him. The Missouri Convention and
Ration urge the appointment of Gen. Frank Blair,
Ul SUre dman will probably be the successor.
FROM MISSOURI.
^rotl,
“•nation !>y the Governor—The Pre-
p nt Constitution and haw's Must be
"“farced Until Repealed.
iJ?‘\ ^ 0TJIS » 17. —Gov. Fletcher lias
ttnt 1 s ^ roc htniution bearing upon the pre-
« wwt p h« 8p r tiv<i condlti °“ of the S&tA
the National and State^vemmft
used to enforce obediencc toX w£
National and State Government,
Uws are tnodifled or repealed 1 in o
tiunal manner, or declared void bv °°“ st * tn "
Knt court; that thepresentconstitiitirJ m ?i e "
supreme law of the WidfiJ
law wll he enforced, and elections eomWeS-
hi conformity therewith; that the anntial en
rollment of militia will be made according to
law . and irrespective of political status or
opinion, that no arrests be made except as
authorized by law; but when civil process
'amuot be executed with the assistance of an
ordinary posse, officers will call for the aid
|J 1 the militia. No armed or organized men
v, ili be allowed to appear at the polls or
Peaceful assemblies of the people, except by
Jue order of the Governor, or Department
- wnmander. All citizens are urged to assist
he constituted authorities in the mainte-
“auce of order.
— An exchange states that the work of
approvement at the Executive Mansion,
ashiogton, is assuming q uite large propor-
'ehs. lae loug row of outhouses which
extended irom the east wing of the building
.! c ' n S * orn down. It is the intention of
, e Coma >issioner of Public Buildings to
^ a spacious entrance to the East Room
hi the Side toward the Treasury, with a
Ppheo to correspond with the present style
01 ibe edifice.
-A Radical editor says that Col. Forney is
a ‘‘noble type of public men.” The Louis-
<= ournal thinks he is of the type known
Pinters as the minion.
The National Union Convention now assembled in
the city of Philadelphia, composed of delegates from
every State and Territory in the Union, admonished
by the solemn lessons which for the last live years it
has pleased the Supreme Ruler of the universe to give
to the American people, profoundly grateful for the re
turn of peace, desirous as are a large majority of their
countrymen in ail sincerity to forget and forgive the
past, revering the Constitution as it came to us hon
our ancestors, regarding the Union in its restoration
as more sacred than ever, looking with deep anxiety
into the future as of instant and continuing trial,
hereby issues and proclaims the following declaration
ot principles and purposes on which they have, with
perfect unanimity, agreed :
1. We hail with gratitude to Almighty God the end
of war and the return of peace to our afflicted be
loved land.
2. The war just closed has maintained the authority
of the Constitution, with all the powers which it con
fers, and ail the restrictions which it imposes upon
the General Government unabridged and unaltered,
and it has preserved the Union with the equal rights,
dignity and authority of the States perfect and unim
paired.
3. Representation in the Congress of the United
States and in the Electoral College is a right recog
nized by the Constitutiou as abiding in every State
and as a duty imposed upon its people, fiMUtanaMa!
in its nature, and essential to the existence m Gffrr^.
publican institutions, and neither Congress nor the
General Government has any authority or power to
deny this right to any State or to withhold enjoyment
under the Constitution from the people thereofl
4. We call upon the people of the United States to
elect to Congress as members thereof none but men
who admit this fundamental right of representation,
and who will receive to seats therein loyal representa
tives from every State in allegiance to the United
States, subject to the constitutional right of each
House to judgo of the election returns and qualifica
tions of its own members.
5. The Constitution of the United States and the
laws made m pursuance thereof are: “The supreme
law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws
of any State to the contrary notwithstanding.” All
the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon
the General Government, nor prohibited by it to the
State, are reserved to the States or to the people there-
ol; and among the rights thus reserved to the 8tates
is the right to prescribe qualifications for the elective
franchise therein, with which right Congress cannot
interfere. No State or combinations of States ha3 the
right to withdraw from the Union, or to exclude,
through their action in Congress or otherwise, any
other State or States from the Union. The union of
these States is perpetual, and its government is of su
preme authority within the restrictions and limitations
of the Constitution.
6. Such amendment to the Constitution of the
United States may be made by the people thereof as
they may deem expedient, but only in the mode
pointed out by its provisions; and in proposing such
amendments, whether by Congress or by a Conven
tion, and in ratifying the same, ali the States of the
Union have an equal and an indefeasible right to a
voice and a vote thereon.
7. Slavery is abolished and forever prohibited, and
there is neither desire nor purpose on the part of the
tSouthem States that it should ever be re-established
upon the soil or within the j urisdiction of the United
States, and the enfranchised slaves in all the States of
the U moil should receive, in common with all their
inhabitants, equal protection in every right of person
and property.
8. While we regard as utterly invalid and never to
be assumed or made of binding force any obligation
incurred or undertaken in makmg war against the
United States, we hold the debt^of the nation to be
sacred and inviolable, and we proclaim our purpose
to maintain unimpeached the honor and the faith of
the Republic.
9. It is the duty of the National Government to
recognize the services of the Federal soldiers and
sailors in the contest just closed by meeting promptly
and fully all their just and rightful claims for the ser
vices they have rendered the nation, and by extend
ing to those of them who have fallen the most gener
ous and considerate care.
10. In Andrew Johnson, President of the United
States, who in bis great office has proved steadfast in
his devotion to the Constitution, the laws and inter
ests of his country, unmoved by persecution and un
swerved by reproach, having faith unassailable in the
people and in the precepts of the Government, we
recognize a Chief Magistrate worthy of the nation and
equal to the great crisis upon which his lot is cast,
and we tender to him in the discharge of his high and
responsible duties our profound respect and assurance
of our cordial and sincere support.
NATIONAL traoN COMMITTEE.
Joseph T. Crowell, of New Jersey, Chairman.
Maine—James Mann and A. A. Gould.
New Hampshire—Edmund Burke aud E. S. Cutter.
Vermont—B. B. Smalley and Colonel H. N. Wor
tham.
Massachusetts—Josiah Dunham and R. 9. Spo fiord
Rhode Island—Alfred Anthony aud James H Par
sons.
Connecticut—James T. Babcock and D. C. Scran
ton.
New York—Robert H. Pruyn and Samuel C. Tilden.
New Jersey—Joseph T. Crowell and Theodore T.
Randall.
Pennsylvania—J. M. Zulick and J. S. Black.
Delaware—J. S. Comegys auu Edward S. Martin.
Maryland—Governor Swann aud T. G. Pratt.
Virginia—James F. Johnson aud Dr. E. C. Robin
son.
West Virginia—Daniel Lamb and John J. Jackson.
North Carolina—Thomas S. Ashe and Joseph H.
Wilson.
South Carolina—James L. Orr and B. F. Perry.
Georgia—J. H. Christy aiid Thomas S. Hardeman.
Florida—William Marviu aud Wilkinson Call.
Mississippi—W. L. Sharkey and George L. Pottes.
Alabama—W. H. Crenshaw aud C. C. Huck-»bee.
Louisiana—Randall Hunt aud Alfred Henning.
Arkansas—Lorenzo Gibson and A. H. English.
Texas—B. H. Epperson and John Hancock.
Tennessee—D. T. Tailusin and William D. Camp
bell.
Kentucky—R. H. Stanton aud Hamilton Pope.
Ohio—L. B. Campbell and George B. Smyth.
Indiana—D. D. Gooding aud Thomas Dowling.
Illinois—John A. MoClernand aud Jesse O. Norton.
Michigan—Alfred Russell and Byson G. Stout.
Missouri—Hon. Barton Abell and James S. Rollins.
Minnesota—Hon. H. M. Rice and D. F. Norton.
Wisconsin—J. A. Noonan and S. A. Pearce.
Iowa—George A. Parker and Wm. A. Chase.
Kansas-Jamcs A. McDowell and W. A. Tipton.
California—Hon. Samuel Purdy and Joseph P.
Huge.
Nevada—John Carmichael and Hon. G. B. Hall.
Oregon—James W. Nesmith aud B. W. Bonham.
District of Colombia—Josiah Hoover and J. B.
Blake.
Dakotah—N. K. Armstrong and N. W. Winer.
Idaho—William H. Wallace and H. Cummins.
Nebraska—General H. H. Heath and Hob. J. S.
Morton.
BESIDEXI EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE AT WASfII!fQTON.
Charles Knapp, of New Jersey, Chairman.
_HoB- Montgomery Blair, Maryland.
libs. Charles Knofi, Iowa.
Ward H. Lamon, John F. Coyle, A. E. Perry,
Samuel Fowler, Col. James R. O’Beirae, Cornelius
Wendell, District of Columbia.
ADDRESS OF THE NATIONAL UNION CONVOI^Hr
The following is a copy of the patriotic add^
the National Union Convention to the pe<mle
United States. We commend it to the careful perusal
of our readers :
To the People of Che United Sidles :
Having met in Convention, at the city of Philadel
phia, in the State of Pennsylvania, this 16th day of
August, 1866, as the representatives of the people in
all sections, aud all the Mates aud Territories of the
Union, to consult upon the condition aud the wants of
oar common country, we address to you this declara
tion of oar principles, and oftirt political purposes we
seek to promote.
Since the meeting of the last National Convention,
in the year I860, events have occurred which have
changed the character of our internal politics and
given th® United $*at«a i new place among the na
tions of the earm.* i Our: Government has passed
through the vicissitudes and the perils of civil war—
a war which, though mainly sectional in its character,
has nevertheless decided political differences that
from the very beginning of the Government had
threatened the unity of our national existence, and
has left its impress ;deep and ineffaceable upon all
the interests,.the sentiments, and the destiny of the
Republic. While it has inflicted upon the whole,
country severe losses in life and in property, and has
imposed burdens which must weigh on its resources
for generatiuns to come, it lias developed a degree of
national courage iu the presence of national daugers—
for military organization and achievement,
* devotion on the part of the people to the form of
nrin^w.? Xcut ,^ hicl1 tlle ^ have ordained, aud to the*
siencii^m ° f llbort y w hi ,- h that Government
de e nce or?h?^T 0te * wh,ch u,u ' t confirm t^confc
institutions 1D the P er P etuit y of Its republican
, and command the respect ot the civilized
world.
test^he^udiSam^oi- 8 ? ^ hich rousu tiie passions and
test me endurance oi nations, this war has civen now
«ope to the ambnion of poluioat patW aud fJ^S
impulse to plans of mnovai.on and reform, imidtho
chaos of conflicting aentimcius inseparable
an era, while the public heart is keenly UllvJ to ilUha
passions that can sway the public judgment and attmt
the public action, while the wounds of war are atin
fresh and bleeding on either side, fears for the futnre
take uiyuatproportiouB from the memoriea and re.
g,atwmill eg the past, it is a difficult but au im
perative doty Which onryour behalf we, who are here
assembled, have undertaken to perform.
For the first time after six long years of alienation
and of conflict, we have come, together from every
State and from every section of onr land, as citizens
of a common country, under that flag,. the symbol
again of a common giory, to consult together how best
to cement and perpetuate that Union wuich is agsin
the object of our common love, and thus secure the
blessings of Aberty to ourselves **d our posterity.
In the first | place we invoke y^t to »®ember,al-
ways and everywhere, that ih6^w»r is ended and the
nation is again at peace. The shock of cotending vbb
no longer assails the shuddering heart of the republic.
The insurrection against the supreme authority of
the nation has been suppressed, and that aniuotitj
has been again acknowledged, by word and apt, in
every State and by every citizen within its juried!c-
n< * ^°®ff er required or permitted to re-
7 ”7* ea f* o™r as enemies. Not only Rave
the acta of war been discontinued, and the weapons
m war laid aside, but the state of war no longer ex
ists, and the sentiments, the pasrionMhe relations of
•war nave no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere
throughout our . broad domain. We are again people
P» the United States, fellow citizens of one country,
bound by the duties and obligations of a common par
tnottom, and. having neither rights nor interests'
apart from a common destiny. The duties that de
volve on us are Again the duties of pence, and no lon
ger tha duties of war. We have assembled here tot
take counsel concering the interests of peace; to de
cide how we g|ay most wisely and effectually heal the
wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpetu
ate the benefits it has secured, and the blessings
which, under a wise and benign Providence, have
sprang up in its fiery track. This is the work, not of
passion, but of calm and sober Judgment; not of re
sentment for past offences prolonged beyoigl the liiun
its which justice and reason prescribe, but of a liberal
statesmanship which tolerates frh&t it cannot preYeht,
and builds its plans and it hopes for the future rather
upon a community of interests and ambition than up
on distrust and the weapons of force.
In the next place we call upon you to recognize in
their full significance, aud to fccept with all their le
gitimate consequences, the political results of the war
just-'llosed. , k* tmo xuqat important particulars the
victory achjevedKw the Ntfltnuly Government has been
final and decisive. First, it has established beyond
all further controversy, and by the highest of all hu
man sanctions, , the absolute supremacy of the Nation
al Government, as defined ahd limited by the Coaisti-
tutiofi of the United States, aud the permanent integ
rity and indissolubility of the Federal Union as a ne
cessary consequence; and second, it has put au end
finally and forever to the existence of slavery upon
the soil or within the jurisdiction of the United States.
Both these points became directly involved in the con
test, and controversy upon both was ended absolutely
and finally by the result
In the third place; we deem it of the utmost import
ance -that the real character of the war and the victory
by which it was closed should be accuw^ v ft fltider-
stood. The war was carried on by the
the United States in maintenance of its oairVuthonty
and. in ^defence of jts own existence, both of which
11 ifrpripslidn idfich it sought to
«Wpffe#. ^Ije .ahHpee^a^?th4t£insurrection ac
complished that result The Government of the
United States maintained by force of arms the supreme
authority over all Jhe territory, and over all the States
and people within its jurisdiction which the Constitu
tion confers upon it; but it acquired thereby no new
power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights either of
territorial possession or of civil authority which it did
not possess before the rebellion broke out. All the
rightful power which it can ever possess is that which
is conferred upon it, either in express terms or by fair
and necessary implication, by the Constitution of the
United States. It was that power and that authority
which the rebellion sought to overthrow, and the vic
tory *>f the federal arms was simply the defeat of that
attempt. The Government of the United States acted
throughout the war on the defensive. It sought only
to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither
the war, nor .the, victory by which it was closed,
changed in any way the Constitution of the United
Stutes. The war was carried ou by virtue ot' its pro
visions, aud under the limitations which they pre
scribe, and the result of the war did not either en
large, abridge, or in any way change or affect the pow
er* it -confers upon tbe Federal Government, or re-
ease that Government from the restrictions which it
lhas imposed.
The constitution of the United States is to-day pre
cisely as it was before the war, the “supreme law ot
tbe land, anything in the Constitutiou or laws of any
State to the contrary notwithstanding,** and to-day
also, precisely as before the war. all the powers not
conferred by the Constitution upon the General Gov-
ment, nor prohibited by it to the States, are “reserved
to the several States, or the people thereof.”
This position is vindicated not only by the essenti.il
nature of our Government, and the language and
Spirit of the UoQstitu^on, but by all the acta aud the
language of bur floremnWjt, in all its departments,
ana at all times from the outbreak of the rebellion to
its final overthrow. In every message aud proclama
tion of th4 Executive it was explicitly declared that
the sole object and purpose ot the war was to maiuthin
the authority of the Constitution and to preserve the
integrity of the Union; and Congress more than once
reiterated the solemn declaration, anil added the as
surance that whenever this otjject should be attained
the war should cease, and all the States should retain
their rights and dignity unimpaired. It is only
since (die war was (dosed that other rights have been
asserted on behalf of. ode department of the General
Government. It has been proclaimed by Congress
that, ill addition to the powers ofthe Constitution, the
Federal Government may now claim over the States,
the territory aud the people involve^ in the insurrec
tion, ti.e rights of war, the right of conquest and of
confiscation, the right to abrogate ail existing govern
ments, institutions and laws, and to subject the terri
tory conquered and its inhabitants to such laws, regu
lations and deprivations as the legislative departments
of the Government may see lit to impose. Under this
broad and sweeping claim, that clause of tbe Constitu
tion which provides that “no State shall,without its con
sent, be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate of
the United States,” has been annulled, and ten States
have been refused, aud are still refused, representa
tion altogether in both branches of the Federal Con
gress. Aud the Congress in which only a part of the
Status and of the people of the Uuion are represented,
has asserted the right thus to exclude the rest from
representation, amt from all share in malting their
own laws or choosing their own rulers until they shall
comply with such conditions and perform snch acts as
this Congress thus composed may itself prescribe.
That right not only been asserted, but it has been
exercise:i, and is practicallv enforced at the present
time. Nor does it find any .support iu the theory thut
the States thus excluded are in rcbelliou against the
Government, and are therefore precluded from shar
ing its authority. They are not thus in rebellion.
They are one and ali in an attitude of loyalty towards
the Government, and of sworn allegiance to the Con
stitution of the United States. In no one of them h
there the slightest indication of resistance to this au
thority, or the slightest protest against its just and
binding obligation. This condition of renewed loyalty
jMBkfr '
of4^e g _
States have been extended by Cougri
States and the people thereof. Federal courts have
been reopened, aud Federal taxes imposed and levied,
and in every respect, except that they are denied re
presentation in Congress aud the Electoral College,
the States once in rebellion are recognized as holding
the same position, as owing the same obligstious, and
subject to the same duties as the other States of our
common Union.
It seems to us, in the exercise of the calmest and
most candid judgment we can bring to the subject,
that such a claim, so enforced, involves as fatal an
overthrow of the authority of the Constitution, and as
complete a destruction of the Government and Union,
as that which was sought to be effected by the States
and people in aimed insurrection agaiust them both.
It cannot escape observation that the power thus as
serted to exclude certain States from representation is
made to rest wholly in the will and discretion of<thd ;
Congress that asserts it It is not made to depend
upon any specified conditions or circumstunces, nor to
be subject to any rules or regulations whatever. The
right asserted and exercised is absolute, without quali
fication or restriction, not confined to States in rebel
lion, nor to States that have rebelled; it is the right of
any Congress in formal possession of legislative autho
rity to exclude any otafce or States, and any portion of
the people thereof, at any time, from representation in
Congress and fin the Electoral College, at its own dis
cretion, and until they shall perform such acts and
comply with such conditions as it may dictate. Obvi
ously, the reasors for such exclusion, being wholly
within the discretion of Congress, may change as the
Congress itself shall change. One Congr- : s may ex
clude a State from all share m the Government for one
reason; and, that reason remove^ the next Congress
may exclude, it fbr an^thi^. (lie State may be ex
cluded oil unbound tiMHyr*** another may be ex
cluded ou the opposite ground to-morrow. Northern
ascendancy ipay exclude Southeyh States from one
Congress—the ascendancy’of Western or of Southern
interests, or of both combined, may exclude the
Northern or the Eastern the next im
probable as such usurpations xhi/ Mem, the establish*
meat of the principle now asserted uad acted upon by
Congress will render them byO* means impossible.
The character, indeed tifo vej*,existence, of Congress
awi4ie-Union JhodjS qgfiindent solely and en-
4taJ0qm6& the flftk md>#eeDjfcial cxigauefos orior-
We need not stop to show that such action not only
finds no warrant in the Constitution, but ts at war
with evary principle of our Government, and with the
very existence of tree institution*. It is, indeed, thu
fcfeBttaai practice, which ipgMjevod fruitless all at
tempts hitherto to eatabUsuTShumsiiriWu free go-
renuoeots in Mexico and the States*of South America.
Party necessities assert themselves as superior to the
fundamental law, which la s«* aside in reckless obe
dience to their behests. 'Stability, whether in tbe ■ex
ercise of power, in the administration of government,
or in the enjoyment of rights, becomes impossible;
and the conflicts of party, which, un&er constitutional
governmenta, are the conditions and means of politi
cal progress, are merged in the conflicts H&f %rw»s ur
which they directly and lnevitaMytend.
It srss ^gifuiS this pejll, so conspicuous and so fa-
Jdtb all tree governments, that our Constitution was
intended especially to provide. Ebt oifijr the stabili
ty, but the vdry existence of tiidj^orenimeut is made
by Its provisions to depend upon the right and the
fact of representation. The Congress, upon which is
conferred all the legislative ptflfffibf the National Go
vernment, consists of two branHK, the Senate and
House of Representatives, whose joint concurrence
or assent is essential to the validity or any law. Of
these the House of Representatives, says the Consti
tution, fArticle 1, Section 2,) “shall be composed of
members chosen every second year by the people of
the Several States.” Not only is the right of repre
sentation thus recognized as possessed by all the
States and by every Slate without restriction, qualiti-
tion x>r condition of any kind, but the duly of choos*
resenujSves jKuhj>o8e4’ JBgpn the people of
everejState fckjfewitlJUEglistibotiou, or the
juthoiHy to lAke distHKions flKidfcg them, for any
reason, or upon any grounds whatever. And iu the
Senate, so careful is the Constitution to secure to
every State this right of representation. 8 is expressly
' sd that ‘iap Aisle shall, without ita consent, be
jd-oflta^qhjalitiffrage” in that body, even by
_ierfdmeE of the Constitution iUelf. When,
therefore, any State is excluded from such represen
tation, not only is a right of the State denied, but the
constitutlotial integrity <* the pefcatsi is impaired, aud
theVhttdity-br the Government 1 itself is brought iu
question. But Congress at the present moment thus
excludes - from representation, in both' branches of
Congress, ten States of the Union, denying them all
in the enactment of laws by which the/ art to
erutd; aud tff zb the election of
by which-tbot! u$s are tflL# »e enforced. In
other words, a Congress in which only tweDty-six
States are represented, asserts the right to govern,
*3# afid in its own discretion, all tbe thirty-six
. w »chHx^apuse the Union—to make thair lawa
■ud choose their rulers, and to exclude-tbe other ten
V?® **1 share in their own government until it sees
t,len » thereto. What is there to distin-
!?\ U8 averted and exercised from tbe
“d intolerable tyratiiy?
”*nd unjuBt claims on the
j* rt _i P° weri! *nd authority never con
ferred npon the Government by the Constitution find
557bK£ « u buSS? u * ncUKa Drged on
Ftwt That these State., bythe ^ of rebellion and
by voluntarily withdra wing their members from Con
gress, forfeited their right of representation, ,-qni'thafc
they can only receive it again at the hands of the sc-,
preme legislative authority of tbe Government", em its
own terms and at its own discretion. If rapreasnta*
tion in Congress and participation in the Government
were simply privileges conferred find hqld tfj favor,
this statement might have tbe merit of plausibility.
But representation is under the Constitution not only
expressly recognized as a right, but it is impoesd as a
duty; and it is essential in both aspects to the exis
tence of the Government and to the maintenance of
its authority. In free governments fundamental and
essential rights cannot be forfeited, except agatnpt In*
dividual* by due process of law; nor can constitutional
duties and obligations be discarded or laid aside. The
enjoyment of rights may be for a time suspended by
the failure to claim them, and duties may be avoided
by the refusal to perform them. ’ The withdrawal .Of
their members (Tom Congress by the States which re
sisted ttie General Government was among their acts
of insurrection—was one of the means nod Agencies
by which they sought to impair the authority and de
feat the action ofthe Government; and that act wm
annulled and rendered void when the Insurrection it
self was suppressed. Neither the fight of represen
tation nor the duty to be represented was iff the least
impaired by the fact of insurrection; but it may have
been that by reason of the insurrection the conditions
on which the enjoyment of that right and the perform
ance of that duty for the time depended could not be
fuAllda. This was, in fact, tbe caauL i An insurgent
power, in the exercise of usurped and unlawful au
thority in the territory under its control, *bad pro
hibited that allegiance to the Constitution and laws of
the United States which is made by that fundamental
law the essential condition of representation in its
government. No man within the insurgent States
was allowed to take the oath to support the Constitu
tion of the United States, and, as. a necessary conse
quence, no man could lawfully represent those States
m tbe councils of the Union. US this was only an
obstacle to the enjoymentand to the dis
charge of a duty—it di<Lnot annmphe one or abrogate
the other; and it ceased tff e: '
by which it was create* had
the usurpation
thrown, and the
nee to tho Con
stitution and laws of the United States.
Second. But it is asserted, in support of tbe authori
ty claimed by the Congress now in possession of power,
that it flows directly from the laws of war; that it is
among the rights which victorious war always confers
upon the conquerors, and which the conqueror may
exercise or waive in his own discretion. To this we
reply that the laws in question relate solely, so far as
the rights they confer are concerned, to wars waged
between alien and independent nations, and can have
no place or force, in thi» regard, in a war waged by a
government to suppress an insurrection of its own
people, upon ita own soil, against its authority. If we
had carried on successful war against any foreign na-
nation, we^ might thereby have acquired posses
sion and jurisdiction ot their aati, with the right to
enforce our laws upon their people and to impose
upon them such laws and such obligations as- we
might cboose. But wu bad before the war complete
jurisdiction over the soil of the Southern States,
limited only by our own Constitution. Our laws were
the only national laws in force upon it. The govern
ment of the United States was the only government
through which.these States and their people had rela
tions with foreigu nations, and its flag was the only
flag by which they were recognized or known any
where on the face of the earth. la all these respects,
and in all other respects involving national interests
and rights, our possession was perfect and complete.
It did not need to be acquired, but only to be main
tained; and victorious war against the rebellion could
do nothing more than maintain it. It could only vin
dicate and re-establish the disputed supremacy of the
Constitution. It could neither enlarge nor diminish
the authority which that Constitution confers upon
the government by which it was achieved. Such an
enlargement or abridgement of constitutional power
can be effected only by amendment of the Constitu
tion itself, aud such amendment can be made only in
the modes which the Constitution itself prescribes.
The claim that the suppression of an insurrection
agaiust the government gives additional authority and
power to that government, esperially that it enlarges
the jurisdiction of Congress and gives that body the
right to exclude States from representation in the
national councils, without which tbe nation itself can
have no authority and no existence, seems to us at
variance alike with the principle of the Constitution
and with the public safety.
Third. But it is alleged that in certain particu
lars the Constitution of the United States fails
to secure that absolute justice and impartial equali
ty which the principles of our Government re
quire; that it was in these respects the result of
compromises aud concessions to which, however ne
cessary when the Constitution w'as formed, we are no
louger compelled to submit, and that now, having the
power through successful war, aud just warrant for its
exercise in the hostile conduct of the insurgent sec
tion, the actual Government of the United States may
impose its own conditions, and’make tbe Constitution
conform in all its provisions to its own ideas of equali
ty aud the rights of man. Congress, at its last session,
the General Government over that of the several
States, aud reducing, by indirect disfranchisement,
the representative power of tb^kates in which slavery
formerly existed; and it is claimed that these amend
ments may be made valid as parts of the original Con
stitution without the concurrence of the States to be
most seriously affected by them, or may be imposed
upon those States by three-fourths of the remaining
States, as conditions of their readmiaaion to represen
tation in Congress and in the Electoral College.
It is tbe unquestionable right of the people of the
United States to make such diauges in tbe Constitu
tion as they, upon due deliberations, may deem expe
dient. But we insist that they shall be made in the
mode which the Constitutiou itself points out—in
conformity with the letter and the spirit of that instru
ment, and with tbe principles of self-government and
of equal rights which lie at the basis of*>ur republi
can institutions. We deny the right aECongress to
make these changes in the fundamental law, without
the concurreuce of three-fourths of all the States,
eluding especially those to be most seriously affected
by them; or to impose them upon States or people, as
oondi.l >us of representation, or of admission to any
of tho rights, duties, or obligations which belong un
der the Constitution to all the States alike. And with
still greater emphasis do we deny the right of any por
tion of tbe States, excluding tbe rest of the States
from any share in their councils, to prop<«e or sanc
tion changes in the Constitution which are to affect
permanently their political nhtiaai and control or
coerce the legitimate action of the aeveriS members
of the common Uuion. Such an exercise pf power
is simply a usurpation, just as unwarrantable wbeu
exercised by Northern States aa it wonld bo if exer
cised by Southern, and not to be fortified or paral
leled by anything in the past history either of those
by whom it is attempted or of those upon whose rights
and liberties it is to taks effboM it finds no warrant
iu tbe Constitution. IS is at war with the fundameu
tal principles of our form of government If tolera
ted in one iustance, it becomes the precedent for fu
ture invasions of liberty and makes constitutional
right dependent solely upon the will of tbe party in
possession of power, sad titila leads, by direct and ne
cessary sequence, to the most fatal and intolerable of
all tyrannies— the tyranny of shifting aud irrespon
sible political factions. It is against this, * the most
formidable of all the dangora which menace the sta
bility of free government, that the Coastitutiou of the
United States was intended most carefully to provide.
We demand a strict and steadfast adherence to its
provisions. Iu this, and in this alone, can we find a
basis qf permanent union and peace.
Fourth. But it is alleged in justification of the usur
pation which we condemn, that the condition of the
Southern States and people is not such as render safe
their readmission to a share in the Government of the
country; that they are still disloyal in sentiment and
purpose, aud that neither the honor, the credit nor
the interests of the nation would be safe if they were
readmitted to a share in its councils. Wt might re
ply to this:
(1) . That we have no right, Am such reasons, to de
ny to any portion of the StsteAir people rights ex
pressly conferred upon them by the Constitution of
tne United States.
(2) . That so long as their acts are those of loyalty—
so toag as they conform in all their public conduct to
Qiu requirement* at the Constitution and laws—we
have ho right to exact from them conformity in their
sentiments and opinions to our own.
(3) . That we have no right to distrust the purpose
or tbe ability of the people of the Union to protect and
defend, under all contingencieaand by whatever means
may be required, its honor and its welfare.
These would, in our judgment, ha full and conclu
sive answers to the pleas Gum advanced fot the exclu
sion of these States ftnm the Union. But we say
further, that this plea repU upon a complete misap
prehension or uffjoet perversion of existing facts.
We do not hesitate to aArm flu* there is no section
oi the country where the Constitution and laws of the
United States find a more prompt and entire obe
dience than in these States, and among those people
who were-lately in arms against them; or where there
is less purpose or deuger of any future attempt to
overthrow their authority. It would seem to be both
natural and inevitable that, in States and sections so
recently swept by the whirlwind of war, where all the
ordtaarytoefcahad methods ef-organized industry
have been bro ken U P* 411(1 the bonds and influences
that guarantee social order have been destroyed—
where thousands and ten of thousands of turbulent
spirits have been suddenly loosed from the discipline
of war, and thrown without resources or restraint
upon a disorganized snd chaotic society, and where
the keen sense of defeil Is added to the overthrow of
ambition and hope, scenes of violence should defy for
a time the imperfect discipline of law, and excite
anew the fears and forebodings of the patriotic and
well disposed. It is unquastlruiibly true that local
disturbances oi this kind, accompanied by more or
leas ot violence, do still occur. Bat they ire confined
entirely to the cities and larger towns ot the Southern
States where different race* and interests are
brought most dearly to ooatact, and where paadaah
ami resentment* are always moat easily fed and
Tanned into outbreak; and even there, they are quite
os much the fruit of untimely and hurtful political
agitation as of say hostility on the part of the people
iS the authority of the National Goverflinent.
But the concurrent testimony of those best acquaint-
Oil with the condition of aocidy and the state ot publio
eentiment in the Sooth-induding that aflit* repre
sentatives In thin convention—establishes the fret Uat
the great mam of the Southern people accept, with aa
fall and alnoere mibmiaaion aa do the people of the
other States, tho re-established supremacy of the na
tional authority, and are in the most loyal
spirit, and with a seal quickened dike by thdr inter
est and pride to co-operate with other States and sec-
tions in whatever may be neceaeary to defend the
rights, maintain the honor and promote the welfare or
our common country. Hlrtorv affords no malnnce
where a people, aa poy»f»» *» number*, in resource*,
and in public spirit, after a war ao long m its duration,
80 destructive in it* progreu^ and ao adverse in ila
issue have accepted defeat and ita consequence* with
bo much of good frith as baa marked tha conduct of
the ramie Utely i“ taaurraotinu agagnd the United
tu.fJTii.vand all auastion this ha* been largely due
•hahe been — -—*r‘~1ni
by the President ot tha i_
confidence and loyalty have
people of the South are to-dky leg* cbrdldiu (hair alia,
gaoaa than they were immediately owes the clou of
«h».war. we behave it is doe to the staged tone of the
legislative department of She General GovsramM ^
Wards thenf; to the action by which Congress boson-
desvored to supplant and defeatlh® President’s wise
sad banettoent policy of restoration; to tfcrir exclu
sion from all participation la our fififwa
mqnt; to .the withdrawal from thA»n pf righim ~r. D
ferred and guaranteed by fhc Constitution, *iyi to the
evident purpose of Coagteii, Iu Ike exercise'of a
usurped and unlawful eutherily. to redoes three isom
the rank of free sod equal members of a republic of
States, with rights and dignities to the
condition of conquered provinces and a conquered
people, An ali things subordinate aftl sutfleot to tha
will of their conquerors; free outer to obey Java in
making which they pre npt allowed to share.
' 'N<y£e<*flehas ever yet existed whose loyalty hud
frith such treatment loag wmtimred would set
alienate and impair. And tho to millions of
Jtmfricans who five in the 8outo would be un-
worthy citizens of a free country, di
of an heroic ancestry, unfit ever to become guar*
(Sana of the right# and liberties bequeathed to
us by the fathers and founders of this Republic, If
tfry could accept, with uncomplaining submissive
ness, the humiliations th da sought to tie imposed upon
them. Rerentmeit of injustice is always and every
where essential io freedom; and the spirit which
prompts the States and people lately in insurrection,
but insurgent now no longer, to protest against the
imposition of unjust and degrading conditions, makes
them all timmor® wurthy to share in the government
oia free common wealth, aud gives still firmer assur
ance of the future power and freedom of the Republic.
For whatever responsibility the Southern people may
have incurred in resisting tha authority of the Na^
tiouai Government and in taking up arms for Ha over
throw, they may be held to answer, as individuals,
before the Judicial tribunals of the land, and for that
conduct, a# associates and organised comm on tire,
they have idrcudy paid the most fearful DenOliteS that
cam foil on offending States in the lorere,the sufferings
and humiliations oi unsuccessful war. But whatever
may be the guilt Or* the punishment of the conscious
authors of th* insurrection, candor sod core sum jute
tice demand the concession that the great maos of
those who became involved in iis responsibility acted
upon what Lhqy believed to be their duty, in defence
of what theyhaobeen taught 'to believe their righto
or under a compulsion, physical sad moral, which
they were powerless to resist. Nor can it be mif to
remember that terrible as have been the bereavements
and losses of this war, they have fkUen exclusively
upon neither section aud upon neither party—that
they have fallen, indeed, with far greater weight upon
those with whom the war began; that in the death of
relatives aud friends, the Ulsperaion of families, the
disruption of social uystoma#nd social ties, the over-
thru .v of governments, of law and of order, the de
struction of property and off forms Sod modes and
means of industry, the loss of political, commercial
and moral influence, in ever} shape and form which
great calamities can assume^ the States and people
which engaged in the war against the Government of
the United States have suffered tenfold more than
those who remained iu allegiance to the Constitution
aud laws-.
These considerations may not; aa they certainly do
not, justify the action of the people of tha insurgent
States; but no just or generous miud will refuse to
them very considerable Weight in determining the
line of conduct which the Govemm'Sht of the United
States shall pursue towards them.
They accept, if not with alacrity, certainly without
sullea resentment, the defeat and. overthrow they have
sustained. They acknowledge ana acquiesce In tho
results, to thtmtotvOM and the country, which that de
feat involves. They no longer claim for any 84
right to secede from the Union, they no longer
for any State aa allegiance p+ramoMU to that which is
due to the General Government. They have acoeptod
the destruction of slavery, abolished it by thrir Shite
Constitutions, and concurred with the States and peo
ple of the whole Union in prohibiting its existence
forever npou the soil or witbti thejurlediction of tbe
United States. They indicate and evince their purpose
just so fast as may be possible and safe to adapt
domestic laws to the changed condition of their so
ciety, and to secure by the law and its tribunals equal
and impartial justice to all classes of their inhmhihmtM
They admit the invalidity of all acts of resistance to
tbe national authority, and of all debts incurred in at
tempting its overthrow. They avow their willingness
to share the burden and discharge all the duties sod
obligations which rest upon them, in common with
other States aud other sections of the Union; and they
renew, through (heir representatives in this Conven
tion, by ail their public conduct, in every way and by
the most solemn acts by which States and societies
can pledge their laith, their engagement to bear true
faith aud ailegiauoe, through ail time to oome. to the
Constitution of the United States, and to all law that
may be made in pursuance thereof!
Fellow-countrymen : We call upon you, iu full re
liance upou your.intelligenoe aud your patriotism, to
proposed amendments to the Constitution, enlarging accept, with generous aud ungrudging confidence^ thin
m some very important particulars the 'authority or Tull surrender on the p.irt of those lately in arms
against your authority, and io share with them the
honor aud reuowu that awaits those who bring back
peace and concord to jarring States. The war lust
closed, with all its sorrows aud disasters, baa rrpmWa‘
new career of glory to tbe nation it has saved. It has
swept away the hostilities of sentiment and of inter
ests which were a standing menace to its peace. It
has destroyed tbe institution of slavery, always a>
cause of sectional agitation and strife, aud has opened
for our country the way to unity of interest, of prin
ciple aud of action through all time to come. It has
developed in both sections a military cspacity^-an ap
titude for achievements of war, both by sea and land,
before unknown even to ourselves, and destined to ex
ercise hereafter, under united councils, an important
influence upou the character and destiny of the conti
nent and the world. And while it has thus revealed,
disciplined and compacted our power, it has proved to
us beyond controversy or doubt, by the course pur
sued towards botn contending sections by fore gn
powers, that we must be guardians of our own imh
pendence, and that the principles of our republican
freedom we represent can find among the nations of
the earth no friends or derenders but ourselves.
We call upon you, therefore, by every consideration
of your own dignity and safety, and in the name of
liberty throughout the world, to complete tbe work of
restoration and peace which the President of the
United States has so well begun, and which tha policy
adopted and the principles asserted by tha present
Congress alone obstruct. The time is close at hand
when members of a new Congress are to be elected.
If that Congress shall perpetrate this policy, sad,, by
excluding loy^d. States and people from representation
in its halls, shall continue the usurpation by which
the legislative powers of the government are now er?
ereised, common prudafice compels us to anticipate
augmented discontent, a sullen withdrawal frore the
duties and obligations qf the Federal Government,
internal dissention, and' a general collision of sen
timents and pretensions which may renew, in a still
tefere fearful shape, the civil war from which we have
just emerged. We call upon you to interpose your
po v-.-r to prevent the recurrence of so transcendent a
calamity. We oaU upon you in tmry Congressional
District of event State to secure the election Qfn\mn-
bers who, whatever other differences may charac
terize their political actV n, will unite in recognizing
the RIGHT OF EVERT STATE OF THU UNION TO
SKVTATION IN CONOBEto and WHO WriJ. ADMIT TO
SEATS IN EITHER BRANCH EVERT LOYAL REPRESENTA
TIVE from evert State in allegiance to the Govern
ment, who may be found by each House, in the exer
cise of the power conferred upon it by the Constitu
tion, to have been duly elected, returned, and quali
fied for a seat therein.
When this shall have been done the Government
will have been restored to ita integrity, the Coointn-
tion of the United States will have been re-established
in its full supremacy, and the American Union wQl
hare again become what it was designed to ho by
those who formed it—a sovereign nation, composed of
separate States, each, like itself, moving in a distinct
and independent sphere, exercising powers defined
and reserved by s common Constitution, and resting
upon tho assent, the confidence and co-operation of
ali the States and all the people subject to ita author
ity. Thus reorganized mod restored to their constitu
tions! relations, the Slat s sod the General Govern
ment can enter in a fraternal spirit, with a common
purpose end a, common interest upon whatever re
forms the secqritv of personal "rights, the enlarge
ment of popular liberty and the perfection of our re-
publican institutions may ‘
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and WARRANTED SUPERIOR to all
others.
LACE AND GAUZE MOSQUITO CANO
PIES, and CANOPY FRAMES.
WAftEROOWIS,
: ' «o t 1m#.
178
n i Street,
Nearly Opposite St. Andrew’s HaU.
LOWPRtSES!
Quick Stiles!
W
»n
AT TH* OLD STAND OF
I'OtSABBT,
Etre.t, r ,., ;
(BppoMte Hasan. We«d, Cornwell A Co.-.)
H AVING raoaatly takaa tha atom No. lfll) Brough,
tan atnat, a«d recatved a
SSLECT ANN KfBNflVB STOCK OF STAPLE
AHBTANCY DMT GOODS,
t reapoctWfif Invite tk. Ladles of Savannah and pnb-
Be tenenayv* eflNnnd sxamlne my stock, which 1
aeWafoCntflrcMy reduced price*.
COHMSTING.OP
Brown and Matched Sheetings and Shirtings,
Print*, Cottonader, Livens, Jena, Ticking.,
•waaln, TaMa Damask, Diaper, crash,
Irish Uapsa aud Corset Jeans,
Figured, striped and plain Brilliants, ,
* isconeta. Chmriei and Nainsooks,
Mall and Dotted Swteaee,
fldtfcd LaceyWaah Blond Alpacas,
FOMBSIVQ PRuDeSy
Mtiriti, ffiwMaaa OfenidlMB,
Crape and crape Morette,
Beregv Lenoea, Percales, Merinoes
Cobhrgt and Mansefe, Maaqnlto Netting*.
Shawls, Yells, Handkercbieia, Collars,
Heatery and Gloves,
.loop ffhtaoaid Comte*
j^yiM igjlaa nf Bn-"— n — Goods very
ft J. BEATTY.
WOODY WOOD!
.Katun> .1120L.I
L kav* ] Wit received and opanpd the LAHGEST
BTOCKor
DRY GOODS
to be found In this city, and which we offer at
LMVSR PBICEB than they can b. - bought for at any
other house, consisting in part of
Every variety of Dress Goods
Housekeeping Goods
Domestics and Prints
Cloths and Caarimcrea
Flgnnd Uaeanwad MBs V
Embroideries site Laces
Hosiery and Glows' -
:B 5pssra&s
• Lace HUH aodWAili
- -- - Trails
mygl-tf
«*,dNw<bo.
EHrSTEM A ECKMAN,
.ill,
GA.
D. J. TRACY 4 GO.,
■—mom to U. 8. Cohen,
mroxnaa ano joaawwor
LADIES' DRB-S TlOMHbff^jjfcNAMENTO. ZE-
PHYB WOHBTEMk A*» RSJUS FANCY
No. 303 Broadway, corner or Duane street,
BUgS-ikno ' New You
GREAT SQUtHERN
AND
Depot forPrmtere’Snpplies
211 Bay Street, ftmub 6a.
PLAINER A BOeWbKTH keep edkutantlyon band
X a taiga steak of Badger, Writing and Wrapping
teoiBiM «aihtea « m oamhoith
” -r. ]KUl
Per cord, felivm*.
_ gAdite
yjl -.jHSMPki. iOOtiM) twwflsrHi b >* .svori*
Inks; Agents
of