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I
OK Tin; U.M1HD
XU i'lli- PEOl'Li
STATES.
\ portion of your fellow citizens,roaidetit in
A (Terri * «lrt'e» nl'llm Onion, ivlin are tiumor-
hum. re*imete!>le nml intelligoul.who like your-
m lvo», ir>* altdi-hrd to th<* principles of free
ouV’i ’irm-- '. uni) ardent It rlovolciJ (o (lie greal
con*' tcTional eharler. which Connor 1 rale* nml
Ul ,|„ IH* i.,mil -win* »*k only an equal parti-
rip-ilioii i n )|,o benefit*. und are reudv In liear
mi » q ia! alinre of Hie bnrtliena of (lie govern-
n „ - -who are willing, moreover, to concede
to i.:>;ers u perfect right to tlm full enjoyment
of whatever they usk for themselves ; su Ii a
portioe of your fellow.nli7.ena, wlioao condi
tion, el ar.iclcr, molivea nniJ views lire thus
faiiufullv clelincHieil, linve deputed u» to re-
preseni them on nn oeenHion deeply interest-
•ciousnees of strength is tire offspring of uni-! to wliicli sooner orlatcr, tins conviction must
,J -and :1ml »or purpose is not the inevitably lead 1 Distinguished as llf. system
leas firm. lie. nose it i- announced to von . is, by every cliarucler.alie which may detin., n
penrcfnlly and in the spirit of conciliation. j tyranny the most odious why should wo, who
A numerou* and respectable portion of ihft i «ro il* victims, not Manu upon its chartered
American people doiim merely complain that (rights ? ,
tin* system is unjust, hut they oueMion the j As men and brethren we appeal to yon then
ri»|,t to establish it. They do not doubt—they i to unite your . (Tons with ours j„ the errec-
ntierly deny—t!m constitutional power of lion of this abuse. A system which is tine-
Congress to enact if. In justice to that body qnal in its operation mid thereforo unjust—
invite vorir candid nltciilion to n hriofcon-1 which is oppressive, hecmise il burthens 'Hie
aidcralion of their views on this subject. The I many for the benefit of the few—grossly, fa
in; in their feeling* ns men, and vnnllv ini- | 'erms it may h
portnnl 10 their interests ns citizens of this grantod pow
gient confederated Republic. i hey have
call* d upon ns to unite our counsels lor the
redress of the grievances under which they
lull ,nr; and hnve enjoined it upon ns ns a duty,
to omit no means for the Hrcoinplialunenl of
tliis object, which may consist wnh our obli
gation* as cinzens, and with their own faithful
m.d ardent devotion lo the bond of our com
mon union. In the performance of a duly
like llus, we cannot ho insensible to the pro
priety of n '• ink and respeeiful communica
tion with our tallow-citizens at large.
We are member* of the same great politi
cal family. Our interests are common, and
mi also me our duties; and it eannol ho that
any portion of our brethren can desiro to with
hold (mill us nor just share of the benefits, or
subject us to an undue proportion of the bur
then*. which flow from the government under
w liicli we live. We have equal coulidnnce in
then justice mid intelligence; and assure our-
Selves llii.t il is only necessary to bring homo
to their understandings the conviction of the
evils under which we sorter, to secure their
ciodl'il cu-opvrnti.Mi in prompt nod cflccin.il
measures lor llieir removal Wo would com
mune with von, then, in the spirit ofthese feel
ings. We must apeak with'rankness. It may
he tli.il our language will borrow strength from
the conviction of our wrongs, hut wo will not
forget the just respect which is duo to tlioso
wlio difler from un in npinum, and cannot he
unmindful of tho affection which wo tienr, mid
which we earnestly desiro to elierisli toward*
our brethren throughout the Union.
The roprcHentuuves of portion* of our fel
low citizens belonging to different states of
this confederacy, have assembled in the city
of Philadelphia, lo consider the grievances
whit lithey snflWunder lliecxi.*tingmriffufdii-
ties,and tn devise,ifhappil v they may do so,some
coiisieutional and peaceful mode of retire*- .
Speaking generally they have come together
os strangers to rnch other, with nil the variety
of opinions on most subjects which springs
from different hub'll* nml pursuits, and is p
hues inovilwlily inoident lo Itu iuiperleeIio.i
our common nature- On one engrossing ques
lion, lliul which conslitn'os the subject of the
address looking as well to its principles a* it*
details, they have found n concurrence of npm
ion; which, ns they bcliuvo.entitle* to u*k lor
that opinion, und for the reasons on which *t
founded, the nllcnlivo anti dispassionate cun-
Std* ration ofilie American peujile
bin ng tho evil* wliicli flow from the tariff
system, as at prosed cstulili.-hcd by law, th
ardent aod determined opposition to that sys
tem wlnrli exists in various parts of the t. T nim
—'In deep and settled disciiiiicnl wliicli I* lei
and lia* been umnifeslcd by u immcroiis, p i-
frimie, and intelligent purtiun of our felloiv-
rii:/. ii*, rniiiiot fill! to aw nkeu llie liveliest so.
liciiudc of every lover of Ins country. I,el it
be re nn inhered tlmt this i* un transient feeling
—the offspring of momentary excitement
one which umy ho expected lo pats away un-
dcr Hie influence of a more calm mid dispas
sionate reflection. No—the system of winch
We complain is not of recent origin, and tin*
fueling of discontent, w hich wus coeval with
its institution, time and experience have nnlv
surved to strengthen and increase, Let those
who sincerely desire to perpetuate the uoliii-
csl blessings which we enjoy, look lo this con
sideration with the attention which it demand*.
Tins is emphatically n government of opinion.
The vigor of the Inw is a moral force. Tho
bond which unites us is tho aen*e of our com
mon interest—the conviction of our equal
rignls—the assurance of our capacity to as
sert, ami flic Iroling that wn actually enjoy
them. 1 nke from any eansiderahlo portion
of Hie American peoplo the consciousness
tlmi they ure in the full possession of their
rights us Irecmen ; substitute for il the spirit
ol discontent, which springs from the convic
tion «f wrong inflicted, not inadvertently, but
with deliberation, which are not temporary,
but enduring; and you array against tho go
vernment a force winch is of like ehnrnctcr
wch that which sustains it—you awaken a
feeling ol resentment, which is goaded into
activity by n sense of oppression, mid embit-
teud by the recollection that it is the Imnd of
a brother which inflicts it. Such is the feel
ing which pervades a numerous and respecta
ble pnriion of the American people. Il cannot
be defied, und may not bo disregaidcd, with
out putting to hazard the safely of tho confe
deracy.
Do yon doubt its existence, iis nature, or
degree I Look to the character ot this aaaem
bly—to the circumstances under which it is
convened. Give your attention to tho history
ol tin past, and be admonished of tho novel
and extraordinary spectacle which is presented
to > *ur view. Do not dose your eyas to the
fad. that thi* assembly is altogether without
parulh I -nice the foundation of the govern-
inent—that we are freemen, and the retire-
Bc.u .tive* offreernen, wli*. speak to you of
Our vvlaivd rights—mat w<- me < o.u fi.nt
Omereni auc di*t»i,t y
(institutional validity or invalidity of an net of
Congress docs not necessarily depend upon
the question whether the judicial department
of the government would aflirm the one or tho
ui her of these propositions It may he that
an act will in it* operation and elfect he sub
versive of ilie principles of iho constitution,
and yet on its face he superior to all just ex-
•option on that ground- Literally nml lu
in execution of nn expressly
-in its operation and elf,-cl it
miiy not only trunscend t'unl power, hut may
directly contravene it. Under the pretence of
pplyuiga revenue, Congress may raise ino-
nov beyond the purpose* to which it can he le-
ilimately applied, or may increase the duties
In an amount which will lie prohibitory of im
portation, and consequently destructive of nil
revenue to he derived from that source. Still
ucli un uct would purpotl to he in Iho execn-
ti *n of the power to lay and collect taxes; and
courts of justice judging of it bv its terms, and
by what is upp ircul on its luce, would not nf-
lirin its invalidity. But the constitution is
equally olihgatoi v on every department of the
government—on tho legislator who enacts, a*
well as on the judge who interprets a law. If
i former slmll so veil his iintawhil purpose
to defend it from the scrutiny of the latter,
is it less a violation of Atsconati'wioual obliga
tion ? If 't !iu such a violation, cun ii ho con-
liliilioiiaily valid ?
If, instead of Ilia absence of any express
grant of power to protect manufacture*, the
constitution had contained nn express clause
of inhibition, nn net of Congress, imposing du
lies beyond the purposes of revenue,nod there
by operating as a bounty to ilm nimmfuclurer.
they insist, he admitted lu he in violation of the
constitution, and yet the repugnance wo ild
not he manifest upon its lace, and would there-
fore etude the judicial power.
A numerous and intelligent portion of the
V.ncricuu people believe that this view is ap
plicable to the tariff of 1S2S. They admit the
power of Congress to lav und collect such du
ties as they may decal necessary for the pur
poses of revenue, and within llieso limit
lo arrange those duties os incidentally, and
to that extrnt, to give protection to the maim
fielurcr The* deny the right to convert what
they denominate the incidental into (lit- prill-
ciunl power, and transcending the limit* of re
venue to impose un additional duty suhslau-
tively and exclusively for the purpose of af
fording that protection. They admit that
Congress mny *-o,interval! tho regulations of a
fj foieigo power which may ho hostile lo nor
commerce, but they deny their authority per-
m iinoitW to prohibit all importation lor die
purpose of securing the home market exclu
sively lo the domestic manufacturer,—and
■ liernhy destroying the commerce they woie
cntnsicd to regulate, ai d festering an inter
est null which they have no constitutional
power to interfere. That portion of our lei
low .citizen* of whom we speak,,do not there
fore hesitate to aflirm, dial if the right to en*
a* I the tariff law of 1828, he referred to the
uutlcirii' io lav and cnlleel duties, See. il is a
palpuMe abuse of the fixing power, which
was conferred for the purpose of revenue ;—
if to the tiilhority to rngulate commerce, it is
is obvious a perversion of that power, since il
n ny lie extended to an niter annihilation of the
ot'jerla which it was intended lo protect.
Waiving, however, this discussion, we eoueur
u the opinion, that if die aggrieved party is
Jcnrivcd ofilie protection which the judicial
department might otherwise afford, it would
strengthen his appeal In Ihc American ppople
to unite with him in corroding Ihc evil by pos
able and constitutional means.
But there is a view of this subject which
may claim the concurrence of all those wlm
are prepared to admit that the tariff i* unequal
in its operation, oppressive nod unjust. I he
Constitution ofthe U. .Stales had its origin in
a spirit of compromise. Its object i* the se
curity of those rights which uro committed to
us protection—its princqde that of nn equal
participation in the benefits mid in the burthens
of the government. A system of taxation
which is unequal in its operation, which op
presses tho many for the benefit of the few, is
therefore unjust, not meroly with reference io
the great and immutable principles of right
which nre applicable to human conduct, hut is
moreover in direct collision with that consti
tutional equality of right, which this iustriitncnl
was thus confessedly intended to sc uie. \
distinguished jurist of Massachusetts, one who
is advantageously known ns such to the peo
ple of the Union. lias said of tl,e system of
which we complain, that it is calculated “ to
destroy many of the great objects li,r which
the constitution of tho United States w as ori-
guiltily formed and adopted.” " hn will af
firm that such ii system can consist with the
spirit ofilie constitution ! Its enactment* inny
be so veiled ns to elude die judicial power,
and may therefore he obligatory upon the oilier
departments of the government—Inn a* be
tween constituent and agent, between the peo
ple and llic;r rulers, the charter will in sin I,
case have been violated, and il will belong lo
them to cnrrcct the evil. Why snonhl we
fear to enunciate this principle t Is it because
of die danger of those inti rests which hate
gr<mn op under die system I A just consider
ation of the suhjoi t will lead to a directly op
posite re,oil. If it he conceded that the sys-
•cm is nppiessive. unequal and unjust, can
•'lose alio pr*)fi c> ,t d<"' ivc tic oiselvee with
. . , ..... 'jin tpe.'.a'i." of ii* wuin.'enrj * I* it l»* «*-,
in demanding their restoration—that a con- j dent lu close their eyes to tho consequences,
lullv unw ise and impolitic, since il is subver
sive of the harmony of the L T nion—which is
in violation of the principles of free govern
ment, and utterly ut variance with the spirit of
justice nod niu'ual concession in which the
constitution was conceived and adopted; such
n system, i! persevered in, must alienate our
affections from each other, engender discon
tents and animosities, and lead inevitably, and
wnh a force which no litmi'in power ran re
sist. to the most aw ful .if all calamities. Wo
entreat those who differ from ns, seriously to
ponder on this view of the subject. We en
treat diem not to misunderstand us. We can
not he deterred from die discharge of nor du
ties to ourselves and our common country, by
the menace of consequences, and we nro equal
ly incapable of using its language to others.
Ii is as men and brothers—in the spirit of af
fection which is still warm and undiminished,
that we would call their attention to those ine
vitable results, which neither they nor we will
have the power to avert.
Examine the subject for a moment in it*
connexion with die principles ofan cnliglcened
political economy, and see if tho considera
tions which nre urged to sustain tins system
arc not fall acinus and delusive. The view
must he necessarily oriel—consisting ol Inn's
und suggestions rather than of an extended ar
gument, or of minutcdotnils ; but our object
will ho ultainrd if these mav serve lo awaken
a spirit of dispassionate inquiry.
We are the advocates of free trade. Tho
argument which siisinins it, rests upon a pro
position whirh max not ho denied. It is the
unquestionable right of every individual to r,p
ply Ins labor and capital in the inode which he
may conceive bnsl calculated to promote his
own interest. It is Iho micros! of the public
that lie should so mplv it. He understands
better than it can he understood by the go
vernmont, wha' will conduce to his own bene
fit; and ainen the majority of individuals will
if proncrly protocled. he disposed to follow
their interest*, suel, an application of their in
dustry und capital rnu*t produce in their re
sult the "rentes' amount of public good. Let
il he remembered, that the question relates ex
clusively to the application of capital. Lean-
not he generated by an act oflegislnlion. I'lio
power of the government is limited to its trans
fer from one employment to another. It take*
front some less favored inlerest, what it be
tows on the one which il professes to protect.
It is equally utilrue (hut such n sy.tein gives
greater i tnploynienl to labor. Its operation it)
fined le *he etniple elmncro of il* nppliea-
tion. Laws wliicli protect by bounty any pc-
uliur species of labor, cannot ho said to en
courage .Imerican industry—that is, directed
o various objects. These laws favor only n
ingle class ; and since the bounty is not aup
plied *>y the government, hut taken from the
pocket of the individual, the protection which
given to ono spur tea of labor, is so given at
llie expense of every other. That rourso of
egislntion, which leaves Americnn capital
and labor to tho unfettered discretion of those
who possess the one and apply the other, can
alone he denominated the “ American Sys
tem.”
Tho interference of Government, with die
right of the individual to apply hi* labor und
capital in socli mode as he in y tlunk most
conducive to ms owu interest, lima necessari
ly operates to dimmish die uggrcpnte amount
of production. In other words, the nmount of
die necessaries and convenient rs of hie which
are enjoyed by the community, is necessarily
diminished. . If all nations then were willing
to adopt the si stem of free trade for which we
contend, which is ncrordaul to (ho spirit of
Christianity, und calculated to unite nations in
liaimouy and ponce, it cannot he doubted that
the interest of each would he promoted. Thu
only question which can be raised on this
part »l' the subject is, whether the adoption of
a restrictive policy hv one or morn nations
makes it the interest of others lo reciprocate
tinuanen of the existing tariff, that its opera-'But such a state of mutual dependance is a
lion had !»-eii m < ffcci u reduction of prices, source of grnmlation inllier than of regret
Those have, in fuel, liille.n since 1916, and since it pue* to each uutinn an increased f*.
our opponent* contend thill dus Inis been tliejcilily for die development of its highest ener-
result of domestic competition. A moment’* gies, enlarges the sum of its enjoyments, and
reflection will demonstrate tho fallacy of this , affords the surest guarantee fur the peace and
assertion. We present a single fact m the harmony nf the world.
outset. The diminution of price has been g«- If tho suggestion be urged in its application
neral, ns well in relation to ariii les w hich are ! to the neccs.-ilies of our country during a state
not protected by the existing tariff of dutie.s, a* j of war, an equally satisfactory answer muy b e
to those which arc. It cannot, therefore,, given. It is unquestionably the duly of every
have arisen from tins cause. Let us remem- government, to ho prepared for those conflict]
her now that tins diminution of price has nc- with other nations, which it is not always pos.
eurred everywhere—abroad ns well ns nt! sible lo nvoid ; hill this is most effectually done
home—and not only in an equal, but, as a lie- | by the unrestricted exertion of it* peaceful e n .
cessary consequence of die turiff, in a greater orgies. In a government constituted as ourj
degree thi-re Ilian here. Among Iho causes | is, and separated ns it is by thn Atlantic from
which luivo produced this result, two promi- j the nations of the old world, it. is reasonable
nenl ones arc presented lo your consideration \ to presume that such conflicts will hn rare.—
—ilie d minished nmount of tho circulating, The intervals of jieaco will probably lie of
medium of the world, mid Ilie astonishing un- • much tlm longest duration, and our system of
provements which have been introduced in the permanent policy should thereforo he rcgula
those restrictions. Tho answer seems lo he
sufficiently obvious und satisfactory. The
proposition which nsscrls die superior advan
tages nf it free trade among ill nations, rests
upon the following pni.iuplc. The universal
freedom of action which it allows, tends moat
thoroughly in devclnpc die moral and physi
cal energies of each nation, and to ntq'le ihom
lo lliose objerw tn which they nre heat adapt
ed. The proposimm must he equally true in
relation to each nation tvhnlover inay he ihc
policy adopted by others. The nation which
rcsoils to a restrictive policy, legislate* to her
own disadvantage lit interfering with tin* na
tural and most protititde employment of capi
tal. To the extent to which she thus exclude*
another notion from in accustomed or Ironi a
desirable market, she occasions, it is true, in
dial nation also a displacement of capital from
its natural channel*. But can the remedy
consist in a retaliatory *•. stem of legislation ?
in a system of furthe 1 restrictions imposed by
the latter nation I If it ho true that a restric
tive system l* injurious to the nation imposing
it, does it cease to hr so in regard to the lat
ter nntinn, because of tho wrong dono by the
former, and because it is also injurious lo sneli
nation t When we apply these view* to the
Com l.nws of Great Britain, considered with
reference to their effect upon u*, is it not then
obvious thai a system of pretended retaliation
which enfetters'tho productive energies of our
own people, whatever may he its effect iqion
dint nntiii. 1 , n*u*t necessarily increase the evil
wn ourselves are destined to sustain ?
It is strongly urged as a motive lo the con-
modes of production. The cost of production
is less ; the comparative value nf money has
liucome greater. Can nre wonder at the re
sult ? Take tho enso of cotton goods—these
hnve fallen in price here since the cnnclmcnt
pf the tariff. But Ihc same thing is true not
only in nn equal, hut in a greater degree,
abroad—und the reason is obvious. The cau
sa* which have produced this result—those
which have been before slated—have else
where. boon loft lo exert their f.ill influence in
effecting fie reduction of price. Here their
operation hus been restrained by the conflict
ing influence of the tnriff. Tho reduction,
therefore, with us, has necessarily slopped at
a point which is ascertained by adding the
amount of duty to the price nf the imported
article. Thus the diminution of price here
hus not been produced by the tariff, lull in de
spite of it—and has been retarded by it. Hut
fortius law, the imported, ivliii h would take
the place of the domestic article, in the eon-
surnuti >ii ofilie country, would hn obtained at
a price greatly below that wliicli we actually
pay, and the difference amounting yearly to
many millions of dollars, would he saved I"
the community. It cannot he doubled llml
the prices of all commodities, the domestic
production of which o forcid by the. imposition
of a duty on aforeign articfmtIf similar descrip
tion, ure raised by the amount of duty neces
sary to effect the exclusion of tho foreign arti
cle, or that this increase of price is paid by the
consumer, and tlm) the loss to tho nation which
led chiefly with u view to this stato of our na.
tionul existence. But the decisive answer to
this suggestion is, that money constitute* the
sinews of war, and that its exigencies ore best
provided for by enriching iho nation in lime of
pence. A system of tree trade will rnninlv
conduce to tins object. Tho resources which
il will furnish will second the services ofihe
neutral trader, und llicsu with our own internal
manufactures, which are already independent
of legislative protection, will amply supply 0 ur
wants in such nn emergency.
It is one and not ihu least of the evils of the
system which wo deprecate, that it lias a ten
dency to demoralize our citizens, lo hahitii* i«
them <o evasions of the laws, and to encourage
the odious and deieslahle prneliro of siii* g.
glmg. It is the effect of the protecting duty
to raise the price of commodities considerably
uhove (lint, at which iliey could be import'd at
a moderate revenue duty. Unless this is so,
it fails to accomplish its destined object, and
is entirely useless. The inei itnblc conse
quence is, the temptation to clandestine im
portation, and iho facilities which nre uffordod
by our widely extended inland and ocean fron
tier. give impunity to the smuggler.
On i!*eseveral i unrests of agriculture, navigiitiun,
coinm* ret', tlm mechanic arts, and even on inauutuc-
lurt'H tlieiuseivcs, this system operates uilli an .i.ju-
rious influence Speaking with leferencc lo that por
tion of agriculture, which is employed in the pir.auc-
lion of articles which must be exported to u fi.o ign
market, il is obvious that any conaidr rable dimiouiioD
of commercial capital, by its Iran Birr lu other employ,
meals, mus! have a tendency to diminish their price.
It is in the southern p irlion of Ilie union that this wilt
be most cxlenaivdy fell. The domestic marl V. will
. ek in
vain for a foreign market, if iho mannfnclurcs of nlh-
cr nations are m c(T cl, and permanently excluded from,
our purls. This s’ ale of things may not ui oaec oc
cur.
The nccessili of having a supply of (tic raw material
for the employment of her nmimfnclot ies, may induce
our great customer lo suhimt for a time, to n nyslem
of purchase instead of exchange; Inn ,lm w i l be urged
by the strongest considerations to sell h at supply
from those who will receive tier inanufncluire in ic-
turn. If this system he rendered permanent, and pti*h.
• d I— llm pr.tltifitl.irv "Vlftnt, lo whial, it mmS inevil.l-
bly tn lend, Ihc Talc ofthe cotton planter ir tli.vif.ue
hs atone nlTerO'd this
is occasioned by this system of protection, is
nearly equal lo such difference of price.
The sue,.cs which ha* attended -ho manu-
laclure ol co tons, is used lo ilhistraiH and on- ~
force number suggestion in favor of iho tariff.
It is said, tiiat by nutans of the protection af
forded by governmont, manufactures nro ena
bled to overcome the difficulties incident to
new enterprises, und that ilns protection is
ultimately repaid to the community, in Iho re
el ced price at winch the article is furnished.
Wo have already shewn that this reduction
ill price in the ear, refer,,.,I in, has not rusuti.
etl from Uic protective system. Let us look, j “j^ab'ly ZdIT N,'
however,.ut this suggestion, apart from that | aysio, „f protection. The farmer ofthe middle at:
consideration. If il he conceded for the pur- I will feel its influence in the increas* of ihe price nl'ij-
pose of the argument, and otilv lor thnl pur- I wc fi as of‘’yen' reticle which tic h *vs;« u
pose, that a manufacture might he established i p^Tedmmk^
by a temporary encouragement from govern-1 •iteration*jiisr •taieil will operate to diminish iUn
menl, which would not otherwise, 4it leasl at; p**°fiia--and »"c benefit* which ihrj enjoy fium hk
that time, come into «ucce*sftil operation, and crca **dinvestment o! conitn! in ihrir virintt v t willtii*
,t , • ... ... * , , i purcliuspd at Hum xpenyuof thoBC interests Ironi wliicli
that the coininurniy might ultimately be rapid that capital has beenirxnalerrcj.
in the manner which is supposed, the follow-1 When rvo diiert uni attention In the influence r.fiho
ing considerations seem decisively lo repel | P'oteeungsyatem nn the navigation oftlin i'..uiiirv,no
the force of that suggestion. The idea „fi giveto lhe a„hj« i .> p.-culmr mtci.si, hy .Ur.l-
. ».•• ii», , ■ lint! on the fact, thm a slim is th© proudest niid inoit
permanent protection ts excluded by the nn- J „„cces,r.il..four manufacture*. Front an cnrlv pmod
lure of the proposition. Tlint which is propn. j ofoiir history down to the preen: hour, we Imv, h.-cn
sod is temporary merely, and the question • conspicuous for °ur skill in ,hin building. Ariv* .. iig
whether it is lobe ultimately repaid lo the i TJ a a f T ""t L*’
.. . v. : * ,i tne mmutem-ss ofoiir iimtdi, rnired it frn.it u me*
community, is of course made to depend on i chanicul, to oncofthc Uncurls. We have applied •■hn
the successful operation of the protected es-! principles of a correct taato to narui architects r, and
tahlislmiont. it is Congress who arc lo deter-1 T'" u '« r "* bro P r '!! lucP ' 1 lhe ^n' 0 masterly red' in
name m advance upon the propriety of putting j ^..“d'^t^$
at hazard Ihc inlcrostH ol Iho community, by J feet fairness nml propriety, pren* ihc inron»ii*iency ot
the forced establishment of the propound man- ! that policy, which seeks Hi© prosperity of man.ifociu.es
manure. The question lo he determined de-! . by l " ,,lin2 1 w, 1 lh !»'»•«»-‘km ■?«*'»»»*«"•
, .ii,. a* . . .. has flourished will, but little md. and m necr?*a,ily
pends* upon the caljolalion ol probabilities to • subject to exclusion fioin tiie jealousy of for#i«n na-
thc correct estimate? ot which, much pruclical«tion*. W’e mitlii connect thm topic with r-ur navy,
information is obviously indiMirmblc. Con- j nnval plory, a.id ilnm unlit" mour bt alf, ihc
slitttted as mat body is, il is difficult to con- “"••W'WeWpatrWw,,. IVe waive these adyan.s-
* . ' viu, mi .» vvir I g*'« t ami wiltniul entering into th lails, cnnlt'ril oilr-
ceive of one les* fitted for such reference. On
the other hand, there is always enough of in-
dividual enterprise, intelligence and capital, lo
lest any experiment which gives a fair promiso
of uliimuie remuneration, notwithstanding it
may he subject lu temporary loss. Left to
individual enterprise, the question would be
decided by those who have every motive and
every means to come to a just conclusion—
while the proposed suggestion would throw
upon Congress those visionary projectors,
who having tailed tn obtain the support of dis
creet und intelligent capitalists, would play
(ho sulo gain, of neeuroig profit, if, by the
rarest accident, profit i-lioulrl arise, and of
throwing (lie loss upon the community, if loss
should ensue.
It is said that a dependaiiec upon otlior na
tions. for those mAiiofartitres which arc essen
tial to our wants, is inconsistent wi n our char
acter ns n na'ion ; and in tins view that the
tariff is essential to naiintml independence
To us tlm term seems to he strangely misap
plied. 11 is agreed tluil u system of free trade
among al: the nations of the wmld, by scaur
mg the n|iplicalion of the highest energies of
piicIi. io those objects which il was hesi qual
ified to produce, would culirge the amount of
production, and increase >lie sum of human
comfort. But such a slate of tilings would,
ar cording to the argument which is urged, he
a stale of universal dependance, and precisely
the same cntisequen< e would lullo v in relation
to iho commercial intercourse of nny givon
tuition with the other nations of the world, to
ihe extent of that intercourse, whether n sys
lent of froe trade or of purlin! n striciious should
prevail. That intercourse consists in Ihc mu
tual interchange of commodities, and il is im-
pnssihl,- to conceive the Uca ofdepend,inee
on Iho '.lie side, wilhmr re 'ognizmg the fact
of a corresponding dependance on thn other.
Iviis with adverting to the positive iluu'i.iiragvinrnis
of.lnp hnildinp,occasioned bi the Tnnfl of tS2S. By
that tariff, iron, le'iiip, duck and cordage, arc subjected
to duties which would be in effect prolubiior}, n these
articles were not of Ihc first necessity, and their.im
portation iiidispoa*ahle. The quantity of Iheae articles
which enter into the construction of a ship, w ith the
labor hesiowr-d onthi nt, consulate onr ha if of its vnluc,
and Ihe duties upon them impose upon a neiv
ship of five hundred tons a dry direct lax little short ol
two thousand dollars, which is paid in silvance. Wo
eav a dry, direct tax, for it ia not, as in cases of consu
mable article*, repaid by Ihe consumer. Neither is
il repaid by the freighter, for Ihc rate offreight depends
on foreign compelition, and the foreign ship, cl' oap,
because unburtlieiied, geitlen the price.
Th« oflWots of the protecting ayatem upon commerce
in genertl, can only he «ati«fnctorily ilium rated by de
tails. H is an important tank, end will be fulli lully
performed by those la whom it ia confided. The dimi
nution of imports—a total or partial scarcity of some
article#—an increase of price to the consumer, a de
pression ofthe mercantile apirit, which, t.nderditierent
circumstance*, would he animated to new enterpriaca,
and the Hub.«equcnt check to our aitmnment of that
height of prosperity,to which the freedom of our inatitu-
Mona L’uidep un, these arnrestdio which cannot be do-
iii**d. That actual misery in nol felt in a young and
fro.? country, where almost every citizen ia, or raaily
cun he, a proprietor, is not an argument to deier us
from the removal of those obstructions to that, asMirrd
and iMoxumpled eoae and comfort of condition, to which
the American citizen aspires and it entitled. If to the
e.ny acquisition of good cheap land, he can likewiio
ado, not i nly the neccaaarira, hut elao the blamehffs
luxuries of Me, why should he be churlishly prevented
hv a sordid and monopolizing eyvtetn, whicu finds en-
joy men t in restriction, and profusil run prohibition ?
Rverv cla-s of manufactures which u not the object
of tlm bounty of this system, as well at Ihe <;>echanic
arts genially, are i-judiciously affected by its opera
tion. >ay, even th ine manufacturera, w hoezpern nce
this protection, nro themselves interested in the r-mo*
val of those restrictions. The enormity of Ihc profits,
in many instance*, combined with the uncertainty of
tneconlinnancc of the system, give to this employment
ilie character of a gambling speculation, ra»h*r
thst of a regular pursuit .»f industry. The high rate
f profits w.iold occasion a rush of capital from o’her
pursuits, snd compciitio « w.»uld speedily redn* - ** *ftem
nlf*»v»*| t if the p'; carious tenure bv which
hev arr : . Id did not rcatrsin the movement. Snell of
thim an .ire adapt wf to thecircumatances ol'lhe cooo*
